When I first voted in an election in Nigeria in 1983, the Internet was just newly born. It had not even been properly named. 

Forty years later when I voted for the fifth time, my daughter who attained voting age only 13 years ago and has since voted only once, as far as I know, was telling me from thousands of miles away, where she now lives with her family, how she thought I should have voted and for who. I laughed.

This was by no means a unique experience. A very close friend and managing director of one of Nigeria’s leading media houses told me at the height of the 2023 elections that the politics of who to vote for and why so polarised his home that he had to convene a family meeting where it was decided that all political talk was off limits until after the elections.

As a teenager in 1977 when I joined my parents to the airport to see off my aunt to the UK, there were roughly 120k phone lines in Nigeria. And such luxury well beyond a kid like me from a poor family severely limited not just what I could say to my aunt for many years, but also the speed and frequency.

 Today, it’s a different world!

A new book by Niyi P. Ibietan, the fruit of his doctoral research, and entitled, Cyber Politics: Social Media, Social Demography and Voting Behaviour in Nigeria, deals with this fraught, long-standing debate.

Seventy-five years ago, or so, when Paul Lazarsfeld and others took this question to the streets of North Carolina after the US Presidential election to ascertain what influences voter behaviour in what is now famously called the Columbian studies, the researchers concluded that media and campaigns have minimal effects on voters. 

Or to adapt Bernard Cohen’s famous phrase, the press was increasingly vital in awareness and relevance, but not necessarily in voter behaviour and attitude.

Before Lazarsfeld and others conducted the Columbian studies, contributions from social psychology in the 1930s, especially following the impact of Hollywood which was then on the rise, and Hitler’s exceptional propaganda in the War, had created the impression that people were like “sitting ducks” for information, or what in technical jargon was the “Hypodermic Needle” theory. 

The social context for it in Europe at the time was that it was unlikely for Hitler, especially, to have succeeded, if individuals had not become isolated, atomised and left completely vulnerable to the “bullet” of propaganda.

By the time Marshall McLuhan wrote the Gutenberg Galaxy (1962), expressing the view that instantaneous communication would undermine geographically based power imbalances, the world had almost gone full circle from Laswell to Lazarsfeld, Melvin DeFleur and other scholars whose studies showed that social factors also play a role in mediating information.

So, what is the point of Ibietan’s Cyber Politics? 

He not only examines earlier studies on the impact of social factors, including peer, opinion leader and family influences on voter behaviour, he also sets out the broad objectives of the book, raising issues that are both specific and contemporaneous in value.

In other words, instead of leaving the reader wondering what happened on the streets of North Carolina in Lazarsfeld’s studies decades ago and how that affects him in Gwagwalada, Abuja, Cyber Politics uses Nigeria’s 2015 general elections as anchor. 

It explores, among other things, the question of whether political conversations amongst Nigeria’s estimated 33 million active social media users, especially the influencers as of 2021 had any significant impact on the outcome of the 2015 election. 

Interestingly, the winner of that election, President Muhammadu Buhari, thought social media helped him win. Did it, really? And could it mean that President Goodluck Jonathan who in 2011 actually announced his intention to run for president on Facebook, lost momentum four years later in that space? Or were there other factors for Buhari’s victory?

What commends Cyber Politics, is its laser-beam focus on the role of three pre-selected social media platforms – Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp – on voter behaviour especially in the election under reference. 

Whatever anyone says, I suspect politicians believe that social media works. Whether it counts at the ballot is another matter – and of course, the subject of this book. 

What do I mean? When it became obvious during the 2023 general elections that political ads were not coming to LEADERSHIP as projected, for example, I called folks in the campaign of one of the major parties to ask why. “Well, sorry,” one of the seasoned media guys on the campaign told me. “We’re doing more on social media now.”

I was scandalised that folks who had built their careers in the mainstream and whom we were banking on would leave us high and dry! But I understood, even if I did so with a heavy heart! Why? A BBC online report  said, “Politicians are investing heavily in the use of websites, blogs, podcasts and social networking websites like Facebook and Twitter as a way of reaching voters.”

“During the 2019 election campaign,” the BBC report continued, “the Conservatives spent one million pounds on Facebook alone, at a point, running 2,500 adverts.”

  As of the time of writing, my anecdotal research in the mass communication curriculum of the University of Lagos; Ahmadu Bello University; and the University of Nigeria, turned up virtually no current locally authored full-length texts in cyber politics. 

In light of the exponential growth in social media adoption and use in the last few years, two election cycles after 2015, COVID-19 and #Endsars, students, researchers and scholars would find Cyber Politics a valuable resource material.

As a journalist, for example, shouldn’t I be concerned about the emergence of social media as the “Fifth Estate of the Realm”, a prospect that the author raised in his book?

Would this new estate, in which users are both producers and consumers of information, displace the Fourth Estate, especially if as Time Magazine said in its February 5, 2009 edition, journalism was already in its death throes? 

Well, it’s nearly a decade and a half since, and we have seen that the death of journalism was perhaps slightly exaggerated. Convergence has also taught us that it is possible for the Fourth – and perhaps the Fifth – Estates not only to coexist, but also to be mutually reinforcing. 

Cyber Politics helps the voter ponder if the social networks they belong to or the influencers they follow have any potential effects on their political behaviour either in terms of mobilisation or their actual voting decisions. Sometimes we think we’re our own man, until we realise like Pavlov’s dog, that someone somewhere might be pulling the strings. 

The author makes the important point that “social” did not start with the Internet – after all man is a ‘social’ animal. What the Internet or technology has done, however, is to put a seal on our global village.

But is it true that social media influencers are “motivated to undertake organised campaigns during the election using their platforms, largely due to the need to bring about a better social order?” It does appear to me (and perhaps this was unique to the 2023 elections) that social media influencers were just a force for good as they were a force for mayhem. 

The sludge of fake news sometimes unleashed by so-called influencers, not to mention toxicity of the avatars in that space who often insisted it was either their way or the highway, left people like me bereft and alienated. 

What about the adverse role of Big Tech in privacy breaches and data manipulation – I’m speaking of course about Meta’s $725 million settlement over the Cambridge Analytica scandal and Elon Musk’s $44 billion Twitter adventure! Were these also motivated by a desire to do good? It would be interesting to see how Cyber Politics 2.0 or any other research into the 2023 election explores these episodes.

Yet, whatever Cyber Politics or any other text on voter behaviour may say to politicians, our politicians, while they may keep one eye on social media they will, as Joseph Stalin famously said, keep the other eye on “the people who count the vote!”

Politicians can also not be too far from the millions of voters in remote villages and influencers currently out of the social media loop, who still speak in tongues other than clicks and bytes. 

Yet, even that landscape is changing slowly. What Ibietan does in his book is to help us understand, and perhaps, better navigate an evolving social space where a simple networked device is fundamentally affecting our shared values and interests.

Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, is set to submit the list of his commissioner nominees for second term to the state House of Assembly within the 60-day constitutional requirement.

The Fifth Alteration (No.23) which amended the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 requires the President and Governors to submit the names of persons nominated as Ministers or Commissioners within 60 days after taking oath of office for confirmation by the Senate or State House of Assembly; and for related matters

Sanwo-Olu who dissolved his cabinet on May 26, was sworn-in for a second term on May 29.

And eight weeks running, he is yet to submit his Commissioner nominees to the state House of Assembly for confirmation.

Today makes it 58 days since the governor took oath of office, which means he has just two days left to meet up with the 60-day constitutional requirement.

But speaking in response to the delay, the Chief Press Secretary to the governor, Gboyega Akosile, told THE WHISTLER that Sanwo-Olu will beat the 60-day constitutional requirement.

“He’s going to meet up with the constitutional requirement of 60 days,” Akosile said.

The governor has been criticized for the delay in forming cabinet. THE WHISTLER recalls that a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, early this month, in a statement titled ‘Lagos Without a Cabinet’, had accused him of running a one-man show.

Adegboruwa had said that the state fund was being spent daily without commissioners and without an Executive Council duly constituted by the governor.

The senior lawyer noted that a state as cosmopolitan and complex as Lagos deserves a functional cabinet.

“Presently, Lagos State is operating without an Executive Council in place. The House of Assembly has since been inaugurated and its officers duly elected.

“Money is being spent daily without Commissioners and without an Executive Council duly constituted.

“His Excellency, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu is on the saddle for his second term in office, so he is not new. Dr. Alex Otti, who is a first-term governor, has since constituted his cabinet, so too Mr. Ademola Adeleke of Osun State.

“Governor Sanwo-Olu was sworn in for a second term in office on May 29, 2023. It is now well over one month and he seems to be running a one-man show. So too, the governors of Oyo and Ogun states, who are also on their second terms in office,” Adegboruwa had said.

“I, therefore, urge the governor to promptly constitute his cabinet without further delay so Lagos will not be on autopilot,” he added.

With 48 hours left, Sanwo-Olu is expected to submit the list of his Commissioner nominees between today and Friday.

An aide to the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, Jackson Akpabio, has stated that President Bola Tinubu’s definitive ministerial list will be released today.

In a plea to curb speculation among Nigerians, Akpabio urged the public to await the announcement of the nominees.

Speaking with Punch, he said, “I saw the list too just like every other person did, let’s wait till tomorrow (today). Don’t speculate, tomorrow (today), you’ll see the list.”

Rumours were swirling regarding the early departure of both the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and the Deputy Senate President, Jibrin Barau, from the Senate building on Wednesday.

However, Jackson clarified that Akpabio remained within the National Assembly complex to inspect a building site.

He stated, “The Senate president’s outing this evening has nothing to do with the ministerial list, he went to inspect a church site within the complex.”

Today, the Senate is expected to reveal the list of ministers during its plenary, which is the constitutional deadline for the nomination. This will conclude the tense wait for the ministerial nominees.

A list of ministers that emerged on social media on Wednesday has caused confusion nationwide.

There has been widespread unease over the delay in the announcement of the ministerial list by President Bola Tinubu.

Many Nigerians have voiced concerns about the delayed formation of the president’s cabinet, particularly considering Tinubu’s promise of an immediate start.

In a statement on March 16, Tinubu committed to establishing a “government of national competence.”

The Fifth Amendment to the 1999 Constitution mandates the president to submit the names of their ministerial nominees for Senate confirmation within 60 days of their oath of office.

Having been sworn in as president on May 29, Tinubu is obligated by law to submit his ministerial list to the Senate by July 28 (today).

The constitution further requires the president to appoint at least one minister from each of the 36 states of the federation.

Over the past weeks, there has been speculation about those who will appear on the ministerial list, with various names emerging on social media.

A disputed list that circulated on Wednesday included the names of notable politicians such as former governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike; Sen. Aishatu Dahiru popularly known as Binani (Adamawa State); Sen. Andy Uba (Anambra); Alhaji Isa Yuguda (Bauchi State); Sen. Abubakar Kyari (Borno State) and former Cross River governor Sen. Ben Ayade.

Other names on the controversial list are Peter Godsday Orubebe (Delta State); Dayo Adeyeye (Ekiti State); Ifeanyi Ugwanyi (Enugu State) Sen. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Kano State); Atiku Bagudu (Kebbi State); James Faleke (Kogi State); Gbemisola Saraki (Kwara State); Sen. Tanko Almakura (Nasarawa State).

Also on the list are former Speaker, of the House of Representatives, Oladimeji Bankole (Ogun State); ex-Osun Governor Gboyega Oyetola and former Plateau State governor, Simon Lalong.

The Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led federal government has stated that the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) cannot embark on a nationwide strike over the hike in the price of petrol and the high cost of living in the country.

Recall that the NLC had issued a seven-day ultimatum to the federal government to reverse all “anti-poor” and “insensitive” policies or face industrial action on August 7th.

According to the union, the anti-people policies include the recent hike in the price of petrol, and the sudden increase in public school fees, among others.

But in a statement, B.E Jedy-Agba, the permanent secretary at the ministry of justice, said an order of the national industrial court has restrained the union from embarking on any strike regarding the removal of petrol subsidy.

Jedy-Agba recalled that the industrial court had on June 5 granted an injunctive order restraining the NLC and Trade Union Congress (TUC) “from embarking on the planned industrial action/or strike of any nature, pending the hearing and determination of the pending motion on notice”.

She stated that rather than undermining the orders of the court, the union can explore other means of negotiations with the federal government.

The statement reads: “It is noted that the issues (removal of fuel subsidy, hike in prices of petrol and consequential increase in the cost of living, etc) which precipitated the above court action are the very same issues over which NLC has now issued another strike notice.

“The NLC has submitted to the jurisdiction of the court and is being represented by the reputable law firm of Femi Falana, SAN. It is therefore our minimum expectation that the NLC will allow the courts to perform their constitutional roles rather than resorting to self-help and undermining the orders of the court.

“We note with dismay that this latest strike notice is consistent with the inexplicable disdain which the NLC leadership has visited on the authority of the court in recent times following earlier inciting and derogatory remarks made by the NLC president against the court.

“Aside from the above legal inhibition against any strike action of any nature, we also note that both the federal and state governments are engaging with stakeholders to cushion the collateral effect of the removal of fuel subsidy and increment in fuel price.

“It would be a great act of service to Nigerian workers and the nation’s economy for NLC to explore negotiations rather than embark on any strike action.”

The much anticipated ministerial nominees list of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will have the names of former Kaduna State Governor Nasiru El-Rufai, his Rivers State counterpart Nyesom Wike and eminent medical scholar Ali Pate.

A Senate source revealed that President Tinubu finally sent the list to Senate President Godswill Akpabio this morning, in line with the constitutional provision that the list should get to the National Assembly within 60 days after the presidential inauguration.

The deadline expires this weekend.

The list, which is a blend of politicians and technocrats, includes legal luminary Lateef Fagbemi (SAN); an economist Olawale Edun; banker Adebayo Adelabu, former Osun State Governor Adegboyega Oyetola, All Progressives Congress (APC) Women Leader Betta Edu, Senator Ben Ayade and Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Media, Strategy and Special Duties, Dele Alake.

Speaking to The Nation, the source, who could not also confirm the number of nominees, said the list reflected the national character and outlook of the President and the ruling party.

According to the source, the screening of nominees is likely to be held next week.

A source said Pate, a Harvard professor of medicine and former Minister of State (Health) in the defunct Jonathan Administration, is likely to hold the Health portfolio.

El-Rufai, a former Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), headed the APC Panel on Restructuring. According to the source, he may be assigned to the Power Ministry.

Fagbemi, who hails from Ijagbo, Kwara State, is set to be appointed Minister of Justice and Attorney-general of the Federation.

Edun, one-time Lagos Finance Commissioner, is Special Adviser to the President on Monetary Policy.

Oyetola, a financial expert, was governor of Osun State between 2018 and 2022.

The APC Women Leader, Dr. Edu, is a former Health Commissioner in Cross Rivers State.

The nominee from Oyo State, Adelabu, retired as Central Bank Deputy Governor. In the last general election, he contested for governor on the platform of the Accord Party.

The Chairmen of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from the seven states of the Northwest have endorsed the aspiration of the former Governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Ganduje, to be the National Chairman of the party.

The party Chairmen, who met in Kaduna, made their position known in a a communique to newsmen on Wednesday.

They stated that Ganduje had contributed immensely to the success and development of the APC ,which informed their decision to endorse him for the leadership of the party.

The APC chairmen noted that Ganduje sojourned the whole country during the 2023 general election, making immense contributions, which saw to the emergence of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as President of Nigeria.

The communique was signed by all the 7 North West States Chairmen, namely; Hon. Isa Sadiq Acida, Sokoto State; Air Cdre. Emmanuel K Jekada (rtd), Kaduna State; Hon. Abubakar Muhammad Kana, Kebbi State, Prince Abdullahi Abbas, Kano State; Hon. Aminu Sani Gumel, Jigawa State; Hon. Tukur Umar Danfulani, Zamfara State and Hon. Muhammad Sani Ali, Katsina State.

“We the State Chairmen of the ruling All Progressives Congress APC from the seven States comprising Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara and Jigawa that made up the Northwest Geopolitical Zone of the country rising from a meeting held in Kaduna on Tuesday, 25/07/2023, unanimously endorsed Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje as the National Chairman of the party.”

“This decision followed the immense contributions made to the party by the two term governor of the second most populous state in the nation, Kano, especially at the 2023 general election which saw the emergence of our most enviable President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR as President.

“It is on record that Dr. Ganduje sojourned the whole country making contacts and convincing Nigerians on what Nigeria and Nigerians stand to benefit should Tinubu emerge as president.

“We as leaders of the ruling party in our respective states have also gone through every step of good reasons and came to the conclusion and conviction that based on qualification, wealth of experience, maturity, steadfastness, commitment and resilience, Ganduje is the best person for the exalted office of chairman of the party, not only from the zone but in the country.

“Our continued appreciation will be undaunted to the President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the special recognition he has always accorded the zone, the people and the party at all times.

“The North West zone will always be with the president as he marches towards making Nigeria greater,” they stated.

The Abia State Police Command yesterday lost two personnel following an attack on the convoy of the state Commissioner for Trade, Commerce and Industry, Dr Chimezie Ukaegbu, at Aba.

The police public relations officer(PPRO) of the Command, ASP Maureen Chinaka, said in a statement that “the distressing incident” took place at about 4.00pm on Tuesday at SAMEK Junction along Faulks Road Aba.

According to the police spokesperson, a group of hoodlums had launched an attack on the commissioner’s convoy during his familiarisation tour of markets in the commercial city.

The convoy of the commissioner was said to be en route to Ekoha shopping plaza “when the armed assailants opened fire.”

“Regrettably, amidst the chaos, two police officers lost their lives in the line of duty,” the PPRO said.

She identified the victims as a police constable who was part of the security convoy and a police inspector, who was not initially part of the convoy but happened to be on a separate assignment with a police Hilux.

The commissioner and other people on his entourage, including some members of government house press corps escaped the attack unhurt.

Aside the tragic killing of the two police officers, the hoodlums also set ablaze a vehicle belonging to the Ministry of Trade, Commerce, and Investment.

“The Commissioner of Police assures the public that every possible effort will be exerted as discreet investigations are ongoing to ensure justice is served.

“We condemn this cowardly act of violence and remain steadfast in our resolve to bring the perpetrators to justice,” the police spokesperson said.

She urged the public “to remain calm, vigilant, and cooperate fully with law enforcement agencies” in their efforts to nab the hoodlums behind the fatal attack and bring them to book.

“Any information, regardless of how insignificant it may seem, could prove pivotal in identifying and apprehending the culprits responsible for this heinous act”.

The PPRO assured Abia residents of the “unwavering commitment” of the State Police Command “to pursuing justice and upholding the triumph of good over evil”.

“Together, as a united community, we shall prevail against such senseless acts of violence,” the PPRO stated.

Nigerien soldiers have announced taking over power from President Mohamed Bazoum, who has been in detention since the early hours of Wednesday.

The soldiers announced the coup in televised broadcast in the early hours of Thursday.

In the broadcast, 10 senior officers said the National Council of the State Guard of the Nation had decided to “put an end to the regime you are familiar with”.

They claimed to have seized power because of deteriorating security situation as well as bad social and economic management.

“We reaffirm our support to all commitment undertaken by Niger,” the soldiers said.

They had earlier cordoned off office and residence of Bazoum with military vehicles.

Crowds had taken to the streets of the capital city, Niamey, in support of the president, but soldiers fired shots to disperse them.

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had intervened by sending the President of Benin, Patrice Talon, to the country.

Talon proceeded after meeting with President Bola Tinubu, ECOWAS Chairman, in Abuja.

Tinubu had earlier condemned the development, warning that the regional body, as well as the global community, would not condone disruption of constitutional order within the sub-region.

• Senate split over plan to suspend annual recess for ministerial nominees’ screening
• Akpabio makes last minute move to postpone recess
• Recall option for senators, another drain on treasury

After a blistering start to the Bola Tinubu presidency, marked by some boldfaced policy drive and reordering of the economy, the President may have driven himself into a false start, requiring a serious rebooting as he clocks 60 days in office today.

Indications emerged, yesterday, that President Tinubu might be without a constituted Federal Executive Council (FEC) till September, if the Senate embarks on its 2023 end of session recess today as scheduled, leaving a nearly four-month hiatus in the new administration.

Arising from this, President Tinubu may not only be escaping the constitutional liability of presenting his ministerial list to the Senate for screening and confirmation on deadline day, but by leaving this critical decision-making to the last day and thereby stalling governance, he is against, all expectations, infamously toeing the path of his predecessor, former President Muhammadu Buhari, who didn’t constitute his cabinet during his first term until after six months.

Former President Goodluck Jonathan sent the list of ministerial nominees to the Senate on June 28, 2011, a month after being sworn in, while Muhammadu Buhari submitted his list on September 30, 2015 for his first term and July 23, 2019 for the second term in office.

However, unlike Buhari, President Tinubu has appointed some Special Advisers (SAs) to man strategic areas of governance.

But should President Tinubu fail to submit his ministerial list today, he could face impeachment by the 10th National Assembly as the Constitution will have been breached.

Buhari had on March 17, 2023, assented to the bill mandating the incoming President and governors to submit their nominees within 60 days of taking oath of office in a bill sponsored by Ben Rollands Igbakpa, who represented Ethiope Federal Constituency in the Ninth House of Representatives.

The lawmakers had on Tuesday, stepped down important items on the Order Paper and adjourned plenary as senators, including the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, left the National Assembly to attend the 60th birthday anniversary lecture and book presentation in honour of Bamidele.

On Wednesday, with 24 hours to the constitutional deadline, the Senate adjourned without the list. The lawmakers, who resumed for plenary a little late, took on a couple of motions and other legislative businesses as listed in the Order Paper without any mention of communication with respect to the list. All eyes will therefore be on the Senate chamber today for the unveiling of the much-guarded cabinet nominees.

Yesterday, some Senators were said to be considering the options of suspending their yearly recess to screen and confirm ministerial nominees should President Tinubu transmit the list to the chamber today. Tinubu is faced with the constitutional deadline of July 27, to transmit the list of ministerial nominees to the Senate for screening and confirmation.

Section 42 of the Constitution as amended, states that “(a) the nomination of any person to the office of a Minister for confirmation by the Senate shall be done within sixty days after the date the President has taken the oath of office; (b) not less than ten per cent of persons appointed as Ministers shall be women: Provided that the President may appoint a Minister at any other time during his tenure and such appointment shall be subject to confirmation by the Senate.”

As at yesterday, some states including Lagos, Enugu, and Cross River have also not constituted their cabinets.

But following his delay in sending the list, Senators have begun consultations on how to assist the administration in early formation of the cabinet to facilitate good governance.

However, sources at the Senate hinted that opinions are divided on whether or not the Senate should proceed on the recess even if the list of ministerial nominees is read out today (Thursday).

This category of senators, it was learnt, preferred that a formal request for re-convening the Senate for the purpose of screening of the nominees should be sent to individual senators, which will be at an extra cost to the treasury if senators are recalled from recess.

The other category, which is getting the support of the leadership of the Senate, wants the recess to be suspended so that the screening can begin immediately after tomorrow.

Expectations are high in the National Assembly that the list will be sent to the Senate before sitting today. The expectation arose from public disclosure by the Senate Majority Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, on Tuesday that Tinubu would submit the list today.

By Senate’s procedure and tradition, screening of nominees for ministerial appointments is done in the Committee of the Whole. This means that the screening cannot be referred to any of its standing committees, a development that is compelling the Senate to ask all its members to be present at the screening.

Bamidele, had at a book launch, in Abuja, disclosed that Tinubu will make available the much-expected list of ministerial nominees within the next 48 hours, adding that the President had gone into seclusion to avoid undue influence.

Meanwhile, a Professor of Public Administration and World Bank consultant, Oladipo Adamolekun, has advised President Tinubu to attach a portfolio to the ministerial list to be sent to the Senate for proper screening.

He also urged him to consider reducing the cost of governance by reducing the number of political appointees to reflect the hardship Nigerians are going through in the country. The university don said it is important for the Senate to screen the ministerial nominees based on the proposed ministry to ascertain their competence.

Tinubu assumed office amid high expectations from Nigerians and the international community that governance would no longer be as usual.

Sixty days into the administration, there have been mixed reactions with many observers — not all — submitting their assessment that the ruling APC government has, so far, failed to live up to expectations and other attendant hype.

Many Nigerians also, are inclined to conclude that it is this development that may have conspired to put a clog in Tinubu’s drive even as he strives to keep pace with the rigours and the attendant challenges of governance.

Having spent 60 days in office, some Nigerians have juxtaposed the difference between Tinubu and former President Buhari’s styles of leadership in their first 60 days in office.

Paradoxically, others seem to agree that the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari and the incumbent share similarities in many ways especially in the first few months of their assumption of office.

Buhari took over six months before he constituted his cabinet-level appointments and almost seven years of his eight years to set up an economic advisory team and he got lots of criticisms.

While Tinubu may have learnt a lesson from the criticisms regarding the economic team’s formation, which took the former President many years to constitute, he may not have learnt the lesson from the general displeasure of millions of Nigerians over the lethargic approach to solving basic and fundamental economic problems that may have conspired to afflict the nation.

For example, President Tinubu is said to have started by making what many described as staccato appointments of a few of his friends and associates into what he calls Presidential committee on taxation.

Just like his predecessor, Tinubu is taking longer to select those that will form his cabinet even when there is a constitutional prescription of 60 days. So, the striking similarity between the two is that they find it a bit difficult to take decisions on very key items such as the formation of a cabinet to help pilot the affairs of state.

Weighing in on the matter in a no-holds-barred opinion, Emmanuel Onwubiko, head of Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria, last week, said President Tinubu has so far made over five foreign trips in less than two months of coming into power.

“This frightening record of foreign trips within such a short time is already causing discomfort to millions of Nigerians who are asking whether this current President wouldn’t replicate the tendencies of his predecessor in the area of globetrotting.

According to Onwubiko, President Tinubu has also created what he described as “massive economic dislocation by removing subsidy on petrol without thinking through what remedial measures he ought to have implemented before effecting whatever subsidy withdrawal he intends to do and he is groping in the dark literally searching frantically for what palliative measures to implement. Already more Nigerians are becoming poorer in the 60 days of his administration.

“But in the case of Buhari, in less than two years he made Nigeria the poverty capital of the World in 2018 and overtook India which has over two billion population and just before he left in 2023 May, about 130 million Nigerians became multidimensionally poor.”

Shortly after President Tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidy on the day of his inauguration, the prices of essential commodity skyrocketed with the speed of light, compelling urgent measures to alleviate the sufferings of the masses, majority of whom were reportedly basking in the euphoria of the dawn of a new era.

Despite the hardship Nigerians are passing through since he took over the reins of administration, occasioned by his removal of petrol subsidy, President Tinubu’s loyalists are optimistic that he has come to salvage the battered economy and restore hope to the beleaguered citizens.

Whether there will be light at the end of the tunnel is left to the president and his lieutenants to decide. But for now, it is not yet uhuru as things have already begun to fall apart for the poor masses in the country.

[Guardian]