Rose Idibia, the mother of veteran singer Innocent, popularly known as 2face, has raised the alarm that Nigerians should help her beg Edo State lawmaker, Natasha Osawuru, to leave her son.

She made the appeal in a video that went viral on Thursday evening.

According to Mrs Idibia, 2face is presently not in his right frame of mind due to the divorce proceedings with his estranged wife, Annie.

“Good evening, Nigerians. My name is Mrs Rose Idibia, the mother of 2face. This message is for Miss Natasha Osawaru of Edo State. I’m calling on all mothers in Nigeria to help me beg her to free my son.

“My son is going through a divorce process, and he is clearly not in his right senses now. I know my son well. That is not him.

“Please Natasha, the beads you put on his hand and on his neck, remove them and free him,” she said.

The PUNCH reports a viral video on Thursday that captured the moment 2face proposed to Osawaru.

In the video, the singer and the lawmaker were seen dancing together to the admiration of some of their friends.

2face later proceeded to present Osawaru with a ring, after which they were locked in a long embrace.

This comes just a day after the musician publicly confirmed his romantic relationship with Osawaru, setting social media abuzz.

The revelation follows his recent separation from his wife, Annie Idibia, with the singer expressing his intention to take things further with Osawaru.

Speculations about their relationship had been growing after 2face was seen at the Edo State Assembly and a video surfaced showing the two together at a Lagos club.

Addressing the rumours, the African Queen crooner took to Instagram on Tuesday to set the record straight.

In the video, he said in part, “Allegedly, I have seen so many things, so many people coming up with their own false narratives and malicious nonsense after I posted that stuff that I posted. Yes, I posted what I posted.

“Hon. Natasha has been dragged, she has been called all sorts of names, she has been labelled as a home breaker.

“She is a young, brilliant, amazing woman, and she had nothing to do with what is happening between me and Annie in our marriage. Yes I love her, she is amazing, she is cool, I want to marry her.”

[Punch]

Nigerian media personality Chinedu Ani Emmanuel, popularly known as Nedu Wazobia, has announced his departure from The Honest Bunch podcast.

His exit follows controversy surrounding a recent episode featuring comedian and reality TV star Deeone, who alleged that social media critic VeryDarkMan (VDM) was attracted to men.

In response, VDM accused Nedu of persistently requesting his appearance on the podcast since 2024 and allegedly offering to buy him a car as an incentive. He further claimed that Nedu had reached out multiple times, suggesting this was the reason behind the allegations made against him by Deeone.

VDM also warned Nedu against further communication through his lawyer, Deji Adeyanju, threatening to expose alleged dealings involving female celebrities if the matter persisted.

In a statement released on Instagram on Friday, Nedu said his decision to step down was influenced by growing scrutiny and accusations, which he described as baseless.

“The past week has brought a lot into perspective for me. Hosting The Honest Bunch Podcast has been an incredible journey—one built on open conversations, bold perspectives, and the willingness to tackle difficult topics. But with that responsibility has come an overwhelming level of scrutiny, antagonism, and unfounded accusations that have now begun to take a personal toll,” he stated.

Nedu added that his exit was necessary for his well-being, family, and the integrity of the podcast, expressing hope that the decision would bring an end to the controversy.

“In light of recent events, I have made the difficult decision to step away from the podcast. This is not a decision I take lightly, but one I believe is necessary—for my peace of mind, for my family, and for the integrity of the show itself. I have always been committed to honest conversations, but when those conversations lead to relentless attacks and misrepresentation, it becomes clear that stepping back is the best path forward.”

“I sincerely hope this decision brings an end to the negativity surrounding my name and allows The Honest Bunch Podcast to continue thriving. I remain committed to fostering dialogue in ways that encourage meaningful engagement and growth, and I look forward to new opportunities that align with that vision.”

“I wish the show continued success and thank everyone who has supported me throughout this journey,” the statement concluded.

[Vanguard]

Kayode Egbetokun, the inspector-general of police (IGP), has asked the senate to conduct the investigation into the missing 3,907 firearms behind “closed doors”.

Egbetokun’s request is contained in a letter read by Senate President Godswill Akpabio on the floor of the red chamber on Thursday.

BACKGROUND

On Tuesday, the senate committee on public accounts queried the Nigeria Police Force (NFP) over the missing firearms.

The 2019 auditor-general of the federation report revealed that some firearms and ammunition were missing from the police armoury.

Egbetokun nominated Suleiman Abdul, an assistant inspector-general (AIG), to respond to the senators’ queries.

However, the explanation offered by the police representative was not satisfactory to the lawmakers.

Abdul had sought an executive session but was rejected by the majority of the committee members.

‘CLOSED DOORS PROBE WILL PREVENT MISINFORMATION’

In the letter, the IGP commended the senate for the investigation but called for a closed-door session in subsequent hearings.

Egbetokun said the probe is a “sensitive security issue,” and discussing it in the open would create a “wrong impression” in the minds of Nigerians and the international community.

“This is crucial to prevent misinformation and ensure national security,” he said.

Emphasising the need for an executive session in subsequent engagements with the police, Egbetokun said, “this will help prevent the spread of misinformation and protect national security interest”.

“It will also allow for more candid discussions and fact-finding,” he said.

Akpabio said the letter “speaks for itself,” adding that the senate would continue with the probe.

Earlier on Thursday, Muyiwa Adejobi, force spokesperson, said some of the ammunition went missing during civil unrest and not during the tenure of Egbetokun.

[TheCable]

In 1992, Kenneth Okonkwo became a household name in Nigeria when he starred in the iconic Nollywood film “Living in Bondage”. His role as Andy Okeke, a man ensnared by the dark grip of ritualistic wealth, mirrored the struggles of many who sought prosperity but found themselves shackled by forces beyond their control. Decades later, Okonkwo found himself caught in another kind of servitude, political bondage within Nigeria’s Labour Party (LP). His recent resignation from the party can be seen as his real-life liberation, echoing his on-screen redemption.

At this juncture, it is reasonable to peep into the original bondage, “Living in Bondage”. The film, Living in Bondage, was a defining moment in Nollywood history, a movie that laid the foundation for the industry’s growth. Okonkwo’s character, Andy Okeke, symbolized the desperation of many Nigerians who, in the quest for success, made perilous sacrifices. Andy’s story was one of entrapment, he was deceived into joining a cult that promised wealth in exchange for an ultimate sacrifice: his wife’s life. The price of his ambition was heavy, and his prosperity turned into torment.

However, the film’s climax offered a path to redemption. Andy, after much suffering, found salvation through divine intervention and the strength to break free from his bondage. This resolution resonated deeply with many Nigerians who saw in Andy’s struggles their own battles against societal pressures and the consequences of morally compromising choices.

Beyond its entertainment value, Living in Bondage served as a cautionary tale, warning against the consequences of unchecked ambition and moral compromise. It remains a reference point in Nigerian pop culture, underscoring how desperation can lead individuals into situations they later regret.

Years after Living in Bondage, Okonkwo made another fateful choice, this time, in the political arena. In the 2023 elections, he aligned himself with Peter Obi’s Labour Party, becoming a vocal advocate for the ‘Obidient’ movement. His eloquence and passion made him one of the most visible spokespersons of the party, and for a while, it seemed he had found a new purpose in fighting for a better Nigeria.

Okonkwo’s move to the Labour Party was seen as a bold statement, especially considering his previous alignment with the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). He positioned himself as a champion of the common man, speaking out against corruption, bad governance, and systemic failures in Nigeria. Many saw his transition as a sign of political rebirth, a man finally aligning with a cause that resonated with his values and those of the Nigerian people.

However, as time passed, Okonkwo’s relationship with the Labour Party soured. The very ideals that attracted him to the movement began to wane as internal party politics took a turn for the worse. Labour Party, once seen as a beacon of hope for change, became embroiled in factional conflicts, corruption allegations, and ideological inconsistencies. Okonkwo, who had once fought against tyranny and oppression in his movie roles, found himself ensnared in a different kind of bondage, political servitude.

His situation mirrored Andy Okeke’s dilemma in Living in Bondage, an initial promise of prosperity and change turning into entrapment. Just as Andy realized that wealth gained through dubious means came with a price, Okonkwo came to see that the Labour Party was not the sanctuary of democratic principles he had hoped for. He became increasingly vocal about his concerns, warning of the dangers of internal discord and the betrayal of the movement’s ideals.

Just days ago, Okonkwo made a bold move, announcing his resignation from the Labour Party. In his statement, he cited a departure from the core principles that initially drew him to the movement. He declared that he was breaking free from the chains of political hypocrisy and manipulation, much like Andy Okeke did in Living in Bondage.

His resignation sent shockwaves through the political landscape, as he had been one of the party’s most ardent defenders. Many wondered if his departure signaled deeper problems within the Labour Party, raising questions about its ability to remain a credible alternative to the dominant political parties in Nigeria. Others saw his exit as an act of courage, a refusal to be complicit in a system that did not align with his values.

Okonkwo’s decision also sparked debate about the nature of Nigerian politics. Is true political freedom even possible in a system rife with corruption, tribalism, and self-interest? His resignation suggests that breaking free from one form of bondage often leads to another set of challenges. It remains to be seen whether he will seek another political platform or chart an entirely new course outside the party system.

Without a doubt, there are lessons from Okonkwo’s Odyssey.  The lessons can be found in his journey from theatric bondage to political bondage and now to self-declared liberation.

One of the several lessons learnt in his odyssey is that power structures are often restrictive. Whether in the world of Living in Bondage or the Nigerian political scene, those seeking power often find themselves entangled in unforeseen constraints. Okonkwo’s experience highlights the difficulty of maintaining independence within established systems.

Secondly, there is the lesson that liberation comes at a cost. In Living in Bondage, Andy Okeke had to endure suffering before finding redemption. In politics, breaking free from an oppressive system often means losing influence and platform. Okonkwo’s resignation from Labour Party is a sacrifice, but perhaps one necessary for his peace of mind.

Against the foregoing backdrop, one can opine that the Nigerian political landscape needs reform. This is as Okonkwo’s disillusionment with Labour Party is emblematic of a broader problem in Nigerian politics, parties that fail to uphold their own ideals. If a movement that prided itself on change and transparency could devolve into infighting and ideological drift, then the nation’s political structure is in dire need of reform.

In fact, Okonkwo’s resignation is a reminder that politicians should not cling to a party out of mere loyalty. When a party deviates from its values, individuals of integrity must make the hard choice to walk away.

At this juncture, the question begging for answer is “What’s next for Okonkwo?” The foregoing queston I no doubt pertinent as he steps away from Labour Party, and is at another crossroads. Will he join another political party, form a new movement, or focus on activism outside of traditional politics? Time will tell, but one thing is clear: he refuses to remain in bondage. His latest decision affirms that personal conviction should not be sacrificed on the altar of political loyalty.

For many Nigerians, Okonkwo’s journey is an allegory of their own struggles, aspiring for something greater but often finding themselves trapped in a system that demands compromise. Whether in politics, business, or personal pursuits, his story serves as a reminder that breaking free from any form of bondage requires courage, self-awareness, and a willingness to start anew.

In the end, just like Andy Okeke, Kenneth Okonkwo has declared, “I am free, I’m no more living in bondage”. 

Being the speech of His Excellency, Senator Kashim Shettima, GCON, Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, at the Dr. Kayode Fayemi Commemorative Symposium and Launch of the Amandla Policy and Leadership Institute, with the theme “Renewing the Pan-African Ideal for the Changing Times: The Policy and Leadership Challenges and Opportunities,” at the Congress Hall, Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, Nigeria, on Thursday, February 6, 2025.

[Protocols]

The world has never suffered from a scarcity of ideas. Nations and civilisations have risen on the strength of visionaries, and they have also crumbled under the weight of ideas left in the dusty cupboard of time. But today, the world as we know it is bowing to a reality in which we cannot afford to be freeloading bystanders. This gathering is an acknowledgment of this dilemma, and I am honoured to join my brother and friend, a scholar-statesman of the finest breed, Dr J. Kayode Fayemi, in his mission to be an intellectual prototype for the continent.

The post-idea world is not a world without ideas—it is a world where the excuse of not knowing has expired. Emerging technologies like the Large Language Models of artificial intelligence and machine learning have shattered traditional barriers to knowledge. The answers to our most complex problems are no longer elusive; they exist at our fingertips, generated in mere seconds. The real question is no longer What should we do?—that has been answered a billion times over. The real question is Who will act? Who will rise above inertia and ensure that our ideas do not remain ink on paper, buried in symposiums and policy documents?

For centuries, Africa was plundered for its resources. For these centuries, we were mostly prophets of lamentation and despair. Today, we face an even worse risk, the risk of being plundered for our potential. This is so because the algorithms shaping global power, the AI rewriting economies, the policies dictating climate futures are being coded in distant capitals while we linger in debates over yesterdays. The post-idea world forgives no such hesitation. It rewards only those quick to translate their ideas into actions or compete with the best ideologues and scientists from other parts of the world.

Dr. Kayode and Mrs. Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi understood this, and that’s why we are here. Amandla Institute for Policy & Leadership Advancement would have been just another think-tank for empty theories and fancy talk shows if it were not the brainchild of minds that have had the privilege of fusing intellectual rigour with actionable courage. Dr. Fayemi’s legacy, from pro-democracy activism to public administration, teaches us that leadership in this era demands more than ideation. It requires the stamina to execute, the grit to dismantle barriers, and the wisdom to see the inventions of the current wave of the Industrial Revolution not as a threat, but as a tool to reclaim Africa’s agency.

It was unsurprising that when the world converged on Davos-Klosters, Switzerland, last month, for the 55th Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum, the focus was on how we could collaborate for the intelligent age. Their 2025 Global Risks Report is a call to each policymaker to pay attention to the gathering storm about to disrupt the fragility of the world, particularly our security, climate, and economic stability. It was not alarmism to point out that Africa has the gloomiest profile. This is because, while terrorism and insurgency destabilise fragile states, global geopolitical tensions are diverting international attention and resources away from our security needs.

The reflection of Africa in the mirror is not one of hopelessness. There are a million and one ideas for every problem we see. We know what to do as climate change threatens our continent, and when extreme weather events like droughts and floods disrupt agriculture and livelihoods. We know the policy choices to prioritise to mitigate our economic instability, driven by inflation and debt crises, and we also know the historical greed and grievances that have brought us to where we are. We also know the devastation of the rise of misinformation and cyber threats, and what would happen if we don’t build public trust and the institutions to convert our hysteria about the digital age into fuel for innovative thinking.

Whatever our differences across the continent, one fact that can’t be eroded by our infighting is that we are in the age of machines, and we can’t fight our development dilemma with spears and arrows while the rest of the world is fighting the same battle with missiles and tanks. The world is not waiting for Africa to catch up. While we parse political rivalries, others parse datasets. While we litigate history, others engineer futures. The train of progress accelerates, yet too many of our leaders cling to old carriages. These are our client-state mentalities, our dependency on foreign blueprints, and our governance by hashtag activism. This is the tragedy of our time.

The founding of Amandla Institute emerges as an antidote to this paralysis. We are here not only to generate more ideas but to create executors. We need leaders who wield policy as a scalpel, not a slogan. We need visionaries who see AI as a collaborator, not a competitor. We need a generation of Africans who recognise that Pan-Africanism, renewed for this age, must be rooted in actionable sovereignty.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the renaissance of this continent will not be gifted. It must be built. For too long, we’ve outsourced our thinking. For too long, we have relied on institutions and ideologies that treat us as consumers, not creators. But the post-idea world dissolves excuses. With the democratisation of knowledge, we must empower our youth to innovate in tech hubs across the continent, from Cairo, down through Nairobi, to Lagos, building unicorns without the permission of any gatekeepers. What they lack is not ideas but ecosystems—systems where policy, funding, and political will converge to scale their genius.

This is where leadership matters. Leaders must evolve from custodians of power to architects of platforms. Our imagination of Africa must be one where every government ministry houses AI strategists, where continental trade policies are drafted by homegrown think tanks like Amandla Institute, not foreign consultants, and where “Made in Africa” signifies not raw materials but algorithms, green tech, and cultural capital.

We are not here to be spectators in the post-idea world. The pace of change will not pause for Africa’s historical grievances or applaud our elegies for lost time. Regret, as the opening stanza warns, writes history in the ink of “what if.” The Amandla Institute must be a furnace where regret is melted into resolve; it must be a place that trains leaders to ask, “What will I break, build, or bet my legacy on today?” And I have no doubt that the founders are prepared for this revolution.

My candid advice for the African youth is that you are the first generation with tools to leapfrog colonial legacies. For those of us privileged to lead you through this interesting time, we must never forget that our legacy can only be sustained by the systems we institutionalise. Africa seeks collaboration, not patronage. This is the vision I expect Amandla to convey to the world. We are not a testing ground for experiments but equals in co-creating solutions.

As we honour the Fayemis, let us channel their restlessness. Let this symposium be remembered not for its eloquence but for its ignition. It’s time for Africa to stop debating ideas and start deploying them. The Amandla Institute must become a command centre for the continent, turning thinkers into doers, policies into progress, and Pan-African ideals into lived realities.

The post-idea world belongs to those who act. Africa must not see prosperity as a gift. It is a prize to be won. And to win, we must embrace the responsibility of leadership—not just in politics, but in policy, in business, in technology, in governance, and in shaping the narratives that define our place in the world.

Thank you.

•Kashim Shettima. GCON, is the vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

ECOWAS is struggling to whip its wayward member States into line, but the list of leaders undermining the principles and objectives of the 15-nation West African regional economic bloc is growing.

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which proclaimed themselves the Alliance of Sahel States, AES, are making every effort to quit, while Guinea, a fourth military-ruled Member State, is enduring a tardy transition programme.

While much attention is focused on these four countries, political tension is building up in at least four other ECOWAS Member States.

In Cote d’Ivoire, the next presidential election is scheduled for October this year but as happened in the run-up to the last election in 2020, there is so much uncertainty in the air. Sitting President Alassane Ouattara, 83, says he would like to continue serving his country as president, although his party has not yet decided its candidate.

With tenure elongation as a political tinderbox, Ouattara had previously said he would like to step down to give the young ones a chance but only if his old rivals would quit politics too.

If he runs in October, opponents and critics would consider it Ouattara’s fourth term bid in the ECOWAS region where third-term syndrome is a major source of political instability.

The Gambia is another ticking bomb, linked with the political ambition of President Adama Borrow, who appears laser-focused on the 2026 presidential election.

ECOWAS had to mobilise human and material resources including military assets to end the 22-year brutal dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh in January 2017 in the Gambia.

But instead of concentrating on governance or real change, President Barrow, who was inaugurated as Jammeh’s successor in Senegal because of instability in the Gambia, is still operating the same 1997 Jammeh era Constitution and pressuring ECOWAS to endorse his establishment of a Special Tribunal to try crimes committed under the Jammeh dictatorship after co-opting some of the old regime prominent figures to win re-election.

Barrow set up a Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) in 2017, which submitted a draft Constitution to him in September 2020. His government, however, jettisoned that draft document produced at great financial cost, to concentrate on his re-election in 2021.

A 2024 draft Constitution, which his opponents call the “Barrow Draft Constitution” was only presented to the Gambian Parliament in December 2024. It is expected to pass through a national referendum before another presidential election in 2026, and Barrow has already declared he would run.

This month (February 2025) is critical in the political history of two other ECOWAS member States - Guinea Bissau and Togo.
While the world's attention is focused elsewhere, Togo will hold a dubious Senatorial election on 15 February 2025.

The President of the Independent National Electoral Commission, CENI, had extended the date for the submission of candidates to 7 January 2025, in line with a government decree dated 26 December 2024, which set the senatorial elections for February 15, 2025.

Analysts have dubbed the vote Perpetuating Gnassingbé Dynasty 2025 Elections a reference to President Faure Gnassingbé’s succession of his father Gnassingbé Eyadema in 2005.

In March 2024, Togo’s parliament dominated by Faure’s ruling UNIR party, voted 87-0 to adopt a constitutional change decreed by the President that eliminates citizens’ right to vote directly for the country’s leader.

That change to a parliamentary system of government, in violation of ECOWAS protocols, also established a new powerful executive President of the Council of Ministers (PCM), to be elected by members of Parliament, and will function as a prime minister with sweeping powers.

Since the political party or coalition with the most seats in Parliament will produce the PCM, Faure is guaranteed that role going by the results of the sham legislative elections hurriedly held in April 2024 after the controversial constitutional review that gave the UNIR 108 of the 113 Parliamentary seats.

The February 15 Senatorial elections will create a new upper chamber of Togo’s legislature, with 75% of the seats elected by local authority representatives and the remainder appointed directly by the PCM.

In addition, the PCM will serve a six-year term, against the five years of the current presidency, and is renewable indefinitely.

These changes are against the spirit and letters of the ECOWAS protocols and instruments, but the Faure regime has gone unchallenged.

Little wonder Togo’s Foreign Minister Robert Dussey recently declared that his country could join the AES countries, even though President Gnassingbé, is one of the leaders mandated by ECOWAS to negotiate rapprochement with the alliance States. The suggestion could be a ploy to pre-empt any move by ECOWAS to chastise the Lome government.

As if these were not enough troubles, the President of Guinea Bissau Umaro Embalo has complicated matters for the regional organisation.

Embalo’s presidential mandate expires on 27 February 2025, but only a miracle can stop him from continuing in office beyond that date, since he has dissolved the country’s parliament for more than a year now, with the electoral commission and the Supreme Court also in comatose.

Like Faure, Embalo’s moves have also gone unchallenged by other ECOWAS leaders.

ECOWAS leaders, who undermine the organisation’s objectives and regional integration agenda without consequence are emboldened by their colleagues who fail to call them out.

This has been on for over a decade in the organisation which marks its 50th anniversary in May this year.

Given its achievements as a foremost Regional Economic Community in Africa, the authoritarian tendencies and disregard for rules by the ECOWAS black sheep, have caused more than enough damage to demand introspection and reflection on the consequences/implications of a West Africa without ECOWAS as a stabilising force.

How can the “ECOWAS of States” be transformed into an “ECOWAS of People”?

Ghana’s new President John Mahama has started well by naming a Special Envoy to the AES countries. His initiative should fit into an integrated ECOWAS effort to arrest the drift.

The Faure Gnassingbe-Senegalese President Diomaye Faye pair as ECOWAS mediators with the AES countries is not working and should be reviewed for effective results.

Before convening another emergency summit, the ongoing African Union Summit in Addis Ababa presents a cost-effective opportunity for ECOWAS leaders to put heads together on the sidelines of the continental gathering to discuss the region’s myriad security, economic and governance challenges.

The re-election of Nigeria’s Ambassador Bankole Adeoye as the AU Commissioner of Political Affairs, Peace and Security and the election of Ghana’s Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah as Commissioner of Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social Development, (both from West Africa), is another good development that ECOWAS can leverage on.

Also, citizens and civil society organisations in the ECOWAS region should live up to their fundamental civic responsibilities by holding rulers/leaders to account.

The axiom that power belongs to the people is not an alien concept.

For instance, without the use of kinetics or military incursion, the people of Burkina Faso ousted President Blaise Compaoré and forced him into exile in 2014.

Recently the electorates in Liberia, Senegal and Ghana also changed the governments of their countries through the ballot box and by protecting their votes.

Voters who sell their votes, or vote along primordial ethnic, tribal or religious lines, and citizens who fail to participate in politics, expecting others to pick their chestnuts from the fire only have themselves to blame.
Every country deserves the type of government it deserves.

Citizens are indispensable repositories of power in political governance. If ECOWAS leaders want ECOWAS and their countries to work, they can do so. Every country gets the type of government or leaders it deserves.

Lastly, while ECOWAS must intentionally tackle its existential challenges, the AES junta leaders should not create the impression that ECOWAS is responsible for the leadership, security and colonial problems in their countries.

Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security, and Governance Communications

Speaking with journalists at Abuja about those blaming Dr Umar Ganduje, Chairman of APC for saying that there is no vacancy at Aso Villa, Mr Osita Okechukwu, said the blame should go to His Excellency, Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts in the PDP who erroneously breached the rotation convention which governs the 4th Republic Nigeria.

Okechukwu maintained that the erroneous breach of the rotation convention had divided the PDP irretrievably; albeit produced Wike Masquerade which cannot be easily wipe lashed off the party’s bone marrow.

He said that it will be difficult for the PDP to play the robust role as foremost opposition party in the near future and will not succumb to second role in a merger like the defunct ACN, because of the greed of their leaders, which confirms the ancient maxim divided will fall.
“The erroneous breach of the rotation convention, a ligament holding our fledgling democracy together in the 2023 presidential election is the PD’s biggest miscalculation.
The rotation fire is raging and may not be quenched before 2027. The ugly outcome scenario sounds like the local clincher of the advisory song of the birds to the Reverend Father during Mass, that the big men seated in the altar front row are all the same character.” Okechukwu submitted.

When reminded that those who are opposed to President Tinubu’s second term is because of the economic hardship in the country?
In his response Okechukwu retorted that the economic hardship is going to ease before the 2027 presidential election, because some of Mr President’s economic policies will start bearing positive fruits and he has prepared grounds for Foreign Direct Investments.
“The truism is that President Tinubu has done well diplomatically; he is friend of the West and friend of the East. This means that he has the support of the international community to cushion the rough economic edges with Foreign Direct Investments and loan backed protects.” Okechukwu submitted.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has clarified the newly reviewed N100 charge on withdrawals at another bank’s ATM (Not-On-Us Transactions), stating that the fee applies whether or not the withdrawal amount is up to N20,000.

In a Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) document on the review of ATM transaction fees seen by Nairametrics, the CBN explained that the reason for applying the fee for every N20,000 withdrawal is to prevent customers from being compelled to break their withdrawals into smaller amounts.

“Yes, the fee of N100 will apply if you withdraw less than N20,000 from another bank (a bank other than the one that issued your payment card). The reason for applying the fee for every N20,000 withdrawal is to prevent customers from being compelled to break their withdrawals to less than N20,000 per transaction.   

“In other words, ATM transactions will incur a base fee of N100 per transaction. It is also important to note that a tiered fee structure will apply for transactions exceeding N20,000, with an additional N100 charged for each subsequent withdrawal of N20,000 or portion thereof,” the document explains.

Sanctions await offenders 

The CBN emphasized that banks are required to allow customers to withdraw up to N20,000 per transaction. “Any bank that compels a customer with sufficient funds in her account to withdraw less than N20,000 per transaction against the customer’s desire for a higher sum would be contravening this regulation’s spirit and sanctioned appropriately,” the CBN warned.

• The apex bank also encouraged consumers who are denied the right to withdraw up to N20,000 per transaction to file a complaint with the CBN via cpd@cbn.gov.ng.
• The CBN also provided an explanation of the difference between on-site and off-site ATMs: on-site ATMs are located within or directly affiliated with a bank branch, while off-site ATMs are found in locations such as shopping malls, fuel stations, or other public areas.
• The CBN noted that banks and other financial institutions are not allowed to charge more than the N500 per N20,000 surcharge for an off-site ATM withdrawal prescribed in the earlier circular. These fees will be displayed at the point of withdrawal, allowing customers to make informed decisions before proceeding with the transaction.

For withdrawals outside Nigeria, the CBN stated that banks will apply a cost recovery fee, meaning the exact charge imposed by the international ATM acquirer will be passed on to the customer.

What you should know 

Nairametrics reported on Wednesday that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has announced a major revision to its Automated Teller Machine (ATM) transaction fees, effectively eliminating the three free monthly withdrawals previously granted to customers using other banks’ ATMs.

• This directive, outlined in a circular dated February 10, 2025, applies to all banks and financial institutions operating in Nigeria and is set to take effect from March 1, 2025.
• The circular was signed by John S. Onojah, Acting Director of the Financial Policy and Regulation Department, and released on the apex bank’s website on Tuesday.

According to the circular, the CBN has reviewed the ATM transaction fees stipulated under Section 10.7 of the CBN Guide to Charges by Banks, Other Financial and Non-Bank Financial Institutions (2020).

[Nairametrics]

[p

For months now, Nigerians have been groaning under the weight of relentless price hikes across essential services. From electricity tariffs to DSTV subscription fees, and now the looming 50% increase in telecom tariffs, the average citizen is being stretched beyond breaking point. This is happening in a country where fuel prices have skyrocketed due to subsidy removal, leading to increased transportation costs, which in turn have worsened food inflation. The question on everyone’s lips is: How much more can Nigerians endure?

The telecommunications industry is the latest in line to propose an upward review of service charges, citing inflation, forex scarcity, and rising operational costs. While these justifications may hold some validity, the average Nigerian consumer is not enjoying improved service quality in proportion to these increases. Call drops, network disruptions, slow internet speeds, and exorbitant data depletion remain persistent complaints among telecom users.

Similarly, the electricity sector has continued to frustrate consumers. Tariffs have increased multiple times in the past few years, yet power supply remains erratic at best. Nigerians are paying more for less, often resorting to expensive alternatives like generators to compensate for the failing grid. The recent announcement that power distribution companies (DisCos) might increase tariffs again, despite the existing inefficiencies, is a slap in the face of millions of Nigerians already grappling with economic hardship.

The same goes for pay-TV services like DSTV, which have revised their pricing structure upwards multiple times. Customers are now paying more, yet there is no significant improvement in programming, customer service, or access to local content. Instead, arbitrary increases are implemented with little to no consultation with consumers.

Unarguably due to the pressure resulting from unprecedented price increases across sectors, Nigerians from different walks of life have expressed their frustration over these incessant increases.

Chidi Okeke, a Lagos-based entrepreneur, lamented: “I run a small business and depend heavily on mobile data for transactions. With this new proposed telecom tariff hike, I honestly don’t know how I will cope. The internet service is already poor, and now they want to make it more expensive? It’s unfair.”

Aisha Bello, a secondary school teacher in Lagos, said: “The electricity bill in my area has doubled, yet we hardly get power supply. Most times, I spend extra money to fuel my generator. How does the government expect us to survive? It’s getting unbearable.”

Mrs. Funmi Adebayo, a retiree, also in Lagos, shared her struggles: “I am on a fixed pension, and every month, I have to choose between paying my DSTV subscription or buying enough food for the house. The government and service providers should be considerate. People are really suffering.”

Similarly, Sunday Eze, a commercial driver in Enugu who spoke with this writer on phone few days ago, noted: “Since fuel subsidy was removed, transport fares have increased drastically. Now food is more expensive, DSTV is more expensive, and even making a simple phone call might become costlier. What kind of life is this?”

In fact, there is no denying the fact that the domino effect on cost of living resulting from fuel price increase by each passing day is becoming unbearable, and killing, so to say.

The removal of fuel subsidies, though a long-debated policy, has had far-reaching consequences beyond just transportation costs. Food prices have surged uncontrollably, as farmers and traders struggle to cope with increased logistics expenses. Commuters spend more on daily transportation, making life even more unbearable for minimum-wage earners. Small and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) that rely on fuel for operations have had to transfer costs to consumers, leading to a general increase in the cost of goods and services.

The reality is that Nigerians are being squeezed from all directions. A country already dealing with high unemployment, unstable incomes, and growing insecurity should not be subject to continuous financial strain without a corresponding increase in service efficiency and quality.

In fact, beyond price increases, there is an urgent need for performance-driven pricing. While businesses must remain profitable, increasing tariffs should not be the default solution. The real issue is that many service providers operate inefficiently, passing their inefficiencies onto customers rather than addressing them internally. Before contemplating price hikes, service providers should meet certain key performance indicators (KPIs) to justify additional costs.

In the telecom sector, network operators should focus on improving connectivity, reducing call drop rates, and enhancing data efficiency. Nigerians should not be subjected to high rates while experiencing slow internet speeds and unresponsive customer service.

In the electricity sector, the power sector should be held accountable for its service delivery. DisCos should fix transmission issues, minimize technical losses, and ensure stable supply before introducing another tariff hike. The federal government must also ensure metering is widespread so that consumers are not extorted through estimated billing.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is not a misnomer to suggest that Pay-TV Service providers, such as DSTV and other digital television service providers should revise their pricing strategies to accommodate the economic realities of their subscribers. Options like pay-as-you-go billing should be introduced rather than locking customers into rigid monthly subscriptions.

Concerning fuel and energy sector, the government and regulatory agencies should prioritize alternative energy investments, such as solar and gas-powered solutions, to reduce dependency on petrol and diesel. By doing so, businesses and individuals can find cost-effective alternatives instead of bearing the full brunt of fluctuating fuel prices.

One of the major gaps in Nigeria’s economic framework is weak consumer protection. Regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) need to be more proactive in ensuring that price hikes are justified and that consumers receive value for money.

Policymakers must also prioritize economic relief measures. Beyond palliatives, there should be deliberate efforts to stabilize the economy, control inflation, and create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive without shifting all operational burdens to consumers.

Without much ado, Nigerians deserve better. The frustration among Nigerians is understandable. It is not just about tariff increments but the lack of accountability and empathy from service providers. The Nigerian consumer deserves better. If prices must go up, services must significantly improve. Government agencies and regulatory bodies must do more than approve hikes; they must enforce quality assurance.

Nigerians have shown remarkable resilience over the years, but resilience should not be mistaken for endurance of perpetual suffering. It is time for businesses and policymakers to rethink their approach. Tariffs can increase if necessary, but they must come with commensurate improvements in service delivery. Anything less is daylight robbery.