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Messi Inspires Inter Miami, Win First Ever Trophy
Lionel Messi was hailed as the “best in the world” as he scored a 10th goal in seven games to help his Inter Miami side to their first trophy.
The 36-year-old Argentinian fired into the top corner from outside the box to give Miami the lead against Nashville SC in the Leagues Cup final.
Fafa Picault levelled in the second half to send the game to penalties.
Miami sealed a 10-9 shootout win when Drake Callender saved Nashville goalkeeper Elliot Panicco’s spot-kick.
Miami had the worst record in Major League Soccer this season before World Cup-winning forward Messi arrived last month alongside former Barcelona team-mates Jordi Alba and Sergio Busquets.
They are now unbeaten in seven games on their way to winning the Leagues Cup, a tournament featuring MLS and Mexican Liga MX clubs.
It was the club’s first trophy since being formed in 2020.
They also have the chance to reach another final when they play Cincinnati in the semi-final of the US Open Cup on Wednesday.
Co-owner David Beckham said the former Barcelona trio were instrumental in the club’s change in fortunes: “It is like a movie, you watch these players play and, emotionally, everything about their play is beautiful.”
Spain midfielder Busquets added: “The team is growing by leaps and bounds and we are very happy.
“We are making a solid team – and then we have Leo, who makes a difference because he’s the best in the world.”
The win also meant seven-time Ballon d’Or winner Messi – who was named player of the tournament – has now won 44 trophies, more than any other player.
We Will Remain In Power For Three Years - Niger Coup Leader Dares ECOWAS
The leader of the Niger Republic coup plotters, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, has fixed a three-year timeline for the army to hand over power to civilian government.
He stated this in a televised broadcast on Saturday night.
Tchiani spoke after meeting with a delegation of the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) led by the former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar (retd).
Tchiani said within a month, the junta would form a committee to study and form the new constitution of the country.
While he maintained that Niger did not want to go to war, the General said the county would defend itself if the need arose.
He, however, added that the door for negotiation was still open.
ECOWAS has yet to react to the speech of the junta leader, but Abdulsalami is expected to brief the regional bloc on the outcome of the meeting.
Meanwhile, Niger’s military-appointed prime minister, Ali Mahaman Lamine Zeine, said that the deposed president Mohamed Bazoum would be safe and unharmed.
Recall President Bola Tinubu on Friday warned of impending “grave consequences” should the military rulers of Niger allow Bazoum’s health to deteriorate while under house arrest.
Lamine Zeine told The New York Times that, “Nothing will happen to him, because we don’t have a tradition of violence in Niger.”
Niger’s new rulers have so far shown little flexibility and warned against an “illegal aggression”.
Meanwhile, thousands of volunteers turned out in central Niamey on Saturday answering a call to register as civilian auxiliaries who could be mobilised to support the army.
This is coming on the heels of ECOWAS force readiness to intervene in Niger ‘anytime the order is given’, after a two-day meeting of the regional bloc’s military chiefs in Accra, capital city of Ghana.
[OPINION] NIGER ‘LIBERATORS’ ravaged by corruption at home - Imoleayo Oyedeyi
There appears no end in sight to the raging crisis gripping the West African sub-region in view of the military coup that ousted the democratically elected government of Niger Republic and the resolve of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) heads of governments to restore the country’s constitutional order through military activation if all diplomatic measures to force the Nigerien junta into total compliance fail.
Rising from a meeting in Ghana’s capital, Accra, on Thursday, the ECOWAS defence chiefs said they were prepared to reinstate the democracy in Niger as all elements that would go into the military intervention had been worked out and were being refined.
Despite the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council not backing the military action, ECOWAS Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security, Abdel-Fatau Musah, after the Accra’s meeting, noted that there was no going back on the military activation as the military junta in Niger has remained defiant, playing a cat-and-mouse game with the ECOWAS body.
While noting that the junta has flouted the country’s constitution and ECOWAS protocols, Musah said: “Let no one be in doubt if everything else fails, the valiant forces of West Africa are ready to answer the call of duty. By all means available, constitutional order will be restored in the country.”
But while observers have noted that the military action against the Nigerien junta is in line with ECOWAS protocol as the entire arrangements that came after the third wave of democratisation in the West-Africa sub-regions was for countries to peer-protect one another and their democracies, the successive military interventions the ECOWAS standby troops have had in the past, albeit successful, have failed to prevent fresh military coup detat in the region.
It will be recalled that since the 1990s, ECOWAS forces have been employed to end civil conflicts and coups in Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Guinea-Bissau, as well as to assist Mali authorities in their struggle against Islamists in 2013 and to facilitate the transfer of power in the Gambia in 2017. However, coups have persisted in the region due to what many have described as contagious failures of successive civilian governments to return their countries on the path of socio-economic prosperity. Political leaders in the region have been been accused of using democracy as a pretext to commit serious crimes amid pervasive corruption, incompetence and looting of the public treasury.
This much was given as reasons by the Nigerien coupists for toppling Mohamed Bazoum’s gpovernment. Leader of the junta, who is the commander of the Nigerien Presidential Guard, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, in his statement on July 28, 2023, attested to the failure of political leadership in the region when he described his action as a war against public-fund misappropriation, impunity, fraud in all its manifestation and nepotism.
Tchiani had said that the action of the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Country (CNSP), the group of soldiers he led to stage the takeover, was motivated by the need to rescue the country after being plagued by the worrisome security situation and pitiable economic and social crisis, despite being the world’s seventh largest importer of uranium which top European countries like France rely on for their energy needs.
But Niger is not the only West African country with deficit political governance. Most, if not all, countries in the region are experiencing excruciating socio-economic whirlwind caused by poor political leadership unabashedly enrobed in corruption and severely impared economic vision, which forced the coup detat in Niger. From, Nigeria, Ghana to Chad, Mali, Senegal, among others, especially the ECOWAS members rooting for war in Niger, the story is the same.
Nigeria
Nigeria, the self-acclaimed giant of Africa, has consistently been short-changed by its leaders. The fast-paced retrogression of the country, officially the most populous country of the Blacks, is not too different from the Nigerien experience. It is on record that since the country voyaged into the civilian era having exited the military regimes of the 1980s/90s, its development has drastically fallen short of the progress recorded during the regional era of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and other founding fathers. They said the country had since then been crawling from grace to grass.
Remarkably, Nigerian socio-economic misery witnessed an upsurge in 2020 when the country experienced its second recession. Since then, industry statistical records say the country has been grappling with the worst economic decline in almost four decades. While other countries like Rwanda have since efficiently exploited the gains from the global oil prices after the coronavirus nightmare, the African giant hasn’t been able to recover from the economic battery it suffered in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to Jermome-Mario Utomi, the programme coordinator (media and public policy) of Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos, since 1999 till date, Nigeria has been afflicted with widespread poverty, insecurity, corruption, gross injustice, and ethnic politics.
Utomi noted that successive governments in the country have been unable to clearly unleash economic development, promote growth and structural change with some measures of distributive equity, emplaced evidential political transformation, advance the health and education sector of the country, and create a sustainable employment rate for the teeming Nigerians, yet the past presidents had always been at the forefront of every democracy preservative move in the region.
In a similar vein, the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) says the country’s economy is mired in a mesh of problems that have constrained its performance over the years, but that the biggest missing variable is purposeful leadership.
“Bad leadership has been Nigeria’s biggest problem since 1960. Nigeria’s political process is highly commercialised or monetised; thus, the process is plagued with a deficit of ideas competition,” NESG stated in a report of its National Economic Dialogue held in Abuja on May 20, 2022.
The group added that: “Since politics is superior to the economy as it provides the process or ecosystem that produces the type of leaders to govern the country, Nigeria’s lack of strong leadership with the capacity to understand its problems and solve them is her biggest problem. Due to this bad leadership experience, Nigeria is classified as a nation with a low-grade civil war on the Failed Nation Index.”
The group further listed a weak and non-inclusive economy, highly volatile macroeconomic environment, weak economic competitiveness, infrastructure and social sector collapse, and national insecurity as some of the issues eclipsing the country’s development.
It stressed that with a compound annual growth rate estimated at 1.92 percent between 2012 and 2021, the Nigerian economy grew below the yearly population rate of 2.6 percent, adding that: “After netting out inflation and other costs, the real size of the Nigerian economy has remained relatively the same since 2012. This implies that the country is experiencing economic stagnation. Consequently, for the average Nigerian, real income had been declining since 2012, and welfare worsening.
With this, combined with heightened inflationary pressure and deteriorating security challenges, observers opined that the Nigerian government, despite being one of the key drivers of ECOWAS, has a lot of challenges to contend with than spearheading a rescue mission to Niger, whose citizens have somehow backed their military intervention.
Ghana
Ghana is another big figure among the 10 West African countries rooting for military action against the Nigerien junta. But successive democratic governments in the country haven’t delivered the dividends of democracy to its teeming masses for years.
According to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Ghana potentially has one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, but the country’s long-term economic growth is challenged by high energy costs; high levels of government debt, including in the energy sector; low access to credit; high borrowing costs; low agricultural productivity; a business climate that restricts private sector growth; and regional trade barriers.
Worst still, Ghana is among the United Nation’s least-developed countries, with four out of 10 people living in poverty, says the USAID, noting that the country ranks 131 out of 177 countries listed in the 2004 Human Development Index, reflecting insufficient progress in improving its citizens’ levels of health and education.
In his assessment of the current state of development in Ghana, a columnist with GhanaWeb, Joel Savage, said the Gold Coast should not have faced any high unemployment and economic crisis, if it had not been plagued with poor management, chronic corruption, and ineffective leadership, despite being rich in agriculture and mineral resources, including gold, diamond, bauxite, and oil.
In a public lecture, he delivered earlier this year at the University of Ghana to mark the 75th anniversary of the institution, the Coordinator of the Pan-African advocacy organisation, Third World Network-Africa, Dr. Yao Graham, also opined that successive Ghanaian governments have failed to orchestrate a smooth development of the country through wanton resources mismanagement and ill-conceived socio-economic policies.
He said: “We have gone from a country which aspired to be a Ghana beyond aid to being a country which is desperate for aid. There is widespread destitution as a result of the cost-of-living crisis.
Stating that the economic crisis cannot be blamed on a single regime, Dr. Graham said that “Government after government have seen the problems and addressed it differently and have only succeeded in piling up the country’s debt stock in an attempt to solve the problem.”
Like Nigeria, Dr. Yao Graham pointed out the Ghanaian government has been contending with a surging debt profile occasioned by weak accountability of the public treasury.
During the same lecture, the Managing Director of Ghana Stock Exchange, Ms. Abena Amoah, stated that: “The Ghanaian economy has indeed faced a lot of challenges, and in recent years, we have seen high inflation, low productivity, high unemployment rates, poor resource management, and the lack of accountability, among others. These challenges have significantly impacted the growth and development of our economy, leading us further away from our ideal socio-economic environment.”
But yet again, the country’s president is one of the leading voices for the ECOWAS military action, despite the widespread public anger in his country against the move.
Ivory Coast
Despite being the world’s leading cocoa and cashew producer, Ivory Coast or Cote d’Ivoire has had its own fair share of poor leadership. The country’s president Alassane Ouattara had initially been constitutionally mandated to serve the maximum of a two-term limit, but the man has been ruling the country since December 2010, having succeeded in influencing the country’s parliaments to change the Ivorian constitution in his favour and make him run for both third and fourth terms. In essence, Ouattara has so far spent over 12 years in government, but his long reign has reportedly not translated into enviable developments for his country as almost 40 per cent of the country’s about 27 million people still languish below the national poverty line, while more than 40 per cent of the people are battling food insecurity, according to World Data.
Though the country is well known to parade sit-tight presidents, investigation reveals that the many years of misrule from the successive democratic presidents have greatly plundered the country’s common wealth. Instead of fast-paced development, the country has also been caught in a severe leadership crisis triggered by the refusal of Ouattara’s predecessor, Laurent Gbagbo, to hand over power after spending over 10 years and being defeated during the country’s last presidential election run-off held in 2010.
This leadership wrangling, according to Oscar Otindo, a Kenyan activist, has drastically deepened the severity of the socio-economic and bad leadership hitches gripping the country in the last decade.
According to the Ivory Coast Travel Advisory released earlier this month by the United States Bureau of Consular Affairs, terrorism has sunk deeply in the Northern and North-Eastern parts of the country. Crime has continued to be a major public security concern in Côte d’Ivoire. The US travel advisory notes that apart from terrorism, violent crimes such as carjacking, robbery, and home invasion have deeply prevailed in the country. In view of this, one wonders why Ouattara has not been able to deploy the country’s whole armoury and security architecture to dislodge the festering security breaches, but throwing greater attention to the democratic infringement of another sovereign country, while outlaws are feasting under his nose.
Republic of Benin
Benin Republic is another country that has indicated interest to commit security forces to the ECOWAS military actions against the Niger junta, but the country also has its own attendant security crisis. Despite being populated with just 13 million people, the country is depleted by corruption and illicit diversion of public funds. The Africa Organised Crime Index says the country’s leadership has poorly implemented laws that criminalise corruption and degenerate criminality.
The crime index says even though the country may be faring better when compared to its neighbours in the region, its political stability is greatly being threatened and its government has shown little will to curb existing organised crime.
It stressed that the country’s national legal framework against organised crime remains inadequate and there is little capacity and willingness to improve it, noting that there is no record of any clear national strategies to address the crimes and the weakness of the country’s current legal regulations, which allows for significant smuggling and trafficking, has made the government appear helpless.
“Benin’s judicial system is also weak and ineffective, burdened by insufficient funding and corruption. Political interference is inappropriate, and President Patrice Talon has consistently exhibited undemocratic tendencies by appointing his own judges,” the crime index says, noting that the porous judicial move has ensured the prevalence of mob justice with many criminals able to escape legal sanctions through corruption in the country.
It is said that Benin’s underdeveloped financial system occasioned by President Talon’s weak and ineffective leadership has hindered his government from combating money laundering and flagrant abuse of public office power.
It added that while the president is making efforts to correct the shortfall of his administration, its lack of adequate employment opportunities has expanded its criminal markets, while ethnic conflict and political instability have weakened its economic capacity.
The way out
Like Niger Republic and other countries appraised so far, failure of political leadership has remained widespread among other West African climes at the vanguard of the ECOWAS’ military intervention in Niger. Amid the rapid efforts being deployed by the ECOWAS Defence Chiefs to restore the deposed constitutional order back in Niger, political observers are of the view that only good governance can preserve democracy in the West Africa sub-region. They said no degree of military activation and machinery can build up and strengthen the declining democracy in the region.
“West African leaders are only being blindfolded by greed and self-preservation agenda. But no amount of combined military machinery can stop them from being deposed by any vibrant and tactical coupists with spot-on strategies like the Niger Junta. The only way is for ECOWAS to ensure good governance thrives and delivers the dividends of democracy to the people in the region. Doing this will not only discourage coup d’état, but also deepen the love for democratic government among the people, such that you will not see them jubilating when a military government takes over power as we have seen in Niger,” says professor of Conflict, Security Governance, and Comparative Politics at the Nnamdi Azikwe University, Awka, Professor Chukwuemeka Jaja Nwanegbo.
“As I have said earlier, the whole issue is quite complicated. But the only way aside from preaching good governance is for ECOWAS leadership, ahead of time, to begin to intervene in the governance principles in the West Africa sub-regions to avert a further reoccurrence of this kind of crisis that is happening in Niger. Anything thing other than the diplomatic option will create war and anarchy in the region. And at the end, the same people, whose interests ECOWAS is mandated to protect will be severally killed,” Nwanegbo submitted.
[OPINION] If Democracy Comes To Grief, Blame Politicians! - Wole Olaoye
There are some bitter truths that those in the temporary house of power may not like to hear. One such truth is the fact that democracy is not a sure fire assurance that a country will prosper. Autocracy, its supposed opposite, is also not guaranteed to lead to misery. If Democracy was an infallible system of government, how does one explain the fact that China, a ‘autocratic’ state, is about to upstage America, the land of the free, in the world pecking order? What is responsible for the situation where Uranium-rich Niger, a democracy until the military struck some weeks ago, ranks 7th among the world’s poorest countries with about half of its population living in extreme poverty?
When Nigeria’s First Republic came to grief in 1966, close watchers of the country were not surprised. Only the politicians believed that they could carry on with their gangsterism, opulent lifestyles, corruption and atavistic machinations. When soldiers decided to vote with the barrel of their guns, democracy was interred until 1979 when we briefly resurrected it before another ‘gun-slide’ reminded us that our politicians had not learnt their lessons. We retraced our steps in 1999, but no man born of woman can guarantee that Nigeria will remain a democracy forever in the present shape and form.
Those who regurgitate the usual unwisdom that democracy is the only acceptable form of government in the modern world usually don’t have an answer when asked if a flawed democracy is to be preferred to a people-oriented autocracy. What do you do when democracy, as practiced in some countries, leads to the perpetual pauperisation of the people? Is the system operated by democratic Nigeria better than the autocracy (or communism) of China which is now firmly entrenched as Nigeria’s benefactor and favoured project partner?
Who defines democracy? Uganda is democratic by definition but its president has been in office since 1986. Ugandans have not asked for the help of self-appointed sheriffs of democracy to help them remove the army general-turned president. The man keeps confounding imperialists with his native intelligence and, arguably, unabashed determination to make the country better than he met it. If one is not conceited or arrogant, one must concede that Ugandans are capable of deciding how they want to be governed and by whom. It is their country, after all.
Duplicity is the bane of the West’s reaction to governance elsewhere. While they market their brand of democracy to Africa, they conveniently look the other way when they have to deal with ‘undemocratic’ governments or monarchies such as those in the Gulf states because of petrodollars. Take Qatar for instance. That country is a semi-constitutional monarchy with the hereditary emir as head of state and chief executive, and the prime minister as the head of government. There is a partially elected Consultative Assembly with limited powers. The emir is the embodiment of executive, legislative and judicial authority.
If Qataris are happy with their monarchical system, why would any outsider pretend to teach them how to govern themselves?
Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy based on Sharia (Islamic) law and the Qur’an. The Qur’an and the Sunnah are the de jure country’s constitution. GDP in Saudi Arabia is expected to reach $1128.00 billion by the end of 2023. The West is very careful not to upset the conservative Saudi leadership. The kind of insult that the World Bank recently passed on Uganda with the cancellation of further loan facilities until the country legalised gay relationships cannot be contemplated with Saudi Arabia where homosexuality could attract the death penalty. All animals are not equal.
Western analysts describe the United Arab Emirates, UAE, as a “tribal autocracy”. The seven constituent monarchies are led by autocratic tribal rulers. The discovery of oil in Abu Dhabi in 1958 and the ensuing oil wealth has made the UAE largely a paradise on earth. The rulers have allowed tourism full bloom and Dubai is definitely the tourism destination of choice for many. The West has learnt to live with UAE’s style of not making any commitment to freedom of speech and having no democratically elected institutions.
If the Emirati are not complaining about their system which seems to have served them better than many democracies elsewhere, what level of presumptuousness would make anyone think that he can impose a foreign model of governance on them?
It is only in Africa and Latin America that the West flexes its muscles. Political leaders who insist on holding allegiance to their people instead of being slaves of neo-imperialism, are routinely deleted from the scene. The preferred mode of dispatch in the 60s and 70s was either assassination or an arranged coup funded by the former colonial masters and their allies.
Increasingly, the younger generation of Africans are voicing out their outrage at the level of thievery going on in several countries under the pretext of trade or ‘colonial debt’. Is there anything more preposterous than African countries having to perpetually reward France for enslaving them? America, the land of the free, has not found anything wrong with this. Had it been China or Russia that was exploiting Africans, America would have been at the rooftops crying more than the bereaved.
Apparently, the only kind of relationship that the US and many of its European allies are interested in nurturing in Africa is that of master/slave. All the unctuous declarations about partnerships are insincere. To underscore their selfishness, they agonise about BRICS, the grouping of the world economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa . And one wonders, if Africans cannot see a path to rapid development having sheepishly followed you all these years, don’t they have a right to seek new paths, or must they be your slaves forever?
Trust the Chinese and Russians for milking the situation with their reiteration of the fact that they never colonised any African country and therefore were coming as friends. The situation China has found itself by dint of hard work which took four decades of policy implementations and effective governance, to lift 800 million of its citizens out of poverty, recommends it for emulation. That was a country once colonised by Britain, Portugal and even Russia!
It is foolhardy for the West to think that the primitive exploitation being perpetrated by the likes of France’s mining company, AREVA, in Niger Republic would go on forever. As is becoming evident in Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and, now, Niger, the foot of the cadaver which the Western colonialists refused to bury properly is now sticking out of the grave. There is a wind of change sweeping not-too-silently through Africa. The younger elements among the population— and they are in overwhelming majority— will not tolerate the same indignities their parents lived with.
That is the context in which ECOWAS should look at the Nigerien coup. Democracy may smell of promissory roses but the way it has played out in many parts of Africa where unpopular leaders are celebrated by the West, can only lead to ‘gun-slides’. When, following a request from Niger’s civilian administration, the Buhari government donated exotic SUVs worth N1.4 billion to that country, we all wondered if Nigerien president had forgotten that half the population of his country was living in extreme poverty. Shouldn’t he have been asking for food instead of SUVs?
The wind of coups blowing across West Africa can be neutralised with good governance. First we have to come to terms with the fact that unconstitutional tenure elongation by incumbent presidents is itself a coup. When leaders refuse to vacate their seats at the end of their agreed term but opt to bend the constitution to their will, ECOWAS ought to rise up against them. That is how to prevent coups. Now, who is going to tell Alassane Dramane Ouattara, the Ivorian president, that this is his 13th year in office instead of the original maximum of ten?
France and America are closely monitoring the situation in Niger, hoping that an orchestrated black-on-black violence will dislodge the coupists and enthrone the interests of the ‘uraniumists’ (a new word for those desperate to continue exploiting Niger’s uranium for little or for free). ECOWAS should not be seen to be doing their bidding.
Back home in Nigeria, we should have, by now, realised that national security is beyond regime protection. If a government cares for its people, they will always rise to protect it in turn. The people of Niger seem to be on the same page with the coupists. That, in the current unwholesome circumstances, is some form of legitimacy. If Nigerien politicians were booted out for failing their people, that fact should be a lesson to all African politicians. The stone you ignore might pluck your eye.
[OPINION] Niger République: From “Constitution” To “Constipation” - Richard Odusanya
As an advocate of constitutional democracy, firmly believing in the government of the PEOPLE, by the PEOPLE, and for the PEOPLE; the situation in Niger République deeply concerns me and makes some of us very uncomfortable. The coup d’état in Niger resulted from ethnic and geopolitical power play. For example, in the aftermath of the coup, events have unfolded rapidly, revealing that a considerable number of Nigeriens support the military intervention, viewing the interventionists as saviors who will liberate their country from foreign dominance and exploitation of its resources.
Unarguably, the July 6, adventure appeared to have some form of constitutional constipation. It came with an ethnic dimension in that the Zabarmawas (Zarmas) are the second largest ethnic group (22%) after the major Hausa tribe which constitute a whopping (53%), which is the dominant and populated the military and power configuration of the Niger République since independence in 1960. Historically, Military coups mostly happen each time anyone from the other ethnic groups (Hausa, Fulani, Tourage, or Arab) is in power – Mohammed Bazoum is from the Arab ethnic group which constitutes (0.4%).
Before I continue with this contribution that focuses on “Constitution” to “Constipation” let me completely align with the perspective of our Wakanda Queen Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao, former Permanent Representative to the African Union Mission in Washington DC. While the coups come as a surprise to many, our Wakanda Queen the envoy, from Zimbabwe, seems to have a different perspective, noting that: “The writing has been on the wall for a long time when it comes to France,” adding that “What’s happening now in Africa is a revolution.”
Dr. Quao likened the coups to a revolution similar to what saw the demise of the mighty Roman Empire and the fall of the mighty British Empire, noting that: “There’s no way the West would have continued to plunder Africa’s natural resources, abuse the Africans for as long as they have. The end is here and I hope France can see the handwriting on the wall. This is just the beginning of the African revolution and it is not going to stop”.
Furthermore, she profoundly articulated her position: “I think that France has gotten away with a lot over the years and it is not just France, most of the western powers. I hope that they would see that what happened in Niger and other countries in West Africa is a very significant movement that I hope the West will look at and consider very seriously in terms of their foreign policies on Africa. What they’ve done in the past is simply not going to work anymore.”
Flowing from the Niger République debacle, and the postulation of our Wakanda Queen Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao. The time has come for us as a continent and a people to revisit the issue of reparations and demand restitution from our various colonial masters. This is what we should do to change our present situation from a continent bogged down with very controversial debts which in my opinion is just an “arrangee” kind of conspiracy between some of our elites in concert with the West “Imperialists”. Reparation is a timely response to long years of slavery, exploitation, and manipulation of the big world as enunciated by our Wakanda Queen.
In conclusion, it is important to honor the memory of Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (MKO), the progenitor of REPARATION for Africa’ by making a demand for restitution from the big world. With profound respect and a very high sense of responsibility; I, therefore, wish to state that a definite time and amount of not less than five trillion dollars be placed as a demand for restitution. Additionally, the revitalization of NEPAD is expected to focus on REPARATION, so as to reduce the burden of our debt profile.
Finally, this is an opportunity for my President, the ECOWAS chairman Asíwájú Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to demonstrate the spirit of Pan-Africanism, take the lead, and be consumed by the passion and commitment for Africa’s emancipation as exemplified by ‘MKO’ the pillar of sport in Africa.
[OPINION] Significance of Wike as FCT Minister - Martins Oloja
Please, do not wonder why I have to return to my organic beat, Abuja, the nation’s capital this week.
What just happened to the capital in quick succession is worth deconstructing for us to deepen our understanding of the status of our 47 –year old capital the late General Murtala Muhammed proclaimed for us on February 3, 1976. It has been revealed that General Yakubu Gowon dreamed of and advertised the capital during his regime, but he procrastinated. General Murtala Muhammed who was privy to the Gowon’s dream, actualised it in 1976. General Olusegun Obasanjo laid the physical foundation after February 13, when the actualiser was killed.
President Shehu Shagari threatened to legalise it by relocating to the capital in 1980 before another General Muhammadu Buhari stopped him in December 1983. He (Shagari) too was a procrastinator. But the Orkar coup scare was the tonic General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida needed to legalise it by moving to the capital on Thursday December 12, 1991.
And so the most precious gift the Generals’ rule donated to the(ir) Federal Republic of the Nigerian Army as General Chris Ali succinctly puts it in his classic on Nigeria, Abuja has been there as “their capital” until this month and last week when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took two significant steps to restore confidence in the national capital Hurricane Murtala sold to us 47 years ago as a “symbol of our unity”.
And here is the thing, since inception of the administration of the capital, NyesomWike would be the very first Minister of the Capital of the Federation from southern part of the country. Before you shout, what of the late Ajose Adeogun (1976-1979), here is the fact file: the late Adeogun (who died on Saturday July 1, 2023 at 96) was widely reported as the first Minister of FCT. He wasn’t. He was actually designated as Minister of Special Duties with additional responsibility to supervise Abuja from 15B Awolowo Road, Ikoyi, Lagos as there was no structure yet on the 8,000 square kilometre FCT then. He was operating from a Field Base in Suleja in Niger State, a border town to the FCT. All other Ministers appointed since then from the South – from Mark Okoye (1980-1984) through Professor Ikejiani Clark to Jumoke Richard Akinjide have been Ministers of State. What’s worse, President Muhammadu Buhari who didn’t care a hoot about federal character in all his appointments for eight years desecrated the Territory as his last two ministers of FCT hail from the North (Adamawa and Kogi states). In other words, the first organic Minister of FCT was John Jatau Kadiya (1979-1982).
And so there is a sense in which we can report that President Tinubu has broken a 47 years old jinx. Just as he did the other day when he obeyed a 2018 Court of Appeal’s declarative judgment that an indigene, (original inhabitant) of the Federal Capital Territory should be appointed as a member of the Federal Executive Council (a Minister). The Indigene will be sworn in tomorrow. That was how in a twinkling of an eye, President Tinubu restored confidence of Nigerians including the original inhabitants (of Abuja) in the Capital of the Federation. We will no longer call it “Their Capital”. It is now “Our Capital”. In the same vein, the Niger Delta people who have been lamenting absence of their people in the mainstream political leadership and bureaucracy of the Capital despite alleged huge allocations from oil resources from Niger Delta spent so far on the capital project, can now relax their agitation for inclusion in the political leadership and bureaucracy of the FCT. Which reinforces the ancient word that only justice can guarantee peace and stability in any system.
According to a political geography scholar in Iran, Abolfazl Kavandikateb, ‘Capital or capital city is the municipality exercising primary status in a country usually as its seat of government and the most important center of political organisation and management of space in the country’.
The capital is one of the important subjects in political geography. The capital cities are the symbol of the state authority, the factor of creation of unification and national solidarity using their different functions. Besides cultural, geographic, economic, communicational and in particular political roles, the capital city has an important role and it is population attracting. The population that has grown in Abuja beyond the expectations of the Founding Fathers of Abuja has so far not reflected the expected national character. And so the arrival of Wike is supposed to begin a damage control mechanism for peace building.
Let’s study the facts here to show the Place of Suleja where the pioneer developers and bureaucrats lived and worked for Abuja for several years until 2007 when Field Base in Suleja, a federal setting was released to the Niger State Government, thanks to monetisation policy of the federal government. With the Federal Military Government’s promulgation of the Decree No. 6 of 1976, which established the Federal Capital Territory, the Government in its bid to begin the FCT Project searched for an area where the capital city projects could be launched.
Abuja, the headquarters of Abuja Local Government Area was automatically chosen, being the only community around the FCT earmarked site that qualified to act as a base from where the nascent capital could be developed. Abuja, the present Suleja was chosen because of its relative level of development compared to the other communities in the Capital Territory, such as Kuje, Kwali, Gwagwalada, Abaji, Zuba, etc.
Thus, Abuja played the dual role of the capital of Abuja Local Government Area and the temporary administrative office of the new Federal Capital. In essence, the old Abuja began to play the role of a host to the new Federal Capital administration, which lasted for about five years. The Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) Field Base Secretariat was thus temporarily located at the outskirt of the then Abuja (Present Suleja) town, in the area now called Kaduna Road, a settlement located on the Abuja/Kaduna express road. The construction of the FCDA Field Base began in 1979 and got completed in 1980. This first administrative office was located in Suleja for a period of five years planning on how to begin work in the site earmarked to be the c apital city. Other offices that were established in Suleja were the Ministry of the FCT Administration Secretariat, which was located in an area called Dawaki in Suleja.
Interestingly, the officials of this secretariat resided in Suleja where they planned, awarded contracts for their execution at the capital city. Abuja town also accommodated the team of scientists that worked with Professor Mabogunje for over two (2) years. Other high-ranking officials of the FCDA such as Mr. Bassey, and Alhaji Abubakar Koko, who served as the first and second executive secretaries of the administrative secretariat respectively resided in Abuja town (present Suleja). It was also gathered that the first Minister of the FCT Mr. John Jatau Kadiya also had his residence and office in Suleja.
With the completion of first phase of office and accommodation buildings in the capital city, most of the staff of the FCDA moved out of Suleja. Therefore, the FCDA Field Base was left to be occupied by a unit of the Armed Forces, until the October 30, 2007, when it was officially handed over to the Niger State Government and the Suleja Local Council by then FCT Minister, Alhaji Aliyu Modibbo.This is just a brief run-through of how a Special Duties Minister was made to supervise a project that was proclaimed in a national broadcast on February 3, 1976 and ten days after the legal proclamation, the mercurial Murtala who proclaimed the radical change was killed.
And so as President Tinubu has begun restoration of stakeholder confidence in the Capital of the Federation, Wike should be bold enough to study the present convoluted political and administrative structure of the Federal Capital Territory. Most of the structures of governance are neither state nor federal. Some of us have written so much to sanitise, de-ethnicise and neutralise the Capital of the Federation to reflect federal and global character, but there has been too much of ‘anyhowness’ and indeed the core North in it. This northernisation agenda began even while the Chairman of the Panel, who recommended the site to General Murtala, Justice Timothy Akinola Aguda was still alive.
The governance absurdity had then led the iconic Aguda to write an Op-Ed article, which the resourceful Editor of The Guardian then Mr Emeka Izeze considered a front-page lead, titled, ‘My Regret About Abuja’. Justice Aguda died since September 5, 2001. How would he have felt were he alive up and until May 29, 2015, to May 29, 2023 when President Buhari disrespected the letter and spirit of the constitution, which makes Abuja a classic case of how to respect federal character in terms of federal and presidential appointments.
Throughout his eight-year tenure, the Minister of the FCT and the Executive Secretary of the FCDA are from the North. The insensitive Buhari never listened to any criticisms about his destructive bigotry, ethno-centricism and parochialism nurtured by provincialism. As of May 28, 2023, the Minister of the FCT for eight years who hails from Adamawa State was made to appoint four Executive Secretaries of the FCDA from Niger State, Adamawa, Nasarawa and Gombe States.
The current Executive Secretary of the FCDA hails from Gombe State. The grave implication of the widespread northernisation policy of the political structure is that as it often happens here, bigotry begets more bigotry: almost 92 per cent of the political heads (mandate secretaries) and heads of agencies of the FCT are of northern extraction. That is one critical challenge that Wike will inherit the morning after tomorrow when he is sworn in. He should hold aloft the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as it affects the Federal Capital Territory.
Besides, he should study the Mission statement Murtala advertised to the nation 47 years ago. He should study all the extant laws and restructure the FCT to reflect our national character. Abuja isn’t like any other state. The nebulous provision in the Constitution that Abuja should be regarded “as if it were one of the States of the Federation” should not be read politically as politicians and their lawyers are deploying it as a weapon to win presidential election petitions at the moment. Abuja should be run as our ‘symbol of national unity’ as the Founding Fathers clearly declared to the nation 47 year ago. That is the Capital of the Federation that has been destined to lead the black race with pride and dignity.
[OPINION] Ndi Igbo, Kudos For Heeding Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’S Call For Total Cancellation Of The Mondays “Sit At Home” In The South-East - Mike Ozekhome, SAN
Following the unprecedented reinvigoration of businesses and social activities across the entire South-Eastern States of the Federal Republic of Nigeria which spontaneously kicked off on Monday, the 13th day of August, 2023, it behoves well on me as the Lead Counsel to Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, Kanu (who I regard as a “prisoner of conscience”), to specially commend Ndi Igbo, for yielding to this life-saving clarion call by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and other major stakeholders in the entire South-East region, especially, the Governors and Security Agencies.
It is indeed worth celebrating and applauding that Ala Igbo, which is the undoubted industrial and commercial hub of this country, is bouncing back once again to life after a protracted period of the infamous “sit-at-home” on Mondays, an act which had hitherto completely devastated the lives of South-Easterners and crippled their business, socio-economic and other activities.
As I had always maintained in every of my court, public and media outings and interviews, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu had repeatedly and empathetically told me that he abhors the sit-at-home order; that he never sanctioned it; never liked it; and had always condemned it in totality. Mazi Nnamdi Kanu had always specifically told me again and again that the senseless “sit-at-home” presented a sordid opportunity for monsters and miscreants to ravage the entire South-East every Monday, during which period, criminals operated freely and unchecked, maiming, killing and looting poor people’s property.
The economic and social activities of Ndi Igbo were usually completely shut down on Mondays of every week in the name of sit-at-home. Children were brutally prevented from going to school, while families were equally prevented from going to work and carrying out their legitimate businesses and other activities for their daily bread. He specifically told me that it was inconceivable that he, who champions and spear heads the emancipation of his people will again ironically undermine their socio-economic well-being by supporting a policy as egregious and retrogressive as forcing his same people to stay idle every Monday.
Therefore, I wholly commend the resilience of Ndi Igbo in breaking this evil grid-lock of the offensive “sit-at-home” stratagem in total defiance of repeated calls for its abolition by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.
May I assure the entire Ndi Igbo that the cancellation of this “sit-at-home” activity will not in any way affect, or interfere with the freedom of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu which has since been ordered by the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division; but, which was unfortunately stayed by a subsequent order of the court. It will rather facilitate and enhance our journey towards ultimate victory, as we are quite optimistic that justice will be well served in his case at the Supreme Court, with Kanu becoming be a free man soon, by the grace of God.
May I reiterate once again that I greatly cherish the confidence and trust my client, Mazi Nnamdi Kanuand the entire Ndi Igbo have reposed in me and my very hardworking and resilient team comprising of Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor and others. These shall never be compromised under any circumstances.
In conclusion, I call on all Ndi Igbo across the South-East of Nigeria to henceforth troop out massively on all, any and every Monday of the week. You should go about your normal and legitimate businesses- commercial, political, religious and socio- economic - following the death and final burial of the abhorrent “sit-at-home” monstrosity. March on, Ndigbo. Continue to excel in all you do. Forward ever; backward never.
Thank you and God bless you all.
[OPINION] Why ECOWAS should focus on restoration of constitutional order, not Bazoum - Gbenga Salau
After almost two weeks of a standoff between coup plotters in the Niger Republic, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), both parties are now ready to dialogue.
Immediately after the military ousted President Mohamed Bazoum, on July 26, West African leaders, and indeed world leaders, condemned the usurpation of constitutional rule in the West African country and called for its restoration.
This was reechoed, by the regional bloc on July 30, when it gave the coup plotters a seven-day ultimatum to restore constitutional order by returning the democratically elected leader to office or face dire consequences.
The ultimatum, which came four days after the coup d’état was a product of the emergency meeting of ECOWAS leaders in Nigeria. It was not the only measure deployed by ECOWAS to help in restoring democracy to the Niger Republic. ECOWAS leaders also asked member states to shut their land and air borders against the Niger Republic, as well as freeze the country’s assets within ECOWAS states.
But reacting to the ultimatum, the coup leaders refused to dialogue with the ECOWAS’ delegation to Niamey, which was led by former Nigerian military leader, General AbdulsalamiAbubakar (retd), with the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar also in the team.
This visit was, however, followed by the show of support to the military junta in Niger, by leaders of Mali and Burkina Faso, who promised to provide military support for the Niger Republic should ECOWAS go ahead with its threat of military intervention. There were also insinuations that Guinea Conakry might join in the provision of military support since the current leaders of these three countries equally got into power through coup d’état, and have also been suspended from ECOWAS.
It was when the cat and mouse game between the Nigerien junta and ECOWAS appeared unending and uncertainty loomed in the region, that stakeholders, especially religious leaders fearing that the situation may escalate decided to intervene.
The first was the 14th Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, and then some Islamic scholars.
The team of Islamic scholars included Kabiru Gombe, the secretary of Jamatul izalatul bid’a waikamatul sunnah; Yakubu Katsina, director of Daawah of JIBWIS; Dahiru Bauchi, represented by Ibrahim Bauchi, and Khalid Aliyu, the secretary-general of Jammatul Nasril Islam and Chief Missioner of Ansarudeen Society of Nigeria, Abdulrahman Ahmad. Bala Lau led the team of Nigerian Islamic scholars to meet with Abdourahmane Tchiani, the coup leader in Niamey.
Following the Nigerian Islamic scholars’ visit to Niamey, Tchiani not only agreed to meet with the ECOWAS team, but he also apologised for not accepting to discuss with the General Abubakar-led ECOWAS team and gave reasons for the decision.
Commenting on how the matter has panned out thus far, a former Deputy Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Somalia, and Professor of Political Science/International Relations, Chrisland University, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Professor Babafemi Badejo, said that ECOWAS and others have to stop living in denial.
“A coup has taken place and consolidated. It can be reversed if the hard-line positions are realistically handled. Diplomacy is, any day, superior to force and sanctions. Sanctions and threats, as well as, the actual butt of force have negative repercussions on both sides,” he said.
He insisted that ECOWAS has to focus on the restoration of constitutional order as opposed to the restoration of President Bazoum. “Diplomacy is not an event; it is a process. It takes some time for negotiations to yield success if we do not continue to blow hot and cold at the same time.”
Badejo noted that before the Nigerian and ECOWAS leaders thought about military intervention, they should have considered several factors. According to him, “Has the necessary resolution of the United Nations Security Council been sought with certainty that there will be no veto making an ECOWAS war illegal as ECOWAS got stopped over Cote d’Ivoire? Has costs and benefits analysis been done by the Nigerian authorities for the short, medium, and long-term, especially under the current financial problems that Nigeria is facing?
“Given the refusal to reimburse Nigeria’s efforts in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the past, is Nigeria able to fund a possible war with Niger Republic as others in ECOWAS cajole her to lead, and as usual carry most, if not all of the yoke? How will the ECOWAS leadership close Niger’s borders with Mali and Burkina Faso – countries with sympathetic military regimes to those in power in Niger, and the possible availability of counter air power instruments?”
Badejo continued: “Has Nigeria pondered on a perceived weak Niger Republic entering into a wider alliance(s), including with other stronger governments, organised and unorganised terror franchises?
“Has the Nigerian government carefully reflected on the Nigerien views, popularity, or not of the coup plotters, and the implications of this for any military action? Is Nigeria prepared to lead a process towards a truncated ECOWAS? Is Nigeria acting swiftly to please external interests, without thoughtful consideration of the all-round implications for ECOWAS, Nigeria, and its people if a Libya-type internationalised war starts next door?
He further said: “Diplomacy is superior to threats of the use of force that may be difficult or impossible to implement. Preventing coups in West Africa is not by sanctions and threats, but by addressing leadership deficit and corruption, curtailing negative external pressures, as well as the building of credible institutions to provide for the needs of the people.”
Similarly, Professor Freedom Onuoha, of the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria Nsukka, noted that the coup plotters deferred to the Muslim leaders obviously in recognition of the respect shown them by the religious leaders, and to slight ECOWAS, especially having been convinced that ECOWAS leaders did not treat them with due respect by giving them just seven days to return Bazoum to office.
“I do not see the coup leaders accepting to return power to the ousted president given the possibility of a retributive trial of junta leaders, as well as the fact that doing so will invalidate any justification that the junta presented earlier as the reason for removing him in the first place.”
On better ways that ECOWAS could manage sundry crises going forward, Onuoha said that the regional body needs to recognise that any demand that it makes to the military, including the possible transition to a democratically elected government must be very realistic, measured, and forward-looking in the light of the complicated internal politico-economic and security situations within ECOWAS member states that could frustrate united front against the junta as well as the constellation of external forces in support of the Junta such as open solidarity from Mali and Burkina Faso and tacit support from Russia.
Aside from ECOWAS demanding the return of the ousted president, what other demands should be tabled by ECOWAS, Onuoha observed that it appears as though the ECOWAS is negotiating from a position of weakness given that its military ultimatum was a flop from a strategic point of view.
“What the ECOWAS can realistically demand is the safe release of President Bazoum and his family members; agreement on the timeline for transition to a democratically elected government, which will certainly take about eighteen months at the minimum; convening of a transitional authority or government to oversee the transition process; and exclusion of the junta from participation in the elections.”
Onuoha, however, implored the coup leaders to seize the opportunity to negotiate with ECOWAS and find an acceptable framework for the transition to a democratically elected government, especially in the light of the deterioration of the security situation in Niger Republic due to the redirecting of available forces to guarantee junta or regime security which created security vacuum being exploited by violent extremist groups and the biting effect of sanctions on the local economy and people.
On his part, Professor Tayo Adeshina of the Department of History, University of Ibadan, speaking on the possibility of the ousted president returning to power, stated that it might be hard to imagine because it is now likely to turn into an ego problem between the president and his former protector.
“The way out may be an interim government that would not involve both of the actors. That will be the route to peace now. Since the commander of the brigade of guards who overthrew his boss has sympathizers and followers it will be unhealthy to return one or both of them to power. The soup has become sour now.”
On better ways ECOWAS can manage the crisis going forward, Adeshina stated that ECOWAS must recognize that the water has become muddied and to ensure peace, both actors must be persuaded to leave the scene for an interim arrangement. “No shot fired, no loss of lives, and no wasting of assets and resources.”
ECOWAS is demanding the return of the ousted president to office, and this is the cardinal point that it has continued to make since the incident occurred, but Adeshina thinks that returning the president to office now is not a good idea because “he has been thoroughly embarrassed and diminished. So, just arrange a safe passage out of the presidential palace for him, but the military must also step back.”
He added that the “coup leaders should lay down their arms, be given safe passage out of the presidential palace, provide a buffer force (not a fighting force), and then help create a new presidential guard. After the process has been completed, ECOWAS needs to address the French exploitation of Francophone countries once and for all.’’
Beyond just issuing threats after the military takeovers, what peer review mechanism can ECOWAS put in place to halt the recurring usurpation of constitutional governments in the region, a former director general of the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, Professor Bola A. Akinterinwa, argued that the problem is not simply about putting in place a peer review mechanism, but more about the nature of a coup d’etats.
Akinterinwa, now a lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Achievers University, Owo, Ondo State, said: “In other words, what are the causal factors of the coup? Is the coup a military or a non-military coup? Is the coup a coup to change the government to govern, or a coup to ensure the people’s protection and survival? Is the coup externally sponsored? Whose interests are at stake in coup-making?
“Some unconfirmed reports have it that the ousted President Mohamed Bazoum had earlier spoken about France being unwanted in the country, and this explains why the pro-French Nigeriens wanted him out of office. This means that even if France is openly condemning the coup, there is no way France would not want to have Bazoum removed.
“Consequently, it is the answers to my questions that can help in seriously deterring coups d’états in Africa. Let us look at the first and second coups in Mali, which are generally described as a coup within a coup, because the first coup took place on 18 August 2020, and the second coup occurred about nine months after, in May 2021. The coups were people-oriented even though the military, led by Assimi Goïta led the coup. The Malians began the coup-making publicly through weeks of public demonstrations against President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. In this regard, which interest will any peer review mechanism seek to protect? The elected president and his government, or the Malian people who elected the president?
“In halting recidivist coup incidents, emphasis must first be placed on differentiating between military and civilian coups so that it is not the people that are first made the target of sanctions, or declaration of war. Besides, it is not only the unconstitutional change of government, especially the sit-tight presidential politics, in which the leaders smartly, but fraudulently change constitutions to prolong their stay in power, but also the fraudulently rigged elections that produced presidents that are being protected by the ECOWAS and foreign governments.
“It is unbelievable that ECOWAS is condemning unconstitutional changes of government while also abetting, or acquiescing to illegal election riggings. Why condone election magouille and then adopt hostility towards an unconstitutional change of government?” He asked.
At the heart of most unconstitutional changes of government is usually a lack of good governance. So, how can West African leaders promote good governance in their domain, and what role can the African Union play in this?
Akinterinwa agreed that lack of good governance is more often than not, at the epicentre of coups-making, arguing that the role of the African Union cannot, but be to show greater commitment to the policy of non-acceptance of unconstitutional change of government.
“Showing greater commitment must begin with monitoring and ensuring fairness, justice, and equity in the governance of all member states of the African Union. The Peer Review Mechanism already begun at the level of the African Union should also be vigorously sustained and done at least twice yearly.
“One implication and message of the coup plotters in the Niger Republic is that greater emphasis is indirectly being placed on national sovereignty over supranational sovereignty of the ECOWAS. The coup is a rejection of the supranational authority of the ECOWAS. This cannot, but be a major source of concern, particularly in light of the many countries publicly expressing support for the coupists. While the cases of Guinea Conakry, Mali, and Burkina Faso can be understandable because they are currently under the AU-ECOWAS sanctions, that of Algeria is quite difficult to understand. True, Algeria has explained that its national security will be threatened by ECOWAS military intervention in Niger as the Niger Republic shares a border with Algeria.
“This is why Algeria has indicated that she will be supporting the coup makers. Consequently, one good way of promoting good governance is first, to avoid rigged and controversial elections as the basis of bringing politicians to power. Additionally, more regular peer review of rule-based governance in member states is strongly recommended.
“When governance is driven by fairness and equity, it will be unlikely to have civilians supporting coups d’états. Every stakeholder must therefore learn and accept that democracy is not simply about electioneering, but particularly about evolving a culture of transparency, and accountability, evolving democratic culture by particularly avoiding belligerency and settling societal misunderstandings by the principles of peaceful co-existence.
“Let me ask a question, can we talk about good governance when the ECOWAS failed to inform Mali and Burkina Faso about current developments in the Niger Republic? True, ECOWAS refused to carry Mali and Burkina Faso along because they are currently under ECOWAS sanctions. But should this be enough reason if we are mounting pressure against coup-making? Can a house divided against itself do anything tangible in the Republic of Niger? Good Governance is a priori, a culture that has to be evolved and developed. This is my position.”
If both parties refused to shift ground and ECOWAS decides to send troops to the Niger Republic what could be the implications for countries in the sub-region, especially as many of them are battling with dire internal security challenges?
Akinterinwa said that the implications can be many. “First, the ECOWAS cannot but begin to seek international support simply because the ECOWAS cannot be said to have the military capacity and capability to confront the Niger coup plotters successfully without engendering discomfort at the domestic level.
“Second, the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led ECOWAS will have a dogfight battle to do with many countries, including suspended member states of the ECOWAS, Algeria from North Africa, and the Wagner group of professional mercenaries and Russia to begin with. The further intrinsic implication here is that the war will have a known beginning, but the end time can at best remain speculative.
“Third, the ECOMOG cannot be quickly and easily resuscitated in a fire brigade manner. Fourth, the ECOMOG is not solvent enough to engage in that type of emergency warfare, and will, therefore, have to rely on Nigeria to a large extent in the conduct and management of the war. Fifth, sharper divisions between and among Francophone African countries will be more pronounced and Francophone African hostility vis-à-vis France will also reduce not simply the French, but also, the Western influence in Africa. This cannot but have the potential to be to the advantage of Russia.”
Akinterinwa further said that this is why President Tinubu must learn how to make haste slowly, as well as, avoid making very undiplomatic statements when addressing sovereign states.
“Forty per cent of the people of the Niger Republic can be living under extreme poverty, to borrow the words of the World Bank in 2019. However, this does not suggest that the ECOWAS can easily overrun the Niger Republic, which has shown readiness to confront the ECOWAS on the battlefield. In essence, it should be noted that the war one prepares for is always different from the one that is imposed on someone.
“If President Tinubu does not thread more cautiously, the Niger Republic saga can seriously undermine his presidency at the domestic level, if not his removal in an indecent manner. If he is weeping because of constitutional democracy, this cannot be enough. What will be enough is weeping and also seeing clearly, not when the rain is gone in the manner of Johnny Nash, but when it is still raining as demanded by Nigeria’s situational reality.”
How Military Hospitals Filled Void Left By Resident Doctors
The industrial action embarked on by resident doctors who make up the bulk of medical experts in Nigeria’s tertiary hospitals has crippled health activities in hospitals across the country.
While patients are left stranded, with pockets of skeletal services in some government hospitals, LEADERSHIP Weekend’s investigations revealed that patients have resorted to seeking the services of military hospitals for medical attention.
Our findings showed that most of the patients rejected at public hospitals have turned to either private clinics or military hospitals to seek medical care.
For instance, major surgeries have been suspended at the Parklane hospital, Enugu.
A relative of a patient who had gone to the hospital for a surgery disclosed that no doctor at the surgery department agreed to accept the sister for an operation.
But it was observed that most of the patients have now resorted to the 82 Division military hospital in Enugu.
Our correspondent who visited the hospital sighted many patients who were rejected because of the ongoing strike seeking for treatment.
It was further observed that relatives of patients who came for surgery have relocated them from Parklane hospital to another place.
Similarly most wards in public hospitals in Lagos were empty yesterday following the indefinite strike embarked on by medical doctors under the auspices of the National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD).
On a normal day, most of the wards/departments would be crowded with patients and their relatives waiting to be attended to.
However when LEADERSHIP Weekend visited the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) from 12:30 pm to 1pm on Wednesday, almost all wards were empty.
Some of the nurses, who spoke with our correspondent, confirmed that since the resident doctors went on strike, hospital services at LASUTH have been greatly disrupted.
“The only thing we give to patients with emergency cases, especially wounded cases, is first aid treatment, after which, we would tell them to go to private hospitals.
“We can’t even refer to them because it is the job of the doctor to do so.
So, we the nurses just do the best we can and tell the patients to go to private hospitals,” a nurse in the surgical department, who spoke anonymously, told this paper.
Meanwhile, a security man in the critical unit at LASUTH was seen telling a patient and her relative to go home, as there is no doctor to attend to them.
“Don’t you know that doctors are on strike? There is no doctor to attend to your mother. As you can see, everywhere is empty, not because we don’t have patients, but because we have been sending them home, as there is no doctor to attend to them,” the security man further stated.
The relative, who simply introduced herself as Mrs Adaku, told LEADERSHIP Weekend that her mother did a test last week, noting that “the test showed that she is having kidney failure.
“The lab scientist told us to commence treatment as soon as possible, hence the reason I brought my mother here. We don’t even have the money for private hospitals. We were thinking that since doctors didn’t embark on the protest, they may as well call off the strike.”
At the oncology department of the hospital, no new patients were allowed to go in, as the security man at the department made sure no one gained entrance.
It was learnt that most of the patients rejected at public hospitals have turned to either private clinics or military hospitals to seek medical care.
For instance, a visit to the headquarters 661, Nigerian Airforce Hospital, Ikeja, Lagos, situated inside the SAM ETHNAN Airforce Base, showed that most civilians were treated.
A doctor who spoke with LEADERSHIP Weekend revealed that since the NARD Strike, there has been an inflow of civilians coming to seek medical care at the hospital.
“We welcome them. As much as we can handle the case, we treat them. We offer 24-hour tertiary level services, which include general out-patient consultations, emergency services, in-patient care, obstetric care, surgical care (orthopaedic, ENT, Urology and paediatric surgery etc) and general paediatric care.
“We also have specialist clinics for cardiology, Nephrology and family medicine. We also have a dental care department, an eye clinic. We offer laboratory services and radiological services like ultrasound, echocardiography and renal dialysis,” the doctor revealed.
He however appealed to the federal and state government to look into the demands of doctors, as the lives of Nigerians should be paramount.
But not all military hospitals are opening their doors to civilians or even have the infrastructure and personnel to manage the large influx of patients from the communities they operate in.
According to the Commander, 7 Division Hospital Consultant Orthopaedic and Trauma Surgeon Maimalari Cantonment in Maiduguri, Lt Col Adeniyi Samuel Ogunshaki, the hospital is not witnessing massive inflow of civil patients as a result of the strike by resident doctors.
He said the situation was due to several checkpoints to be encountered by any civilian before entering the hospital.
The commander however said that when there are emergencies resulting from attacks which affect both civilians and soldiers, the civilian casualties are first stabilised in the military hospital up to giving of blood, drips, and antibiotics, among others before they would be referred to government hospitals for further treatment.
“We stabilise them, give them blood, drips and antibiotics before referring them to the state specialist hospital. In the state specialist hospital, we refer them to the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) component. They go straight to the ICRC component which is reserved for wounded civilians in attacks. We do speak to the component before the referral,” he said.
He said the 59 bed capacity in the hospital cannot accommodate soldiers wounded in action, not to talk of admitting civilian patients, adding that the hospital runs free services to wounded soldiers.
Meanwhile, the chairman of the Medical Resident Doctors Association, Borno State chapter, Dr Abdullahi Yusuf, said the strike action embarked on by the resident doctors across the federation affected every aspect of surgery, including emergency surgery.
He said notwithstanding that consultant doctors are still working despite the strike, the striking resident doctors do the major jobs in the hospitals and they are more in number than the consultants.
Dr Yusuf further said even though surgery takes place amid the strike, the number of surgeries would reduce because the resident doctors are the workforce.
He said the impact of the strike is that there would be delays in carrying out surgery in the hospitals, especially the emergency surgery which could in turn lead to casualties.
He said the only way out is for the federal government to consider the demands of the resident doctors to save the country from unwanted deaths that could result from the strike action.
Part of the demands which are critical, according Dr Yusuf, is the Medical Residence Fund which government gives resident doctors for training and research which government have not been paying, and secondly, one-to-one replacement of doctors.
According to him, due to the fact that doctors are, on a daily basis, leaving the country to go abroad, government should ensure that each one doctor that left is replaced with another doctor, which is not happening.
He said it takes up to two years for the government to do replacement instead of allowing the hospitals to do the replacement.
“All surgeries, including emergencies, are affected by the strike. Although the consultant doctors could be of help during the strike, the resident doctors who are on strike do the major job. It is not like there is not going to be surgery, the number of surgery would reduce drastically because we are the workforce,” he said.
In Abuja, the Customs Hospital, Karu, has come to the rescue of a lot of patients within the environment since the commencement of the ongoing nationwide strike by the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD).
LEADERSHIP Weekend checks revealed that some patients, who were receiving treatment at the Nyanya General Hospital and others, are now going to the Customs Hospital at Kuru due to the ongoing strike.
When our correspondent visited the hospital, there was an influx of patients who were waiting to be attended to.
A pregnant woman who identified herself as Mrs Gambo said she came to the hospital for antenatal care.
Mrs Gambo said she had to leave her home very early in the morning to be able to get a number to see a doctor because of the population.
She said she stays in Nyanya and that she used to register for antenatal at the Nyanya General Hospital but because of the incessant doctors’ strike, she had to register at the Customs Hospital to avoid a situation where she would have to start rushing to a private hospital during her delivery because of strike.
Another patient, Tola Gbenga, told our correspondent that she had gone to the Asokoro District Hospital as an out-patient but she was told that the doctors were on strike and was asked to return after the strike.
She said she was advised by her sister who is a nurse to go to the Customs Hospital instead of going to a private hospital.
However, she said that she waited for a very long time before she was attended to, and that when she complained, she was told it was because of the ongoing strike by doctors in the general hospitals.
A nurse in the hospital, who pleaded anonymity, said there is usually an influx of patients in the hospital whenever doctors are on strike.
She said, “Anytime doctors are on strike, you will see a lot of people coming here. It is not as if the patients are not being attended to but because they are many, it will take a longer time for some of them to be attended to.”
In Cross Rover State, a visit to Navy Reference Hospital Càlabar showed that the influx of patients into the wards is on the increase as a result of doctors’ strike.
One of the patients at the Navy Reference Hospital, Mrs Stella Bichene, who spoke with our correspondent, expressed satisfaction with the attention given to her by the hospital because.
She said the hospital took away the frustration she got at Càlabar Teaching Hospital when she visited UCTH for medical attention.
“I was told to go back because the only doctors who come to work were doctors who only come to attend to patients briefly at antenatal units and patients undergoing delivery.
“That was why I decided to come to the navy hospital. Even though the population density of patients is higher, at least I have been attended to.”
[Leadership]
[OPINION] Vicarious liability is missing in Nigeria - Tonnie Iredia
A visible feature in every developed society is a high degree of accountability in governance in which every public operative is held accountable for any task he is mandated to implement. The corollary is the case in underdeveloped societies where accountability is weak. Nigeria is a good example of where accounting for leadership actions or decisions is virtually non-existent despite ample evidence that the nation’s constitution places premium on the concept of accountability.
It is in fact the recognition that it would be difficult for courts to enforce the lofty ideals of Chapter 2 of the Nigerian Constitution 1999, technically called ‘Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy that the media was mandated by Section 22 to hold government accountable to the people. But then, the media has never been allowed to perform the task without hindrance. Instead, several strategies had been designed by top political appointees to ‘repress the press.’
The most effective of the strategies in recent times has been the use of the provisions of the Cybercrimes Act to arrest and detain journalists who adopt adversarial journalism to compel political leaders to account for their policies and activities. Consequently, many journalists have been scared away from the terrain especially as security agencies always ensured that media critics were never prosecuted but physically assaulted in detention camps.
Last year, the governors of two states, Ebonyi and Cross River led their peers in intimidating the media, making it impossible for political leaders to be held accountable. At the federal level, accountability has been a non-issue; even the welfare and security of citizens which the constitution recognised as the primary purpose of government was reinterpreted by leaders to be an assignment for every individual. Indeed, the immediate past minister of defence publicly asked unarmed Nigerians to embark on self-defence against terrorists and kidnappers.
As if to firmly establish that Nigerians had transited out of the rule of law, government did not only renege on agreements it reached with major unions such as the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD), it sought to penalize members of the unions for asking for their rights. At a point, government accused NARD of confusing her into paying allowances to unqualified persons.
This led many analysts into wondering if management bodies and governing councils of medical institutions such as teaching hospitals set up to run such institutions did not exist. Alas, structures for the recruitment and payment of salaries to doctors in government hospitals are in place but public officials who perform poorly are never held accountable. In addition to the failure of leaders to hold their subordinates to account for tasks assigned to them, leaders are themselves never held vicariously liable for the lapses of their subordinates.
Vicarious liability is a concept whereby leaders accept responsibility for lapses in their areas of responsibility when they may not have been personally responsible for such lapses, it is enough that it was due to the failings of subordinates who are answerable to them. The concept is in vogue in civilized societies where leaders resign from office because of lapses occurring in their functional jurisdictions. For example, as far back as 1954, in the United Kingdom, a certain Sir, Thomas Dugdale who was at the time minister for agriculture resigned his appointment because an enquiry adversely criticised civil servants in his ministry over a compulsory purchase of some farmlands even though there was no evidence of Dugdale’s personal involvement. Many other countries follow the same principle. In Romania, a former minister of interior Valse Blaga reportedly resigned a week after5000 police officers went on a one-day strike in protest over a 25% pay cut. In Nigeria, no matter how long ASUU’s incessant strikes may last, no office-holder is questioned let alone to resign from office.
Successive governments in Nigeria may have for long contrived a disingenuous agreement that makes ministers of education unable to differentiate between an agreement and a negotiation thereby playing the game of ‘negotiations without end’ with ASUU. Our immediate past labour minister was perhaps craftier with his own template consisting of: a) renegotiating the contentious subject with the relevant stakeholders before signing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on how government plans to redress the situation; b) converting the unimplemented MOU into a memorandum of action (MOA) a few months later when the MOU fails and c) blaming ASUU for the continued closure of universities across the country. The same template was put into use during strikes by resident doctors or other aggrieved groups. No minister of health, education or labour resorted to the principle of ministerial responsibility by resigning from office as a mark of honour. Instead each minister simply adopted any strategy at the expense of service delivery. None of them was also sacked from office by the president on account of such failure to deliver service.
Even in March 2014, when a huge indiscretion led to the death of some Nigerians, no one was held accountable. The event was supposed to be a recruitment exercise which ended in a stampede because over 520, 000 job-seekers were invited to apply for 4,500 jobs in the immigration service. Although government realized about N520 million at N1,000 per applicant as registration fees it could not organize an efficient crowd control mechanism.
The exercise thus ended with no less than 16 deaths while the then minister declined responsibility claiming that the applicants were impatient. If the supervising minister had not taken over the assignment, the Immigration service would have conducted its recruitment exercise as it always smoothly did over the years. Yet, nothing was done to the minister. On its part the Buhari administration did not also believe in holding ministers accountable. Till it left office, no one knew why the only 2 ministers in charge of Agriculture and Power it removed, were dropped.
Lack of accountability by officers mandated to implement specified tasks and the failure to vicariously hold their supervisors liable constituted only one side of the story. There is a second aspect visibly observable since 1999 in which no former head of government has been requested to account for anything since leaving office. It is as if there is a secret agreement to make the immunity granted to them while in office by section 308 of the constitution a life-time benefit. When President Goodluck Jonathan left office, some of his ministers were prosecuted for corrupt practices but no one has asked Jonathan any question.
Huge sums of misappropriated funds were reportedly traced to the then national security adviser, for which he was detained for years, yet Jonathan who ought to be privy to such huge disbursements was never questioned. During the era of President Muhammadu Buhari similar allegations of governance lapses and large scale corruption were similarly made. Of particular note was the naira redesign policy for which everyone has continued to blame the former governor of the Central Bank. Although Buhari said only a few things throughout his tenure, Nigerians saw and heard him saying the naira redesign policy was directed and approved by him. Now, why is the former CBN governor alone in distress?
The implications of not holding leaders liable for the deeds of their subordinates are grave. If the posture is not changed, many public officials would henceforth only act half-heartedly in office, knowing that at the end, only them would be held accountable. It is true that public officers ought to ensure that in carrying out presidential orders, due processes and procedures are diligently followed, but it does not appear fair to attribute all policy failures to only the zeal of loyal officers.
Indeed, the principal cannot be completely exonerated from blame concerning a subject for which he would have received accolades if the same policy had succeeded. In other words, anyone who gains from a successful policy ought to be part of those to blame where the policy fails. It is wrong to make our presidents believe that they can enjoy eternal immunity. In addition, one way of stopping cabals who remotely control the presidency is to hold those responsible for lapses along with any president who cared little about what people did in his name.