Security men drawn from the police, civil defense, state service and military formations in Kwara State were on guard at Yemoja River in Oko Olowo area of Ilorin to prevent security breach in the state.

The river was the initial venue of the botched celebration of the Isese festival by the traditional worshippers.

The operatives were drafted to the spot to prevent a clash between the traditionalists and the Muslims ahead of the celebration of the World Isese Day slated for Monday.

Islamic leaders had rejected the decision to celebrate the event in the Muslim dominated five local governments that make up Ilọrin Emirate.

Although the security men were on alert guiding the river, neither the traditionalists nor the Islam adherents were sighted by our correspondent for several hours during a visit.

Speaking with journalists at the Yemoja River site, the state Commissioner of Police, Mrs Ebbunoluwarotimi Adelesi who led the operation said the heavy presence of security operatives was to keep peace and protect the lives of the people and their properties.

“The security men are here to maintain peace, we are not here to deprive anyone of his or her fundamental human rights. They have been drafted to this place since yesterday to protect the people of the state.

“We have to be at alert as a result of what the two sides are saying. We cannot allow the security and peace of the state to be breached. Kwara State is the state of harmony,” she said.

The police command had earlier advised the traditionalists to stay away from Kwara and relocate the celebration to other states, a decision that was reiterated by the Muslim community in Ilọrin.

The police had said the security report did not favour holding the Isese festival in Ilọrin as initially declared by the International Council of Ifa/Orisa Religions (ICIR).

Indeed Naira, the Nigerian legal tender, has no religion, tribe or tongue. It is common to all of us as Nigerians and foreign nationals whose businesses involve cash exchanges in the Nigerian currency. Anything that happens to the Naira affects everyone who transacts with it. 

As is the case with the currencies of other nations, the value of the Naira is not determined by some gods, prayers or incantations. Nor is it by a group of Nigerian eggheads sitting on a round table to apportion value to it. The Naira’s volatility, weakness, stability or strength is a function of the economic choices we make and the forces of demand and supply. Unfortunately, these two factors have combined and conspired against the Naira now more than in the past.

The Naira has witnessed a steady decline since the Federal Government announced the floating of the Naira. It has lost more than 40% value against the US Dollar within two months of implementation of the policy. This is the most significant drop in its history. As expected, the Naira crisis has caused unprecedented economic uncertainty and hardship in the country. Prices of goods and services have gone off the roof. Fuel price has more than doubled and inflation rate is at an all-time high. Nigerians paying international school fees and medical bills abroad now know that the rich also cry. Everybody in Nigeria is feeling the pinch one way or another.

But the fall of the Naira did not start now. Its tragic history dates to 1983 when it began the nosedive and has not ameliorated till date.

From the 1960s to the 1980s, the Naira was relatively stable against the US Dollar. However, Nigeria faced economic challenges due to fluctuations in global oil prices and mismanagement of her oil resources. In 1983, 1 USD was exchanged for about 72 kobo. But by 1986 when Nigeria implemented a World Bank-induced currency devaluation due to falling oil prices and economic difficulties, the Naira fell to exchanging at about N9 to 1 USD by 1990. The Naira faced further significant devaluation as Nigeria dealt with economic and political instability in the 90s. In the year 2000, 1 USD was exchanged for about N85 at the official window. To stem the decline in its value, the Naira was pegged to the US Dollar for a period; even though removing this peg eventually led to further devaluation. In 2010, 1 USD was exchanged for about N150 officially but not at the notorious black market. In the 2010s, the Naira experienced several devaluations partly due to oil price volatility and economic challenges. By 2020, 1 USD exchanged for about N360 at the official window.

In recent years, the Naira has continued to face challenges related to external factors. These include fluctuations in oil prices and the global economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. A few days ago, the Naira fell to an all-time low against the USD by exchanging between about N890-N930 to 1 USD. 

Although I am not an economist, I will  attempt a commonsensical interpretation and critical analysis of the continuous erosion of the Naira value and share some multidisciplinary perspective to the issue. First, let us examine the basics. The exchange rate is a function of factors. It is primarily the demand and supply of forex. The current crisis is principally one of supply. Our forex supply includes oil sale receipts, diaspora remittances and non-oil export proceeds. Oil receipts that depend on international prices have been hampered by factors like oil theft, invoicing and massive corruption in handling government revenue. We export little or no finished goods, given our low manufacturing base. 

Our second source of forex is Diaspora remittances. These have been consistent at about $25bn annually. Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) bring in forex, but these have fallen significantly in recent years. Foreign loans are another source of forex into Nigeria. However, with Nigeria borrowing a lot recently for various projects and stabilising the economy the appetite for foreign loans is low. These sources, put together, are not enough to meet our massive demand for forex.  

The demand side of this crisis is potent. Many factors fuel this considerable demand. The first is that successive poor management of our economy has eroded confidence in the local currency. Nigerians now price goods and services in USD and prefer to hold value in dollars. In addition, the US is the unscripted ‘official’ currency of Nigeria’s vast underground corruption economy. These illicit transactions are of such huge volume that they heavily pressure available dollar cash supplies. It is an open secret that some political payments made during the last election were made in USD, thus creating a scarcity of USD during the election season. Those who got these payments saved the excess in USD, thereby starving the market of Dollar cash. 

For a predominantly import-dependent economy, legitimate import transactions take the form of the import of raw materials, finished goods, invisible and other services. For a population of over 220 million people, legitimate forex transactions are enough to put massive pressure on our external reserves. Those reserves have incidentally been heavily depleted by the recklessness of the managers of the economy in

our recent past who used part of our reserves to hedge against external loans. The alarming reality therefrom is this. Of an advertised foreign reserve of $38bn, only about $18 bn is unencumbered. 

Another point to consider in this demand problem is this. It is made worse by the activities of currency speculators taking advantage of the limited quantity of USD in the system to cause havoc to an already stretched and volatile forex regime. Little wonder the forex crisis was exacerbated with the recent addition of oil subsidy removal and Naira floating policies. Although these policies are good economic policies, their fallout has negatively impacted the forex situation. The merged exchange rate regime converges all forex demand around the parallel market rate and this has remained volatile ever since the policy was implemented. The official market has little or no Dollars to offer hence the recent recourse to an Afrexim bank facility of $3bn to shore up the declining Naira and throw a lifeline to the economy. Even with liquidity in the official market, dealing with forex transactions is still very slow. Banks take weeks or sometimes months before consummating a forex transaction for most Nigerians. Most instant forex demand is in cash at the parallel market rate. This has kept the black market as active as ever, although one aim of floating the Naira is to eliminate the menace of the black market in the forex ecosystem. These failures have kept away some foreign and local investors with forex and made others reluctant to invest. Besides, oil importers need forex at the current rate to sustain imports. 

Other psychosocial factors are enabling the Naira crisis and must be addressed. First, Nigerians have an excessive love for foreign goods and services. Related to it is the fact that we are not producing enough locally and our export is far lower than our import.

Second, our dependence on crude oil for decades has been our bane. Thus, fluctuations in crude oil prices in the international market have continued to keep the Naira very unstable. In relation, there is a nexus between the instability of the Naira, the massive corruption among the elites and concomitant misplaced priorities of the governing class. The opportunity costs of stolen funds are the lost structures and systems of production that Nigeria badly needs now to be productive. We have lost decades that we would have built capacity, created the much-needed physical and knowledge infrastructure and laid the foundation for an industrialised society. We have focused on survival and curbing poverty instead of productivity, innovation and growth which will eliminate poverty. We have been driving looking through the rear view mirror instead of looking forward to creating an industrialised society.

Third, the perception of our country at home and on the global scene is abysmal. Whilst most Nigerians in Diaspora are making great strides, news from Nigeria itself is depressing. We are battling with everything negative anyone can think of. Sadly, it seems we have accepted these things as the norm.

The current forex crisis and fall in the exchange value of the Naira resulted from a combination of all these factors. The task before the government then is to isolate and deal with these factors as clear and present economic challenges, each requiring informed tackling.

Addressing  financial challenges and preventing a collapse of the Naira is a complex process that involves multiple factors. The success of any panoply of measures to tackle the erosion of the value of the Naira also depends on a number of factors . Starting point , the  government should do some of the following: implement some Monetary Policy adjustments; Currency Stabilisation by intervening in the forex market; Fiscal Policy Reforms; Structural Reforms such as reducing corruption and promoting economic diversification; seek external assistance from international financial institutions; promoting export and reducing imports; enhancing Investor Confidence; providing transparent economic policies and strong governance, making stringent efforts to attract foreign investment; giving out clear communication about the steps being taken to address the situation; and tackle speculative activities in the forex market. The war to save the Naira from collapse is our collective responsibility. We must all come together to fight to save our Naira. 

A former member of the House of Representatives, Robinson Uwak, has advised the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) including its chair, President Bola Tinubu, to avoid starting war in the Niger Republic following the military coup that ousted President Mohamed Bazoum.

The lawmaker’s call on Sunday followed the ECOWAS’ threat to invade Niger if all diplomatic efforts from international partners fail.

The junta has defied the directives from ECOWAS regarding restoration of democracy and installed a new government made up of soldiers.

Uwak, in a statement on Sunday, advised Tinubu to continue to toe the path of dialogue.

He warned that invading Niger with soldiers can cause irrecoverable crisis and wanton destruction across borders as the country is surrounded by Nigeria and Chad, among others.

He added that the impact of war can cause trauma on respective citizens.

“Let Mr President suspend any talk of military action and sustain the dialogue option as this would yield long term benefits for regional peace and stability within the ECOWAS sub-region.

“The President should take a deep look at the impact of any war with our neighbouring country, the post-traumatic disorders, the severance of cross-border filial relations, the destruction and the injuries may probably not heal. Let us avoid this war by all means,” Uwak stated.

He lauded former Head of State and the chairman of the National Peace Committee, General Abdulsalami Abubakar and the Sultan of Sokoto for agreeing to broker peace between respective countries.

Recall that Tinubu had approached the Nigerian Senate for approval to send troops to Niger Republic despite imposing economic sanctions on the country.

But the lawmakers rejected Tinubu’s request.

Amid the development, the junta has vowed to remain in power for three years before permitting a democratic election.

A Nigerian, Okechukwu Iwuji, alongside two others, has been convicted and jailed for advance fee and money laundering scheme involving over $2m.

An attorney from the US Attorney’s Office, Guam, Shawn Anderson, announced that 38-year-old Iwuji and the other convicts fraudulently obtained approximately $2,600,000 by inducing Guam-based investors to pay bogus fees for a multimillion-dollar inheritance.

The other convicts are Sally Roberto, 56, from Santa Rita; Monique Jones, 49, from Dallas, Texas.

They were on Tuesday and Thursday sentenced for their crimes.

Iwuji, a Nigerian citizen, who previously resided in Orlando, Florida, was sentenced to 45 months imprisonment; three years supervised release, ordered to pay $475,710 in restitution, a $100 mandatory assessment fee, and a $475,710 forfeiture money judgment, after previously pleading guilty to conspiracy to commit wire fraud.

“This far-ranging conspiracy preyed on 60 victims, nearly all of whom live in Guam,” Anderson said in a statement published by the US Attorney Office.

“These scams are difficult to investigate and prosecute due to the interstate and transnational nature of the criminal activity. Our success in this matter is the result of a team effort across multiple jurisdictions, with outstanding leadership by prosecutor David. We will continue to pursue the collection of restitution for those harmed by the defendant’s conduct. The public must remain vigilant against this type of fraud,” Anderson added.

As part of the conspiracy, Iwuji obtained at least $475,710 of victim funds from Roberto and other co-conspirators and transferred some funds to third party-Nigerian bank accounts.

Sally was sentenced to 33 months imprisonment; three years supervised release; ordered to pay $1,030,990 in restitution, a $3,900 mandatory assessment fee, and a $1,030,990 forfeiture money judgment.

Mekayda was sentenced to 36 months imprisonment; three years supervised release; ordered to pay $387,160 in restitution, a $1,600.00 mandatory assessment fee, and a $801,210 forfeiture money judgment.

Monique was sentenced to 48 months imprisonment; three years supervised release; ordered to pay $578,130 in restitution, a $2,700 mandatory assessment fee, and a $1,111,280 forfeiture money judgment.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation Agent, Special Agent Steven Merrill, said that the FBI would closely monitor similar cases and ensure that the perpetrators were brought to justice.

“This sentence should make the public aware that these types of advance fees, associated with inheritance scams, will be investigated by the FBI and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.

“If it is too good to be true, it probably is,” Merrill said.

Nigeria’s average daily consumption of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), popularly called petrol, dropped to 52 million litres in July, as against a national consumption figure of 64,964,000 recorded on June 30, 2023, data obtained from Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) has shown.

According to the agency, the land-based stock and closing stock – less dead stock – of petrol was 1,120,487,848 litres as of the end of July 2023, and marine stock, which included berth and offshore availability, was 521,035,645 litres.

According to the data, the total stock – less dead stock – was 1,641,523,493 litres. However, depot dead stock was 83,637,781 litres. Total stock, inclusive of dead stock, was 1,725,161,274 litres. The land-based days’ sufficiency was 21.55 days, while marine days’ sufficiency was put at 10.02 days, and total days’ sufficiency cumulatively stood at 31.57 days.

The total stockless dead stock was put at 1,641,523,493 litres. Depot dead stock was 83,637,781 litres and total stock, inclusive of dead stock, stood at 1,725,161,274 litres.

Conversely, on July 1, land-based stock of PMS was 1,059,330,321 litres, while marine stock at berth and offshore stood at 826,447,740 litres. Total stock – less dead stock – was 1,885,778,061 litres, while depot dead stock was 83,095,042 litres.

Total stock, inclusive of dead stock, stood at 1,968,873,103 litres. Land-based sufficiency was 16.31 days, marine days’ sufficiency was 12.72 days and total days’ sufficiency was 29.03 days.

As of July 1, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) had 293,380,735 litres in stock. Members of Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN) had 91,202,643 litres, while Depot and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria had 753,825,183 litres.

On days’ sufficiency, the data said Nigeria had land-based days’ sufficiency of 21.55 days as of the end of July, while marine days’ sufficiency was 10.02 days, which brings the total days’ sufficiency to 31.57 days.

Directors in ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) of the Federal Civil Service, who were to proceed on compulsory retirement since July 27 having spent eight years at their positions, have stayed put, in contravention to a new rule.

Checks by LEADERSHIP reveal that the no fewer than 500 directors affected by the new rule are yet to comply.

The new stipulation that such affected directors should give way followed the revised Public Service Rule (PSR) and circular issued by the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folashade Yemi-Esan, last month to heads of MDAs, directing them to ensure compliance with the new rule and the revised PSR.

The revised PSR was unveiled last month at a public service lecture held at the Presidential Villa, Abuja. According to the Head of Service, its implementation kicked off immediately with the launch.

“Following the approval of the revised Public Service Rules by the Federal Executive Council on the 27th of September, 2021 and its subsequent unveiling during the public service lecture during the commemoration of the 2023 Civil Service Week, the PSR has become operational with effect from 27 July, 2023. You are, therefore, to ensure full compliance with all provisions of the Public Service Rules, 2021. Please, ensure strict compliance with the contents of this circular,” the Head of Service stated.

The circular noted that the new rule, which seeks to give room for deputy directors within the Federal Civil Service some of whom have been stagnated on Grade Level 16 for about a decade, to rise to the cadre of director, would see over 500 directors across the civil service on Grade Level 17 who have spent more than eight years in their positions proceed on compulsory retirement.

For instance, following the circular from the Head of Service, the director of Administration, Federal Ministry of Finance, Maria Rufai had in an internal memo, dated August 3, directed affected directors in the ministry to hand over all government official property to the next most senior officer in their respective departments and proceed on immediate retirement.

Consequently, all affected directors were advised to begin the process of documentation with the Administration Department for compulsory retirement by virtue of the section under reference and to formally hand over to the most senior officers in their respective departments as well as surrender all official documents, including Identification Cards as well as official vehicles (if any) before exiting.

Another stipulation contained in the revised PSR is that Permanent Secretaries shall now hold the office for a term of four years which can be renewed upon satisfactory evaluation of performance on the job.

While there seem to be commitments to the directive in the ministries, the required compliance has been in gross deficit in the departments and agencies.

Three directors in the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM) have since retired in tandem with the new rule.

Further checks however show that many of the affected directors, especially those in departments and agencies of government have only observed the new rule in the breach.

In one of the anti-graft agencies, it was gathered that all of its five directors affected by this federal government directive are still clinging onto their offices.

Similarly, following a failure to comply with the new policy in the ministry of Information and Culture, a fresh directive was issued on the need for compliance on August 17.

LEADERSHIP recalls that moves to revise the PSR began in August 18, 2011 when the government of President Goodluck Jonathan constituted a Presidential Committee on the Restructuring and Rationalisation of Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies, headed by former Head of Civil Service of the Federation, Stephen Oronsaye.

The committee submitted its report on April 16, 2012, recommending the reduction in the number of federal agencies from 263 to 161; 38 agencies to be abolished; 52 agencies to be merged, and 14 to revert to departments in ministries, all to reduce cost of governance in the country.

In April 2014, President Jonathan ordered the establishment of a White Paper implementation committee on the report of the committee.

Though a White Paper on the report was issued and published in March, 2014 and was followed by the White Paper Implementation Committee, inaugurated in May, 2014, the succeeding Muhammadu Buhari government, in a curious twist, outrightly suspended all action on the implementation for over six years until it lately began moves in November 2021 towards the implementation of the White Paper with the inauguration of two sub-committees to review the main report and the document proper.

The two sub-committees which were given six weeks to conclude their work and submit reports, came up with the revised PSR which would reset the tenure of federal permanent secretaries and a new retirement directive for directors in MDAs with an implementation date that commenced on July 27, 2023.

Speaking at the inauguration of the two sub-committees in Abuja on November 4, 2021, Boss Mustapha, the immediate past Secretary to Government of the Federation (SGF), said the non-implementation of the White Paper on the Presidential Committee on the Restructuring and Rationalisation of Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies was hugely bleeding the federal government of its scarce resources, adding that one of the areas of concern to successive federal governments “has always been the increasing cost of governance without seeming concurrent productivity in the quality of service delivery.”

The Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Folashade Yemi-Esan, had in a circular addressed to all Permanent Secretaries, Accountant-General of the Federation, Auditor-General for the Federation and Heads of Extra Ministerial Departments to start implementation of the revised public service rule from July 27, 2023.

The revised PSR 020909 stated that “A director or its equivalent by whatever nomenclature it is described in MDAs shall compulsorily retire upon serving eight years on Tenure Policy on the post; and a Permanent Secretary shall hold office for a term of four years and renewable for a further term of four years, subject to satisfactory performance and no more.”

The director of information for the head of the service of the federation, Mohammed Ahmed, who could not give figures on the number of affected directors, said that the rule cuts across all the public services in Nigeria.

Ahmed said as far as a civil servant is up to eight years in any MDA as a director, or whatever nomenclature it is called, he or she must retire and go.

Already, the Ministry of Information and Culture has issued a fresh circular directing directors affected by the new Public Service Rule (PSR) 2021 to immediately exit the service.

In a circular addressed to “All Directors/Heads of Unit” of the Ministry of Information on behalf of the Permanent Secretary by Ms. Equere E (HRM), the affected directors were instructed to hand over to their next in line following the revised PSR.

A nation’s national power comes in both tangible and intangible components. A strong and virile military force is a credible and tangible addition to a nation’s power and when combined with intangible components like strong economy and national will, a nation’s national power becomes effective. The place of the Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) as a key instrument of national power is cast in stone and cannot be overemphasized. At the international and regional level, it stands tall through its numerous award-winning escapades in the enforcement of peace and security. In the past 60 years, the AFN has committed well-over 200,000 troops to various peacekeeping commitments around the world.

Back home in Nigeria, it continues to confront the threats posed by terrorists operating in the North as well as other non-state actors operating in other parts of the country. Through its efforts, several terrorists have been neutralized with over 130,000 surrendering en masse alongside their families. No wonder then that Global Firepower, a statistics-based website tracking defence-related information of countries worldwide, rated the AFN as the 4th most powerful military in Africa and 35th in the world.

Despite these efforts and recognition, its abysmal treatment back home by some Nigerians can aptly be described as sad and unfortunate. The support and encouragement it deserves from the Nigerian public after successful operations or whenever it faces fatalities or mishaps is well below expectation unlike what obtains in other climes.  In other countries, public support is a key factor considered before committing troops to combat. Ample evidence also exists to buttress the fact that the public opinion environment shapes the way military operations are justified and, in some cases, the way they are conducted. This is because the support of the public vis-à-vis the stakes involved as well as the prospects of operational success peaches the ends against the means. The United States of America learnt this the hard way during the Vietnam War as well as in Lebanon and Somalia after unfavourable public support constrained the range of politically acceptable policies for successfully concluding the military operations in these countries. Similarly, In a report by RAND titled, ‘American Public Support for U.S. Military Operations from Mogadishu to Baghdad,’ written for The Arroyo Centre by Eric V. Larson and Bogdan Savych, it was observed that following the change of United States’ objectives in Somalia in May 1993 (from providing a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations to engaging in nation building) and the subsequent deterioration in the situation, the importance of the objectives and the prospects for success declined for most, even as the costs increased. The result was very high sensitivity to costs in Somalia, and a general desire by the American public to abandon the mission and return home. At the end, it was one of America’s worst expeditionary escapades.

The lack of empathy and support for the AFN is further compounded by the enemy’s skilled utilization of the social media to its advantage, with unsuspecting Nigeria’s social media buffs serving as willing tools for the spread of their ideologies. A case in point is the recent video uploaded and circulated on social media platforms which depicted the wreckage of the crashed MI-171 Nigerian Air Force (NAF) helicopter and bodies of the victims at Chukuba Village in Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State. Sadly, the video has so far received nearly a million views and over 50,000 shares on both X (formerly Twitter) and YouTube combined, after social media buffs aided and abetted the uncontrolled sharing and spreading of the propaganda orchestrated by the terrorists.

Indeed, the social media, once a medium of personal connection, commerce and trade, has since morphed into a battlefield where information has become weaponized. Gone were the days when winning wars was a matter of finding and neutralizing an adversary’s centre of gravity through aerial bombardments of critical infrastructures and propagandas using radios and leaflets drops. The social media has since changed that narrative and all it takes is a smart phone and some idle seconds, and anybody can do it. In their book, LikeWar: The Weaponization of the Social Media, Peter Singer and Emerson Brooking aptly captured the existential threat that social media poses to national security when they noted thus, “Social media has created a new environment for conflict. It has transformed the speed, spread, and accessibility of information, changing the very nature of secrecy. Yet, while the truth is more widely available than ever before, it can be buried in a sea of “likes” and lies.” This is why its influence over the Nigerian internet space has become a matter of national concern. As ragtag as they may appear, the ability of terrorist groups operating in Northeast and Northwest Nigeria to weaponize the social media to their advantage calls for concern by all Nigerians. Even more disturbing is the unfortunate enabling attitude of some Nigerians who swallow the bait of propagating their propagandist strategies, knowingly and unknowingly, without recourse to Nigeria’s overall national security imperatives.  

But why is public support such a big deal to the AFN? Here are a few crucial reasons:

In their everyday lives, members of the AFN make sacrifices that can often go unnoticed by the public–be it the challenges of routine duties; the struggles of their spouses looking for another job after relocating to a new unit; or even a child adjusting to a new school and new friends. Members of the AFN and their families selflessly do whatever it takes to serve and protect the nation, including months or years spent apart from loved ones, families divided by distance and deployment to conflict zones; spouses giving birth alone in a hospital room, with no spouse there to support them; and most importantly, making the ultimate sacrifice like laying down their lives on the frontlines for the safety of all Nigerians.

Members of the AFN are also ordinary people doing extraordinary things. When the COVID-19 pandemic struck, NAF aircraft were used to ferry drugs and relief materials within Nigeria and to other West African Countries. NAF aircraft also came in handy in transporting relief materials to flooded areas in Enugu and Bayelsa States in 2022. Military doctors were also on hand as recent as last week to fill the void left by striking health workers. Additionally, members of the AFN are often the first to respond to conflicts overseas, leaving behind their loved ones at a moment’s notice to head into harm’s way. So, it’s only right to be there for them as well.

Members of the AFN are a force for good in the world, which is why it is crucial for all Nigerians to stand behind them. From the battlefields of the Congo and Burma (now Myanmar) to the front lines of Liberia and Sierra Leone, members of the AFN have been contributing to world peace for decades. In recent memory, they have been at the forefront of ensuring regional stability in The Gambia as well as the fight against terrorism and insurgency in Nigeria.

Military life can take its toll on members of the AFN and their families. For example, their spouses can often struggle to find their place in a new unit because they have moved so frequently and are isolated from their support networks-in addition to perhaps having difficulty finding a new job. And if a soldier or an airman is weighed down by stress at the front lines or concerned about their struggling family back home, it can be more difficult for them to concentrate on the assigned task. With mental health being a serious issue among troops these days, addressing these morale and mental wellness issues  through the show of love and care by others is imperative. 

Something as easy as thanking members of the AFN for their services or acknowledging the immense challenges of life as a military spouse can have a positive impact on the military community. By bridging that divide between civilians and the AFN, Nigerians can show members of the AFN that the sacrifices they make on their behalf is valued and appreciated, thus boosting their morale and preparing them for yet another day in the battle front.

In the USA, an organization known as the United Service Organization (USO) stands at the forefront of strengthening America’s military service members by keeping them connected to their families, home and Country. The USO is a private organization established in 1941 and funded through the generosity of individuals, organizations and corporations and powered by volunteers to accomplish its mission of connecting military families. Till date, the USO continuously adapts to the needs of U.S military personnel, while enabling them to focus on their assigned roles. A similar organization in Nigeria with comparable functions would no doubt go a long way in enhancing the support to the AFN as they face, frontally, the task of keeping Nigerians safe. Imagine such an organization reaching out to the families of the 23 soldiers and airmen that died in the ill-fated MI-171E aircraft at Chukuba in Niger State. Imagine such an organization offering educational scholarships to the widows and children of the deceased soldiers and airmen. Just imagine. It is however heartwarming to see State Governors like Professor Babagana Zulum of Borno State donating the sum of N10 Million Naira to troops of Operation Hadin Kai recently injured during an operation. At the presentation of the Cheque, Professor Zulum expressed his commitment towards supporting and complementing the efforts of the Federal Government in providing logistics support and improving the welfare of soldiers.  That is the way to go.

Gabkwet, an air commodore, is the director of public relations and information of the Nigerian Air Force.

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Femi Fani-Kayode has warned that Nigerian border states might be vulnerable to terrorists’ attacks.

Fani-Kayode said Sokoto and Lagos States might be vulnerable to ISIS and ISWAP terrorists’ attacks if Niger Republic and its allies opened up their corridors to the terrorists.

He warned that some of these terrorists have infiltrated Niger State and some States in the Southwest.

Tweeting, Fani-Kayode wrote: “If Niger Republic and her allies deliberately open a corridor for the elements of ISIS, AQIM, ISWAP etc to move into Benin and Togo, ECOWAS’ weakest link, then the whole of Nigeria’s western borders, from Sokoto to Lagos, would be vulnerable to terrorist attacks.

“Already some of the elements have penetrated into Niger State, around Borgu and Shiriro, very close to Benin Republic and some states in the South West of Nigeria.”

It is political and self-incriminating to destroy billboards for reading “All eyes on the judiciary”. This is a message of patriotism dressed up for the general good, which all honourable people should identify with. Therefore, it is shocking that top officials of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) have been suspended and their unit disbanded following the “All eyes on the judiciary” billboards that surfaced in Abuja and a few other states.

The statement is targeted at no one and solely calls on the judiciary to exercise caution and extreme diligence in carrying out its duties because the issues at hand, particularly the presidential election petitions, are among the most divisive in the country’s electoral history.

Nobody wants to see Nigeria burn for the simple reason that the judiciary appeared callous and rendered decisions that most Nigerians could not comprehend. A judgement must not only serve justice but must also appear to have done so to be considered just.

Normally, ARCON should convey such a message as part of its social corporate responsibility. Such messages are provided by tobacco companies: “Smokers are liable to die young”; “Drink responsibly” is yet another common message of CSR, this time from alcohol production companies.

Some patriotic Nigerians hosted the all-eyes on judiciary message, which was something that ARCON should have done as CSR. But rather than praising these Nigerians, ARCON denounced the initiative as though it’s urging the judiciary to act against someone. This is untrue. The message is merely calling for judgment with justice.

Now that I think about it, Nigerians easily recall that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) moved accountability from itself to the judiciary. The renowned advice to “go to court” was given by Professor Mahmood Yakubu, the head of the commission. Out of the 18 political parties that presented candidates in the 2023 presidential election, five urged their supporters to follow the INEC’s directive and headed to court.

Mahmood Yakubu intentionally shifted Nigerians’ focus away from INEC and towards the courts when he advised political parties and their candidates to file lawsuits. In other words, it was INEC and its chairman who originally offered that phrase—”all eyes on the judiciary”—and Nigerians have since followed suit by focusing their attention there.

Some patriotic Nigerians had put up a few billboards here and there, repeating the same advice: “All eyes on the judiciary,” to underscore the need to trust the country’s judicial system and for the bench not to let down their guard.

We must permit the judiciary to carry out its duties and this has been the case. Aside from the lament of Her Lordship Ngozi Azinge of the Kano state tribunal, who alerted Nigerians that she was being pursued with a sack of bribe money, the Nigerian judiciary has not complained of being tormented, let alone bothered by the unprecedented interest being displayed by some patriotic Nigerians who are urging Nigerians look up to the PEPT and supreme court.

I also believe that Nigerians have a right to remind the judiciary of the significance of this election. They want to remind the judiciary that this election cannot be decided by technicalities, such as making a candidate who finished fourth in a gubernatorial race the first and victor.

An obvious breach of various regulations governing political parties in Nigeria is when some persons who did not participate in party primaries are currently sitting in the national assembly. Or lucid legal issues are obscured by a fog of technicalities. Thus, after navigating dubious smokescreens, a man gets identified as a lady.

There is a saying: “Expressio unius est exclusio alterius“, which means, “expressly mentioning one thing is explicitly excluding another”. When an existing law specifies what should be done, such as when the constitution requires that a winning candidate secure 25% of the vote in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), when the law specifies that forgery and indictment disqualify a candidate, etc., when statistics demonstrate wilful falsification of numbers recorded as votes, etc. The literary meanings of these legal and constitutional clauses as understood by ordinary Nigerians are what they are looking out for, and hoping and fervently praying there should be no judicial abracadabra to obfuscate simple issues in the so-called national interest.

The men who work in the legal profession consider themselves the only learned people. The rest of us are experts in learning. Fair enough! Bench as the pinnacle of the judiciary needs to educate Nigerians, who are willing to learn and have been patiently waiting and admiring the two apex courts – the Presidential Election Petitions Court and the Supreme Court – where the presidential election will ultimately be dispensed with and concluded.

If INEC and Mahmood Yakubu had sought clear interpretations of the points of law from the Supreme Court even before the election, such problems wouldn’t be included in the current petitions and litigations by candidates and political parties For instance, INEC could have asked the Supreme Court for its opinion and legal position on the 25% in the FCT issue, especially after being alerted to it by a renowned Nigerian attorney, Olisa Agbakoba.

The country reached this deadlock as a result of the abdication of statutory duties by INEC. The problems relating to substantial compliance with the Electoral Act and the computation of results at various levels should be the only issues before the tribunals. But INEC’s failure to resolve critical points of law before the election result declaration has now given the tribunals, particularly the PEPT and Supreme Court, additional work to do and created anxiety heating up the polity.

Normally, the judiciary shouldn’t have any direct role in determining election outcomes. Wherever that occurs, the judiciary replaces the electorates, and it could get worse if the courts return candidates on technicalities rather than relying on the electorate’s votes. In the 2019 governorship elections, it occurred in the cases of Hope Uzodinma in Imo state and Ademola Adeleke in Osun state. Adeleke’s case was extremely pitiful. He lost simply because one of the judges hearing the case failed to act within time as required. The main factor in Hope Uzodinma’s victory was that INEC (the same INEC) failed to provide copies of annulled results in roughly 360 polling units.

This strange muddle was caused by what INEC did, which was either to upload 18,000 unreadable or blank results; to fail to upload election results in real-time from the polling units as required by Electoral Act 2022 section 64 (Procedures at Election) sub-section 4, which expressly states: “A collation officer or returning officer at an election shall collate and announce the result of an election, subject to his or her verification and confirmation that the – (a) number of accredited voters stated on the collated result are correct and consistent with the number of accredited voters recorded and transmitted directly from polling units under section 47 (2) of this Act; (b) the votes stated on the collated result are correct and consistent with the votes or results recorded and transmitted directly from polling units…”

Going by such extensive provisions of the aforementioned Electoral Act, the 2023 general election should rank among the best in the country’s history. Prof Yakubu and INEC were confident and prepared to deliver, inspiring much confidence until monkey hands that appeared to be human hands intervened at the last minute.

By violating its own guidelines and ignoring the electoral act’s explicit prescriptions, INEC acted in a manner comparable to one making the best soup possible and then adding a plate full of salt to it so that no one could taste it. That is what turned the 2023 general election —which ought to have been the best—into the worst one ever.

Since INEC failed both itself and Nigerians, the judiciary should be the centre of attention so that it does not also fail. There is no other option or place for Nigerians to go. The judiciary is, after all, the common man’s last resort. Why, then, do some individuals get nervous when Nigerians look at the PEPT and supreme court in the hope of obtaining justice? Would they rather Nigerians seek out self-help?

It appears that Nigerians are fairly attuned to the new sing-song that the country needs to move from consumption to production. However, discussions at a conference on Wednesday, August 16, 2023 once again brought to the fore the belief in some government and employers circles that the wilful and conscious deprivation of workers constitutional and human rights would not affect production. In fact, in some cases, they believe that the abridgement of such rights is good for business and governance.

The setting was the 45th Anniversary of the Food, Beverage and Tobacco Senior Staff Association, FOBTOB, held in Lagos, and the immediate trigger was the paper: “Enforcing Workers’ Right In Nigeria” by Mr Andrew Egboh, Director in the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment.

Now, the United Nations, UN, states that: “Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings, regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, or any other status. Human rights include the right to life and liberty, freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, the right to work and education, and many more.”

Mr Egboh, while not seeming to disagree with the UN, told Nigerian workers: “Fight for your Rice before your Rights.” So, how are workers to allow themselves to be dehumanised just for food? How are they to accept servitude and loss of the right to association, socio-political rights and safety at work just to hold on to their jobs?

The discussions dovetailed into the Export Processing Zone, EPZ, a geographic Customs area of import and export of goods without payment of duty. The issue is that the EPZ areas are treated as independent territories where the Nigerian Constitution and laws such as the right to unionise are observed more in the breach. The basic question was: why is the Labour Ministry virtually absent in the EPZs and workers can be treated like slaves?

In trying to explain its role, the Ministry claimed it granted employers in the EPZ only five years ‘freedom’ from unionism. First is the mindset that workers exercising their fundamental human rights to assembly is injurious to production, so the employers in the EPZs need to be shielded from unions.

Secondly, how can any institution, government or agency ban Nigerian workers right to freely assemble when the Constitution is very clear on such matters?

Section 40 of the Constitution states unambiguously that: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.”

So, if the Constitution is the supreme law in the country, any abridgement is unlawful and illegal. This precisely is what some employers, including those in the food and beverage sector, are doing. Such employers hold that while newly employed junior workers can belong to the in-house union, their senior staff counterparts cannot. Some ask workers who want to belong to the union to apply or fill forms, while some employers make it known that unionism is not encouraged.

Despite these illegal and unconstitutional practices being rampant, the Labour Ministry which has the duty to enforce the Constitution and labour laws, stands aloof. Ironically, the employers freely belong to their employer unions.

The Labour Director also advocated that Labour should be de-regulated and removed from the Exclusive List in the Constitution. This is an old quest from colonial times when the British colonialists rejected minimum labour standards in favour of every employer treating workers anyhow they deem fit with no minimum wage, annual leave or health and safety standards.

To deregulate labour would mean that while one state can pay the Minimum Wage of N30,000, another would have the powers to pay N5,000 monthly. Ironically, the same labour officials peddling this, would not accept lower salaries were they posted, say from Abuja or Lagos with a high cost of living to states with low cost of living. In a country where all National Assembly members earn equal pay irrespective of where they come from, and all governors earn equal pay irrespective of their state income or cost of living, it is illogical to campaign that workers have differing wages depending whether they are federal, state of local government employees.

In taking a broader look at issues, FOBTOB President, Jimoh Oyibo, who is also a Deputy President of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC declared: “We are all Nigerians, and all we desire and demand is good governance. When the nation’s President made the first gaffe, in his inaugural speech, by declaring that subsidy was gone, he did not realise the domino effect of his statement, no longer as an aspirant, but as an elected President. We all agree that the subsidy scheme as practised in our country is a scam, but we expected a responsible government that cared for the people to understand that some things needed to be put in place first before the sudden removal.”

Comrade Oyibo added: “The fact that the Naira was allowed to float alongside the subsidy removal is like double jeopardy for the citizens and FOBTOB supports the call of the labour centres to shut down the country if any further increase in the price of petroleum products is implemented.”

My basic submission at the conference was that the difference between the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and TUC is primarily one of nomenclature. I argued that both are labour centres in the same country representing the same workforce and faced with the same socio-economic and political challenges.

I also posited that the classification of workers into parallel ‘Junior’ and ‘Senior’ categories is a colonial inheritance reinforced by military regimes.

I argued that a worker is a worker irrespective of categorisation; the bottom line is that he is a wage earner. Secondly, that the Working Class is a single entity struggling for better life for all. Thirdly, that there are unions like Amalgamated which unionises workers from Grade Levels 1-17. There are also unions in the NLC from its inception such as the Nigeria Union of Journalists, NUJ, and the National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives, NANNM, which are outright senior staff.

There is also fact that while the NLC was designated a labour centre for “Junior Staff”, no President of the NLC in its 45 years of existence has been a junior staff. Its founding President, Comrade Hassan Sunmonu was an engineer in the Federal Ministry of Works when he was elected in 1978. His successor, Alhaji Ali Chiroma was the Principal of the School of Health, Borno State when he was elected in 1984.

Based on these, I moved that the NLC and TUC should merge into a single central labour organisation.