Says territorial expansion allegation is false

Urges governors in region to protect herders and their cattle

The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association (MACBAN) in the Southeast and South-south zones has opposed the profiling of its members as criminals and kidnappers operating in the southern region.

The group emphasized that their presence in the South is solely for the purpose of cattle breeding and not for any territorial expansion as erroneously believed by some individuals.

While acknowledging that no group is entirely free of individuals with questionable character, MACBAN asserted that they have been actively working to rid themselves of such elements.

This declaration was made during a joint executive council meeting held in Enugu yesterday.

The event was attended by MACBAN’s national executive members, zonal chairmen, Fulani traditional rulers, and state chairmen, from both zones.

MACBAN’s National Vice Director, Alhaji Gidado Sidiki, who addressed the media after the meeting said that the persistent reports of friction and insecurity experienced by their members in the various localities across the Southeast and South-south regions necessitated the meeting.

“Our members are getting increasingly uncomfortable with the growing suspicion with which they are treated by a good number of people in the Southeast and South-south.

“The leaderships of MACBAN in the two zones are worried about the demonization of herdsmen and the manner of their often being tagged and treated as criminals. This suspicion is rooted upon the speculations that herdsmen are harbingers of Fulani territorial expansionism.

“The convoking of the meeting does not presuppose an unusual provocation of the conflicts that our people experience with their native landlords.

“The leadership of MACBAN in the Southeast and South-south has continued to dialogue appreciably well with the individual state government in the zones. The dialogues give hope for better understanding between our members and their host communities.

“The meeting rigorously deliberated on the daunting challenges our members encountered in the course of their business of cattle rearing in the Southeast and South-south. It, however, recognized that such problems are not limited to the zones.

“The meeting recognized the need to correct the faulty impression that our members’ interests in the Southeast are beyond economic pursuits. The meeting acknowledged the government as the chief custodian of lives and property across the country.

“It, therefore, encourages and charges the government to live up to its mandate of providing security to its citizens across the country. Let it be noted that the leadership of MACBAN will not hesitate to report any herdsman suspected to be criminally inclined to the police.

“We jointly resolved to fully lend our efforts towards fostering an enduring harmonious relationship between our people and their host communities, as it is only in a peaceful environment that our business will thrive.

“The meeting was hopeful that the governments of Southeast and South-south states will ensure greater protection of our members and our cattle. It equally expressed great hope that the governments of the zones will speak in one voice in this regard,” Sidiki said.

The Minister of Works, David Umahi, has said his decision to defect from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has yielded fruits.

Umahi defected to the ruling party in 2020, after winning his second term election as governor under the platform of the PDP, citing the injustice meted out to the South-East by the PDP.

After the completion of his second term as governor, Umahi won the Ebonyi Central senatorial election but was subsequently appointed as minister of works by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Umahi, during his visit to Governor Francis Nwifuru, as part of his tour of the state to inspect federal roads, said joining APC almost took his life, but it finally paid off.

He said, “That decision (to join APC) nearly took my life, my properties were burnt and I became the enemy of the entire Igbos.

“The decision fetched all of us our present position. So, support the governor to deepen the party in the state and southeast zone,” he said.

“I urge the Labour Party Presidential Candidate, Mr Peter Obi, and other Igbo stakeholders, to support Tinubu.

“The president gave us the foremost ministerial position even when we didn’t vote well for him,” he said.

It is no longer news that the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal has given its verdict on the petitions challenging the INEC declaration of the APC presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as the winner of the Saturday, 25 February presidential election, defeating 27 or so other presidential candidates, three of whom felt so dissatisfied with the INEC declaration that they challenged it at the tribunal. Last Wednesday, judgment was given and the five-man tribunal, made up of Court of Appeal judges, not only upheld the result as declared by INEC but also had sobering admonitions especially for two of the litigants, the PDP candidate, Atiku Abubakar, and his Labour Party counterpart, Peter Obi. Dissatisfied, again, with the tribunal’s verdict, the two have given notice that they will appeal the judgment to the Supreme Court, which is the final bus stop on the matter.  It is within the ambits of the law and their constitutional right to do so. It also deepens our democracy as more light is thrown on gray areas. This is to be preferred to a resort to self-help, which may let anarchy loose on all of us. So, rather than feel irritated at what have described as the antics of the litigants and their supporters or be impatient with them, respecting their rights and patiently staying the course is a task that must be done. Ultimately, there will be an end to litigation.

For many of those dissatisfied with INEC when it declared Tinubu as the winner of the presidential election, INEC was bought; don’t ask me how much! Of course, you know by whom! Now that the tribunal has upheld the INEC declaration, the judges, too, have been bought! Again, you know by whom! Why their opponent is buying but they are unable to buy baffles me! Is it not a free market? Ever before the tribunal announced the judgment date – in fact, while it was still sitting – social media had been awash with allegations that the judgment would be sold and bought; supporters of some of the litigants had cried themselves hoarse, threatening fire and brimstones when all that was required was for them to mobilize funds and enter the market, like the European football clubs do, chasing their preferred targets. The tribunal judges in particular and judges in general must have put up with a lot of bashing during this election cycle. One former minister who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria had to cry out at some point that he was not in the business of writing judgments for judges! It got that bad. Which judge will be happy with the source or sources of such shenanigans? No one pours hot water ahead of himself and thread on cool soil. What you sow, you reap! Am I then saying that there could be no corruption in the judiciary? Far be it? A number of judges have been penalised for corruption in this country, haven’t they? Corruption has permeated every fabric of the Nigerian society and no section or sector is spared, be they churches, mosques, traditional institutions, the three arms and tiers of government, name it! But most times when we point an accusing finger at someone else, the remaining four fingers point in our own direction; that is to show how endemic corruption is here; the cankerworm has eaten very deep into every fabric of our society. A blanket condemnation of judges or anyone or groups for that matter is offensive, especially when there is no concrete evidence to back it up.

It was a good thing the judgment was broadcast live; it afforded everyone the opportunity to hear it from the horse’s mouth, as it were, Their Lordships reeled out so many errors made by the lawyers of the litigants that many were left with no option but to say that the lawyers were the ones that messed up their clients’ case. Were they not competent enough; yet they paraded an intimidating array of titles and credentials! Or were they themselves bought? Once again, I am sure you know who could have done the buying! Jokes apart, we must realise that election petition cases are very difficult to win, unless God is on your side and your opponent is a dunce; otherwise, the onus of proof weighs heavily against the petitioner. To discharge such and within the limited time given, is an uphill task. This s why I agree with the suggestion of my comrade, Ebun Olu Adegboruwa (SAN) that rather than the onus of proof being laid on the petitioner, it is the INEC that conducted the election in question that should respond to allegations raised against the conduct and sanctity of the election it spent hundreds of billions of hard-earned tax-payers money to conduct. Going forward, we must take this suggestion seriously. The facts and figures a petitioner is expected to gather all over the country and marshal in a proper and convincing order is a daunting task.

We heard the judges say that the petitioners’ case stood on shaky grounds. They called few witnesses, maybe for lack of adequate time, in a case as gargantuan as a presidential contest, and many of these were found unworthy by the tribunal. They couldn’t state how many lawful votes they were denied; how many unlawful votes the respondent was gifted; they couldn’t do the simple arithmetic to arrive at how many states/votes they lawfully won and how these surpassed those of the respondent. In other words, they were loud and voluble on accusations and allegations but miserably short in facts and figures to prove their case. You don’t win even a councillor’s election petition case that way.  Hence, they grabbed at straws; one of which was winning at least 25% of Abuja votes. This, in my view, was the dumbest of the “jokers” trumpeted all over the place by the Atiku and Obi supporters. It was hare-brained, to say the least, that Abuja, which is not up to a state, will hold a veto, so to say, over all the 36 states of the federation put together. I can go on and on!

Someone said the tribunal, rather than declare Tinubu as the winner of the February 25 presidential election, should have ordered a re-rerun! Hare-brained! Where will the hundreds of billions of Naira for another election come from? And what is the assurance that another election will not end up a fiasco? Judges usually say they rely on evidence placed before them to arrive at their verdict; the judges in this case said the same thing. My response is: Yes and No. Yes, because they often do and that is also what they will say in public. But they do not live on the moon. They are citizens. They watch television. They read newspapers. They follow social media; otherwise, how did they know that social media tried to intimidate and blackmail them? So, judges are not tabula rasa. When they sit to listen to cases, they are not blank and there is no way they can purge themselves of what they knew from other sources outside of the evidence joined in their court. For instance, is it possible for judges not to have had an opinion on the last election, even if they did not vote? Did the tribunal judges get to know that they would sit on the case before, during or after the presidential election? They must have an opinion on whether the election was free or fair. They must have followed its conduct and the discussions in the various media about it. So, when the litigants came with allegations that they were rigged out by someone, what if their Lordship also saw how these same litigants rigged in their own strongholds? He who comes to equity must come with clean hands! If you allege that you have been rigged, you, too, must not have participated in the rigging. Where you did, but was only out-rigged, then you lose your right to allege rigging.

Also, when a litigant begins to tug at the integrity of his opponent, has he forgotten that those listening to him are aware of the skeletons in his own cupboard? Who was mentioned in the Pandora papers? Who was mentioned in the Halliburton bribery scandal? So, when the pot begins to call the kettle black will their Lordship not be amused? B. J Neblett says: “We are the sum total of our experiences. These experiences – be they positive or negative – make us the person we are, at any given point in our life. And like a flowing river, those same experiences, and those yet to come, continue to influence and reshape the person we are, and the person we become. None of us are the same as we were yesterday, nor will be tomorrow” Maya Angelou puts it this way: You are the sum total of everything you have ever seen, heard, eaten, smelled, been told, forgot –it is all there. Everything influences each of us…”

Everyone’s past will haunt them! Lick your wounds if you got caught today. Not to worry, those who escape today will have their own date with history sooner or later.

Israel Adesanya has reacted to his defeat by Sean Strickland who pulled off one of the biggest upsets in UFC history defeating the Nigerian to win the middleweight title in Sydney.

The 32-year-old American beat Adesanya at the UFC 293 on Sunday to dethrone the Nigerian, who is one of the sports’ finest.

The match ended in favour of Strickland 49-46.

“I hate losing, but I love living. What a life!” Adesanya tweeted on X.

In a video shared with family members seen by THE WHISTLER, Adesanya showed his bruises, saying “It is not that bad. Nothing broken. We are great baby. I’m still thriving and it is all good. I am driving.

“(I am) hanging out with my family first then I will address the people. Right now, I got to put me first.”

For the greater part of Wednesday September 6, 2023, the Presidential Election Petitions Tribunal (PEPT) presented to Nigerians its verdict on the conduct of the February 25, 2023, presidential elections. At the end of it all, the panel resolved that the petitioners were unable to prove any of the allegations they made against the party/candidates that had been declared winners of the election. Whereas those who lost called the verdict a sham, the winners believed that no tribunal in the history of Nigeria has been as detailed and transparent as the one led by Justice Haruna Tsammani. As usual, the case ended as a two-sided concern. It would however have been more useful to the nation if something was done to answer the intractable question for which election tribunalsare set up, namely: to unravel the real winner of an election and uphold the unalloyed choice of the electorate. In other words, public interest ought to be at the front burner of elections.

After several years of election petitions in Nigeria, our judiciary is yet todesign an effective framework for arriving at verdicts that can really makemajority of Nigerians feel and see that justice was done. Instead, the verdict of last Wednesday was essentially an effort to prove that certain qualifications and nominations were in order. Indeed, the tribunal went one step ahead to remind the nation that the regularity of a nomination is irrelevant because, it is a party affair that should end with the party. If so, why werepolitical parties, much earlier,placed under so much stress with rules onwhere, when and how nominations should be made? There are critics who believe that those ruleswhich were actually informed by the conduct of some political actors were discountenanced by our courts in their bid to work to the answer. Is this true?

Nigeria has never had free and fair elections because of numerous challenges; among them is what can simply be called insider abuses by electoral officials. Except the conduct of such officials are placed under proper scrutiny during election petitions, we can never know the real winners of elections in Nigeria. That was the real substance that many looked forward to the Tsammani-led tribunal to tackle.

Instead, the tribunal assumed that figures credited to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were regular. The veracity of those figures amidst claims of ballot snatching and mutilationof result sheets were not adequately interrogated. Such a posture was probably informed by the popularity of the legal term ‘those who assert must prove.’ But considering that petitioners cannot apprehend and bring those who perpetuate electoral frauds to the tribunal, Nigeria may never go beyond the search for hitch-free elections

During the proceedings of the tribunal, some of the petitioners claimed that INEC placed hurdles on their way to retrieve required evidence to prove their claims. It would be unfair to doubt this allegation because it is a notorious fact. In Nigeria, it has become the norm for petitioners to cry in vain for help to the tribunal to assist them to access materials used by INEC for an election. In the last governorship election in Osun state, for example, the then governor Gboyega Oyetola who was defeated in the election cried more than once to the relevant tribunal for help. This also happened in the presidential election petition that has just ended. If INEC belongs to us all, it should not be allowed to take sides by immediately standing with a winner during an election petition as if it has something to hide. The commission should also not be allowed to toy with court orders requiring it to bring certain information/documents to court – a conduct that is clearly regarded as contemptuous in other climes. 

Bearing in mind that it is from tax payers’ money, that the electoral body is generously equipped to perform, it should not, after voting, become a revenue generating body that charges huge sums of money for releasing public information to contestants. There is also the need to dissuade INEC from the practice of hoarding information under the guise that such data are in its state offices. Are those state offices not part of one INEC? If INEC headquarters can access all the information it collated into a complete presidential election result from all the states, it should not become impossible to access materials when the request is from a party that participated in the election. The point to be made is that in an election-troubled society, people can become more convinced that an election tribunal has done a good job, if in addition to asking petitioners to prove their case, it also requires the body that conducted the election to establish herthoroughness.  

Otherwise, the criticism that the tribunal was unnecessarily too well disposed to INEC may leave room for people to suspect some collusion. For example, not many were impressed with how the Tsammani-led tribunal validated INEC’s use of discretion concerning the transmission of election results.  During electioneering campaigns, INEC gave unambiguous assurances to the world at large especially in Nigeria and at Chatham House, London that votes would be transmitted real time and electronically from polling units. According to Festus Okoye, the former INEC spokesman, “we canvased for the inclusion of the BVAS and the electronic transmission of results in the Electoral Act. We therefore have a responsibility to keep faith with our own innovation aimed at the conduct of transparent election driven and propelled by technology.”Let’s not forget that Section 64 of the Electoral Act 2022 makes the transmission of polling unit results mandatory.

We agree that INEC has a discretion in determining the manner of transmitting election results which was what we thought it did when it opted for ‘electronic transmission.’ It was a discretion that was applauded by many who saw it as the game-changer in Nigeria’s problematic electoral process in which the collation of results has remained the elephant in the room. Analysts in fact congratulated the commission for dismissing rumours that it might alter the discretion. Many were therefore shocked when INEC reneged on its promise at the last hour and in the middle of the game without finding it necessary to inform those it had led to have faith in the commission. It was probably more hurting to hear that the failure of INEC to keep faith was virtually commended by the tribunal. 

Just before the tribunal began its work, the president of the Nigerian Bar Association, (NBA), Yakubu Maikyau, SAN, called for live broadcast of the proceedings. He argued that such “live broadcasts will give citizens the opportunity to follow the proceedings, have better knowledge of the facts and an understanding of the reasoning behind decisions of the courts in those matters.” On April 9, 2023, this column with a piece titled ‘Televising election petition proceedings in Nigeria’ beckoned on our judiciary to follow global practices by adopting open justice for election proceedings. As a professional I had testified that Ghana and South Africa had been doing so for more than a decade. Neither my plea nor that of the NBA president persuaded our judiciary. After barring Nigerians from watching the proceedings so as to truly follow the process, it organized a live telecast of its own 12-hour long commentary on the proceedings. How could such report have made great impact on the same people? 

Rather than impress people, it made many to raise several questions on the report. For instance, the tribunal opted to see Abuja as one of the states of the federation, by suggesting that there was nothing special about Abuja. But every state except Abuja has its own legislature and governor. Again, every state has 3 senators, Abuja has one, yet Abuja is not special? There is also the argument that Abuja voters ought not to be allowed to have an edge over other voters in a presidential election, why then are Abuja voters allowed to be disenfranchised during governorship elections, thereby making other states have an edge over Abuja voters, are they second class citizens? Questions such as these arise because technical justice can hardly satisfy many. Until we find a way to identify the real choice of the people in an election, instead of technicalities we shall continue to have definitions and counter definitions.

Before tomorrow’s low-key encounter, Nigeria had already qualified for the AFCON with one match left to be played. So, there is no pressure on the Super Eagles when they return to Uyo, the city with the best football ground in Nigeria currently. It should be an easy match, one that will be good advertisement for a new, winning Super Eagles.

Even the great Arsene Wenger, former legendary manager of Arsenal FC, was quoted last week to have described the Super Eagles as ‘under-achievers’ considering the quality and quantity of Nigerian players playing at the highest levels of football in Europe.

Wenger is right. That’s partly why I had the audacity to ‘arrogantly’ and ‘recklessly’ predict, last week, that Nigeria shall not only win AFCON 2024, but shall also use that success as a springboard to kick-start a new era in Nigerian football. It will also serve as a catalyst for faster development of the Sports industry in the country, as fuel for Sport and Diplomacy to drive the global cause of the African, and to justify leading West Africa to jointly bid for and host the 2034 FIFA World Cup. The height of my prediction is that the Super Eagles will win it!

So, for the match tomorrow, I send my best wishes to the Super Eagles.
The next big Sports development project!
These days, my head only conjures and relates with big dreams. Nigerians should look forward to the end of November this year.

A small seed is being planted in the ancient city of Abeokuta in Nigeria from which a sports event of global dimension shall sprout and add great value to any current effort to grow sports at the grassroots.

Segun Odegbami International College and Sports Academy, SOCA, in conjunction with all relevant sports authorities, is organising the first Lee Evans Memorial Annual International Invitational Athletics Meet, an event that shall catalyse the revival of effective sports programs in schools for the development of sprinters and jumpers for Nigeria by borrowing a leaf from a formular that has taken Jamaica from ‘nowhere’ to become the ‘Sprinting and Jumping’ capital of world athletics.

Other Caribbean Islands are latching on fast to that formula of tapping into the already abundantly available natural resource of people with the basic genetic ingredients found in the descendants of West and Central Africans. These ingredients make them naturals with great advantage for some sports events that require power, speed and strength.

The East Africans have used the advantage of their geography, the high altitudes in the Eastern part of Africa (Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda) to breed humans that have been dominating middle and long distance races forever. Egypt, Morocco and Algeria have also been exploiting their ties with desert conditions to also breed tireless long-distance runners.

West Africans, particularly Nigerians, have always been known to harbour nature’s gifts of physique and power that produce excellent sprinters, boxers and jumpers.

Even a casual look at Nigeria’s greatest successes reveals the preponderance of sports events requiring explosive speed and power – the sprints and jumps. The evidence is found in the long list of some of the best athletes in the country’s history – Chioma Ajunwa, Gloria Alozie, Mary Onyali, Falilat Ogunkoya, Tobi Amusan, Ese Brume, Modupe Oshikoya, Christy Okpara-Thompson, Innocent Egbunike, Sunday Bada, Ene Udo Obong, the Ezinwa brothers, Charlton Ehizuelen, Yusuf Ali, Olapade Adenekan and so on. All these goddesses and gods of athletics have either been sprinters or jumpers, or both.

What has been missing in establishing a proper tradition of excellence in the world is a clear vision of a production line with institutions, curriculum, process, facilities, funds and the ‘drivers’.

The most important resource, the gifted boys and girls, are in abundance in secondary schools all over Nigeria, waiting and wasting like flowers in the desert. What are needed are programmes within the schools to identify the talented ones, a program on how to train them, and high-level competitions to complete the honing process.

Developing young talents does not require knowledge of rocket science. A system once existed and worked well in Nigeria. Schools bred the best young athletes that eventually went on to compete for Nigeria, even though the final honing process still required a transition to the American collegiate system.

The good news is that late Lee Evans has been ‘resurrected’ in a new athletics project starting in November 2023 to complete the work he started in SOCA.

Lee Edward Evans was a legendary African/American athlete, one of the greatest sprinters in history – Double Olympic Gold medalist, World Record Holder for over two decades with world records in 11 different sprints events. When he became a coach, he was recognised as one of the best sprints coaches in the world.

The last eight years of his life were spent in Nigeria with the last two as a teacher and head coach of athletics at the Segun Odegbami International College and Sports Academy in Wasimi, near Abeokuta. He helped to create a pathway for several of the student/athletes in the school to transit to American colleges to further develop their sports talents.

His ultimate dream was to establish a local training program with indigenous facilities so that the annual migration to America by a few would be complimented by development for most others here in Nigeria.

Lee spent a good part of his life as a coach of athletics in Nigeria, with stints in the University of Ife, the National Sports Commission of Nigeria, Cross Rivers State and Lagos State.

He intermittently led several Nigerian national athletics teams to various meets for several decades from the 1970s to the 1990s.

He died over two years ago, and was buried inside the campus of SOCA where he now rests peacefully,

His name and international influence are now to become tools of this new program, fueling and driving a most ambitious ‘sprints and jumps’ development program in Nigeria.

It is not by accident that Jamaica has become the sprinting capital of the world. SOCA is adopting the Jamaican model (and more) to ensure a rich harvest of great sprinters and jumpers of world-class standards from the international competition. The catalysing agent is COMPETITION!

SOCA has chosen to immortalise Lee Evans and his great works by establishing this international athletics event and naming it after him. It will involve schools and clubs from Nigeria and several other countries. It will drive renewal of interest in sports within schools, and to fast-track athletics development.

The first edition of the Lee Evans Memorial Annual International Invitational Athletics Meet, comes up this year from November 21 to 26.
Selected schools in Nigeria and abroad are being invited to send in student/athletes, boys and girls between the ages of 15 and 18, for the event. 24 schools in all are expected to participate. Athletics-proper shall be for two-days.

There shall be other social engagement programmes attached to make the event memorable for all those that attend. Scouts from Europe, the USA and even the Caribbean Islands will be around to scout for gifted athletes amongst participants for their Collegiate programs.

The children are guaranteed some of the best times of their lives. They will be accommodated in the posh, secure and luxurious environment of Green Legacy Hotel, inside the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library complex with its first class facilities in leisure, recreation, theme parks, a zoo, museums of history, art and culture, cinemas and so on.

The events shall be in sprints and jumps only, and shall take place on the tracks and field of the Moshood Abiola Stadium in Abeokuta.

Very Special guests from the world of Sport and Diplomacy, including some of Lee Evans’ African/American Colleagues from the United States may be attending to honour him and to be a part of the historic Mausoleum to be built around his graveside in Wasimi Orile.

Through Lee Edward Evans, Nigerian athletics will have a new platform to take off and join the league of the best in the world within a very short time, indeed. Coming this November. Watch out.

The removal of fuel subsidy announced by President Tinubu on May 29, 2023, need not have resulted in the mass misery that has further alienated Nigerians from their government, if only the plans ceremoniously rolled out by the immediate past government to provide succour for the people before fuel subsidy was abolished, had been faithfully implemented.

In Nigeria, we tend to throw money at problems. When there is a problem, government operatives gather to decide how many billions can be hauled at the perceived solution. A gleeful announcement is made on national television with the movers and shakers of industry in attendance. The picture of a more abundant tomorrow is orally painted to whoever it may concern. 

A foreigner watching the spectacle on TV would think that finally Nigeria had come to terms with what it needed to do to make life more abundant for the people. Then… silence; followed by rumours that the billions announced to solve the particular problem in question had started growing wings, or that some powerful people had started eating the budget. Yes, as we found out in the much celebrated case of the former Accountant General of the Federation, money is considered a culinary delicacy by some government officials.

Palliative Plan

Back to the subsidy issue and the grand plans to lessen the pains. The government actually planned to provide free conversion of one million cars from petrol to CNG between 2020 and 2023. If the plan had been faithfully implemented, at least one million cars would have been converted by now so that the announcement of May 29 would not have triggered the panic that it did. 

The plan did look good on paper. Even self-confessed cynics were willing to cast aside their doubts and believe the sweet music blaring from the loudspeakers of the triune powers — the Petroleum Ministry, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (now NNPCL).

In September 2020, the CBN, in a document titled “Framework for the Implementation of Intervention Facility for the National Gas Expansion Programme”, announced that it was resolved to improve access to finance for private sector investments in the domestic gas value chain. It said its intervention would stimulate investments in the development of infrastructure to optimise the domestic gas resources for economic development. Towards this end, it introduced a N250 billion Intervention Facility for the National Gas Expansion Programme for the commercial utilisation of the country’s natural gas reserves of 188 trillion cubic feet (tcf).

The National Gas Expansion Programme (NGEP) was introduced to make CNG the fuel of choice for transportation and LPG, the fuel of choice for domestic cooking, captive power and small industrial complexes. Provision was also made to support large industries, such as agriculture, industrial applications, textile etc The facility was to be implemented in collaboration with the Ministry of Petroleum Resources (MPR) with the overall goal of improving access to finance for private sector investments in the domestic gas value chain; stimulating investments in the development of infrastructure to optimise the domestic gas resources for economic development; and accelerating the adoption of CNG as the fuel of choice.

As published by the CBN itself, acceptable activities under the intervention include: establishment of gas processing plants and small scale petrochemical plants; establishment of gas cylinder manufacturing plants; establishment of LCNG regasification modular systems ; establishment of autogas conversion kits or components manufacturing plants; establishment of CNG primary and secondary compression stations; establishment and manufacturing of LPG retail skid tanks and accompanying equipment. Others are — development/enhancement of auto gas transportation systems, conversion and distribution infrastructure, enhancement of domestic cylinder production and distribution by cylinder manufacturing plants and LPG wholesale outlets; establishment/expansion of micro distribution outlets and service centres for LPG sales, domestic cylinder injection and exchange; and any other mid to downstream gas value chain related activity recommended by the Ministry of Petroleum Resources (MPR). 

Loan Accessibility 

The CBN gave an elaborate breakdown of how it would disburse the funds: “Aggregators, manufacturers, processors, wholesale distributors and related activities will be funded under the Power and Airline Intervention Fund (PAIF) while small and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) and retail distributors are to be funded by NIRSAL Microfinance Bank (NMFB) under AGSMEIS. The term loan for manufacturers, processors, wholesale distributors, etc., will be determined based on the activity and will not exceed N10 billion per obligor while working capital is set at a maximum of N500 million per obligor. Small & Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Retail Distributors term loans will be determined based on the activity and will not exceed N50 million per obligor with working capital pegged at a maximum of N5 million per obligor.” 

The Bank stated that the interest rate under the intervention would not be more than 5.0% p.a. (all inclusive) up to February 28, 2021, after which interest on the facility would revert to 9% p.a. (all inclusive) effective from March 1, 2021.

As usual, there followed a period of stasis. Details of how the intervention was being implemented reverted to the usual opaque recesses of secret conclaves where stakeholders and interested local investors had to rely on rumours or outright fibs designed to mask the scent.

It was gladdening therefore when the then Petroleum Minister, Timipre Sylva, assured Nigerians on behalf of the Buhari administration in January 2022 that he would work with marketers to convert 200, 000 vehicles from petrol to compressed natural gas (CNG) within the year. Many people said they had heard such a  rumour before. But Sylva was insistent. He told marketers that the government was planning to provide 50 percent funding for them to bring equipment from Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) for both vehicle conversion kits and petrol station conversion technologies. He said that the government was desirous of having the CNG system running across the country as alternative fuel before petrol subsidy would be removed .

He stressed the need to have a critical number of vehicles converted and a requisite number of dispensing stations in place. “If not, you will have a situation where converted vehicles do not have places to refuel or you will have a situation where fuel stations do not have converted vehicles to fuel”. He confirmed that the funding would come from the N250 billion provided by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

What Could Have Been

Since that time, the government relapsed into silence again until the recent flurry of activities in the wake of the removal of fuel subsidy which has generated so much anger nationally. Imagine what the atmosphere would have been today if the original plan to convert one million vehicles between 2020 and 2023 had been followed through!

The immediate task before the Tinubu administration is to first identify where the N250 billion budget earmarked for the project is. This step is urgent to prevent pythons from swallowing it. Then, the government should ensure a transparent disbursement of the loans to genuine players, big and small, so that the transition to autogas will be a truly all-encompassing productive activity. 

The new Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas) Mr. Ekperikpe Ekpo, needs all the support he can get from his substantive minister to untie this gaseous knot to enable Nigerians breathe easier. Fortunately for him, his minister is also the President.

For 14 or so hours on Wednesday, the presidential election petition tribunal delivered its judgment on the petitions filed against the declaration of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), as the president of Nigeria. The unanimous verdict, in one word, was: dismissed. Needless to say, this verdict disappointed supporters of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and, most especially, Mr Peter Obi. Of course, the petitioners will appeal to the Supreme Court. Only Chief Olu Falae, joint candidate of the Alliance for Democracy/All Peoples Party — remnants of which co-founded the APC in 2013 — stopped at the Court of Appeal but that was well over 24 years ago.

The overall determination of the tribunal is that Atiku, who flew the flag of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and Obi, the torchbearer of the Labour Party (LP), merely alleged rigging without providing proof. In the final results of the presidential election declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Tinubu had polled 8,794,726 votes, Atiku 6,984,520 and Obi 6,101,533. To establish that irregularities affected the final scores, Atiku needed to prove how the gap of 1,810,206 between him and Tinubu could be upturned. Obi, at his own end, needed to prove how the 2,693,193 gap owed to irregularities. The tribunal said neither of them provided concrete proof.

The rest are technicalities — whether or not electronic transmission of results via iRev was mandatory; whether or not the forfeiture of monies linked to illicit drugs amounts to criminal conviction and an automatic disqualification of Tinubu from the presidential race; whether or not he was qualified to run based on his academic credentials; whether or not Alhaji Kashim Shettima had double nomination for senate and vice-presidency; and whether or not scoring 25 percent of votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) is mandatory to being declared as president. None of these arguments was upheld by the tribunal, leaving a bitter aftertaste in the mouths of the petitioners.

I was quite eager to get the judicial interpretation of Section 134 (2) of the 1999 Constitution which says: “A candidate for an election to the office of President shall be deemed to have been duly elected where, there being more than two candidates for the election: (a) he has the highest number of votes cast at the election; and (b) he has not less than one-quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the States in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.” The petitioners interpreted this to mean FCT has a special status in the presidential election. They demanded a run-off nationwide since the APC candidate scored only 20 percent in FCT.

The tribunal ruled that the entire constitution has to be read as a document and not in isolation. Justice Haruna Tsammani, who read the lead judgment, took us through the preamble of the constitution which says every citizen shall have equality of rights and obligations. “It cannot be read in any way to mean superiority should be attached to any voter above others,” he said. He quoted Section 299 of the constitution which says: “The provisions of this Constitution shall apply to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja as if it were one of the States of the Federation.” Except the Supreme Court upturns this judgment, this should finally settle the question on the 25 percent requirement.

I always felt there was something unconvincing about the petitioners’ argument. Theoretically, it means a candidate can win all the 36 states and still not be declared president if he/she fails to get 25% in FCT. The obvious intention of the constitution was not to confer an extraordinary status on FCT. The spread criterion is to ensure a presidential candidate has presence across the country. The constitution does not prescribe that 25 percent has to be secured in any state, including the most populous or one with biggest landmass, but just two-thirds of the states. Is there any country where a candidate must win a percentage of votes in a particular city to be declared president?

When we insult the drafters of the 1979 Constitution (which is what was amended and repackaged as the 1999 Constitution), we are just being uncharitable. This constitution was written by academics, lawyers, and other accomplished Nigerians, not roadside mechanics. The requirement of geographical spread was to address a weakness in the parliamentary system of the first republic in which a party could be limited to a region and still form national government. By requiring the president to score at least one-quarter of the votes cast in at least two-thirds of the 19 states, the 1979 Constitution ensured that no candidate could hope to be elected by his/her own region alone.

But as with all human contraptions, there is no perfection. The 25 percent requirement ran into a hitch at first attempt in 1979 when Alhaji Shehu Shagari met the threshold in 12 out of the 19 states and also polled the highest votes. What is two-thirds of 19? Would it be 12 or rounded off to 13? When the late Prof Bala Usman raised the issue at the 1978 Constituent Assembly which worked on the draft constitution, many members scoffed, but he included it in the minority report. As it turned out, it became a major issue in the presidential election. The Supreme Court would rule that it should be 12 states and two-thirds of the 13th state — hence the famous “12 two-thirds” judgment.

This is my matter of interest in this tribunal judgment. Now that it is interpreted as “36 states plus FCT”, making 37, what is two-thirds of 37? Will that be 24, 25 or 24 two-thirds? Going by the Supreme Court judgment in 1979, it would logically be 24 states and two-thirds of the 25th state. We now need constitutional clarity. Developments of this nature can help improve the laws. Even though Tinubu met the requirement in 30 states, it can become a problem in the future. If the Supreme Court upholds this verdict, we have to consequentially amend the constitution to reflect the judicial interpretation of “36 states and FCT” and to also spell out what “two-thirds of 37 states” means.

The second matter of interest: the tribunal threw out APC’s petition that Obi was not qualified to be the LP candidate having joined the party a couple of days to the primary election, whereas the Electoral Act 2022 stipulates that the party must submit the membership register 30 days prior. The Electoral Act, meanwhile, does not provide for waivers. By this verdict, which declared that it is a party that has a right to decide who are its members, it means you can join a party in the morning and contest for its ticket at noon. I support removing this. If the Supreme Court does not make a contrary finding, it becomes law. We would need to amend the law to eliminate any confusion.

Three, the tribunal verdict may be erroneously interpreted to have devalued BVAS and iRev. I hope this is not going to be a problem going forward. The tribunal only said not using BVAS and iRev does not invalidate an election. It didn’t say we should stop using them. By the way, I have noticed that many Nigerians appear not to know the difference between the two. BVAS is for accreditation of voters at the polling unit (PU), storage of voting data and transfer of results to the INEC server, while iRev is a portal for the uploading of results transmitted to the server. In fact, BVAS was used during the presidential election — the issue in dispute was the failure to upload results real time to iRev. 

Lawmakers had argued that there are general problems associated with technology — network connection, device failure and security. This may explain why they made the Electoral Act flexible in section 47(2) by adding: “…or any other technological device that may be prescribed by the Commission.” In trying to justify the huge sums it spent on technology, INEC hyped the use of BVAS and iRev as the ultimate marker of credible polls. With iRev not used real time during the presidential poll (and there has been no convincing explanation for this till today), this became a strong point for those who lost. Nevertheless, APC still won the majority of votes in the elections where iRev worked.

The irony, of course, is that even in governorship and legislative elections where BVAS and iRev worked seamlessly, those who lost still went to court to challenge the outcomes. That means the acceptance of the credibility of an election does not depend on BVAS, iRev or live transmission, contrary to the impression we might have got from the dispute over the presidential poll. The tribunal said it would have been helpful is there was a table showing the differences between the results declared by INEC and the result sheets signed by party agents at the polling units. I strongly believe BVAS and iRev have improved the electoral system and must not be cast away or relegated.

In sum, I doubt that any presidential election will be upturned based on technicalities, especially those that could have been settled pre-election. The stakes are high. I also think that tribunals should be dealing more with the smoking gun from the elections, such as proofs that if the lawful votes were counted, the outcome would be different. That was how Obi won his Anambra governorship petition in 2006. He presented the result sheets signed by all party agents as well as INEC officials and proved that what was officially declared was different. When he promised to do that again after the 2023 presidential election, I told myself: “INEC has messed with the wrong guy again.” Oh well.

While we may have our different opinions on the verdict of the presidential election petition tribunal — I have read tonnes of comments, some purely emotional and some quite rational — I am glad that all the threats of war and rumours of war came to naught. I want to believe that we are learning how to be angry or excited within the confines of the law. The Supreme Court offers a final opportunity for Atiku and Obi to prove their case that they won the election. This they will do by puncturing the contentious aspects of the tribunal’s verdict. Democracy could be a pain-filled journey, but no matter how frustrating the rule of law and due process are, I will never promote alternatives to democracy.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

MODUPE ATANDA

Days after Deborah Modupe Atanda, a 200 level student of the Federal University Oye-Ekiti (FUOYE), went missing, her body was found in a shallow grave around the school. Her eyes were reportedly gouged out, an indication that she was killed for ritual purposes. This evil is unimaginable in a society where most of us claim to be Muslims or Christians and where we punctuate every statement we make with “God”. Sadly, another woman has fallen victim to violence again. This trend should worry everyone because it is now an established pattern. Police must get to the root of this, even though it will not bring back the poor soul. But doing justice will at least bring some closure. Wicked.

HOPE RISING?

President Tinubu is in India for business, as it were, ahead of the G20 Summit. Four Indian conglomerates, including Indorama Petrochemical Ltd and Jindal Steel and Power Ltd, have pledged to invest $14 billion in Nigeria. This is huge, even for a promise. The investments will go into fertiliser production, petrochemical, power and steel, among others. However, commitment is one thing; action is another. I believe action will depend on the fulfilment of Tinubu’s promise to make Nigeria “one of the most conducive places on earth” for foreign investments. Return on investment is believed to be high here but the bureaucracy, security and infrastructure are key elements. Killjoys.

STATESMANLY STATEMENTS

After the verdict of the presidential election petition tribunal which affirmed the election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I must say I was impressed with the public statements of the petitioners. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the PDP presidential candidate, said: “However, the disappointment in the verdict of the court can never destroy my confidence in the judiciary.” Mr Peter Obi, the LP candidate, spoke similarly, saying “we respect the views and rulings of the court, but we disagree with the court’s reasoning and conclusions in the judgment it delivered”. Their disappointment is very glaring, but they weighed their words with a sense of responsibility. Cute.

AND FINALLY…

Nigeria’s oil production has risen to 1.6 million barrels per day, according to Mallam Mele Kyari, the CEO of Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Ltd. This is some good news, given that our production went as low as 900,000bpd some years ago. And with crude oil prices now rising to $85/barrel, this should ordinarily mean more revenue and more forex inflow for us, although I am aware we have tied most of our share of production to some commitments. But there is a hanging question: with crude oil prices rising, will pump prices of petrol also rise since “subsidy is gone”? Also, have we finally learnt how to manage oil windfalls or normal service will resume? Watching.

Unfolding events in Africa continue to intrigue the world and the fact that no less than seven military coups have been successfully effected in no less than seven African countries in the last three years gives cause for concern.

What is the cause for these violent acts of mutiny and rebellion and can there be any justification for such behaviour?

How legitimate were the mandates of those that have been toppled and are the soldiers that have carried out these ostensibly illegal acts of insurrection, revolution and treason and taken power by the barrel of a gun criminals and rebels that should be shot at the stake or God-sent and divinely-inspired heroes, liberators and deliverers of their respective countries and people?

Can their actions be justified in some cases or are they appropriate for all and can such a course of action ever be deemed appropriate for our country Nigeria?

When is rebellion a virtue and when is it a curse?

When is mutiny, revolution and a call to arms appropriate and when is it not?

What does one do with civilian dictators and sit-tight Presidents who have sold and mortgaged the future and destiny of their nation to the Western imperialists and neo-colonial powers and who torment their people and refuse to leave office.

These are just some of the questions that yours truly seeks to answer in this contribution.

 Enjoy the ride!

 On the 13th March 1962, in his
address on the first anniversary of the Alliance for Progress, John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States of America, said the following:

 "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable".

 In the history of humanity few have enunciated such a profound yet obvious home truth as President Kennedy has done with these famous words.

 Sadly even fewer have learnt anything from them.

 Those that doubt this have much to learn.

 Consider the following.

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda and President Paul Biya of Cameroon have ruled their African countries for 23 and 42 years respectively.

 Approximately one week ago they were both constrained to sack, retire, redeploy and replace much of their Military High Command, senior Army commanders and thousands of commissioned and non-commissioned officers in the light of the wave of military coups that have swept West and Central Africa and just one day after the one that took place in Gabon.

This was clearly a panic measure on both their parts. They did it out of rabid fear and in a desperate attempt to thwart, pre-empt and prevent a military coup and stave off an anticipated mutiny in their respective Armed Forces.

Unfortunately for them such peripheral and ineffectual remedies and desperate attempts to ward off all opposition and dissent in an attempt to hold on to power forever will not work because their so-called "mandates" lack legitimacy and they do not have the backing of the people.

Worse still they are both oblivious of and totally blind to the rationale and ethos of mutiny and armed rebellion and are clearly ignorant of the essence and motivation for military coups.

Simply put, no matter who your senior military commanders are, whether the old or the new and no matter how many times you sack, retire, redeploy or change them, when you are an illegitimate, depraved and evil leader who crushes, murders, persecutes and incarcerates members of the opposition and who rigs elections, refuses to leave power, torments the people and imposes a corrupt, bloodthirsty and blood-lusting dictatorship and dynasty of barbarism and tyranny on his nation, coups, mutiny, rebellion, revolution and insurrection become inevitable: it is only a question of time.

The great Mexican revolutionary and courageous hero, Emiliano Zapata said "if there is no justice for the people, let there be no peace for the Government".

This sentiment is what we see playing out in the hearts and minds of most Africans today: no justice for the people and no peace for the Government.

In addition to that the Holy Bible says "there is no peace for the wicked".

Is it any wonder that sit tight rulers and life-long dictators like Kagame, Biya and others are scared of their own shadow, are shivering under their beds and enjoy no peace?

It is a fulfilment of scripture: it cannot be resisted or broken.

And what is our response to these vile, unjust and wicked leaders who, like King Louis XIV (the Sun King) of France, regard themselves as being the living manifestation and embodiment of the state?

Surely it is nothing but hate, defiance, contempt, disdain and rebellion.

It is the same response that you will get from a wounded and cornered dog whose back is up against a wall: it will strike back and fight for its very life in the most ferocious, gallant and fearless manner.

That is where most Africans that are saddled with life-time rulers and civilian dictators in their respective countries are today.

They harbour a burning rage and violent anger in their hearts and minds and rebellion and revolution is brewing in their spirits and souls.

And surely no-one can blame them for that.

As William Shakespeare wrote in his famous play 'Macbeth', "unnatural deeds do breed unnatural troubles".

If you do not stand up, resist, fight back and "breed unnatural troubles" when confronted with wickedness, injustice and tyranny, you cannot expect to ever enjoy your God-given right of freedom and neither will you ever witness emancipation from subjugation and oppression.

How else would you remove and replace power-obsessed dictators like Ali 'Make Some Noise' Bongo of Gabon, Field Marshall Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, Papa Doc and his son Baby Doc Duvalier of Haiti and the mentally-ill Jean Bedie Bokassa of the Central African Republic (who declared himself the Black Napoleon and Emperor for life and who kept the freshly decapitated heads of his enemies in his fridge)?

How else can a cruel, sadistic, psychopathic, sociopathic, narcisstic, unjust, vicious, depraved and malevolent tyrant who has broken the spirit of his people, enslaved them for decades and turned them into what can best be described as grovelling quislings, servile and compliant zombies and snivelling lackeys be removed from power if not by resistance, rebellion and the force of arms?

To move against such monsters and topple them by ANY means possible is surely a divine duty and obligation and one which every single one of the Holy Books not only encourages but also insists on.

The Holy Bible, for example, enjoins us to "resist evil" in the same way that Jehu resisted Jezebel, Moses resisted Pharaoh, David resisted Goliath, Peter resisted Herod and Paul resisted the Romans.

Can we be expected to do anything less?

Is it not the injustice and tyranny that the French, the Russian, the American, the English, the Chinese and many others were subjected to hundreds of years ago that pushed them to the wall and inspired and provoked them to take up arms and unleash some of the most violent and bloodthirsty rebellions and revolutions in the history of humanity?

Was this not the right and proper thing for them to do and had it not been for their resistance to such barbarous oppression and subjugation from their erstwhile oppressors and slave masters would they be the free, civilised, great and powerful nations that they are today?

Had it not been for Flt. Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings' revolution and coup d'etat in 1979 and 1983 respectively would Ghana be the great and stable nation and flourishing democracy that she is today?

Had it not been for Nelson Mandela and the gallant and heroic struggle, resistence and open rebellion of the ANC and its armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (meaning "Spear of the Nation"), would South Africa had been rid of white minority rule today, would the cruel and inhuman system of apartheid still not be in place, would the majority black population still not be referred to as "filthy kafirs" and nothing but "hewers of the wood and drawers of the water" and would the Boers still not be in power up until today?

Had it not been for Fidel Castro's revolution and armed struggle, with the support of great men like Che Guevera, would Cuba have ever been able to break the yoke of the hegemony and tyranny of the United States of America and rid themselves of their corrupt Yankee-loving President Fulgencio Batista?

We must learn from the history of others and not continue to accept injustice simply because we believe that we must keep the peace at the expense of our fundamental liberties, human rights, basic humanity and God-given freedom.

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt of the United States of America said, "the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism: ownership of Government by an individual, by a group or by any other controlling private power."

Is this not what we are witnessing in much of Africa today?

Is this not the elephant in the room that few care to admit exists much less talk about on our continent today?

If a so-called leader degrades you to a point of being regarded and treated as nothing but a worthless animal, dashes all your aspirations, controls your essence and very being and takes everything away from you, including your future and that of your loved ones, is it not logical and indeed mandatory for you to rise up in resistence, fight for your rights and, if necessary, break every state-imposed rule in the book in order to restore your God-given self-respect, self-esteem, dignity, freedom and fundamental rights?

Must the cruel will and vainglorious and gluttonous aspirations and desires of the few be imposed on the destiny and future of the many?

Must an entire nation bend the knee to one man and his family in perpetuity?

Were some born to rule whilst others were born to be slaves?

This is the tragedy of Africa and these questions need to be answered.

Can we boast of being a continent where justice reigns and men treat one another in an equitable, humane and just manner?

Why do we as a people glorify injustice and wickedness and why do we so readily accept it?

Do those that deserve to lead ever really get a chance to do so given the sit tight mentality, inexplicable cruelty and lust for power of most African leaders?

What makes it worse is that most of those "leaders" are loyal servants and willing slaves of the Western neo-colonial powers and imperialists who see no wrong in the pain, suffering, hunger, abject poverty, penury, bondage, shame and disgrace that they have thrown the people of their respective nation's into.

 As a matter of fact it is to the advantage of the western powers for such gutless and feckless quislings to remain in power for life simply because it guarantees the fact that Africa will remain servile, docile, impoverished, underdeveloped, weak and totally dependent on their goodwill, accursed aid and wretched loans forever.

This is what much of Africa has been reduced to by their "leaders" with thankfully a few notable exceptions such as the leadership in Egypt, South Africa, Algeria, Nigeria, Kenya, Namibia, Ethiopia, Ghana and a handful of others.

The rest are in the main nothing but cheap and inconsequential peddlers of filth and falsehood, tin pot dictators, hopeless pretenders, clowns and court jesters and propagators of falsehood, rubbish and arrant nonsense.

 When confronted and saddled with a such a depressing and uninspiring coterie of destructive leaders is resistance and rebellion not the only way forward?

Is it any wonder that, according to a statement published in the Iranian Government's website, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, whilst receiving Olivia Rouamba, the Foreign Minister of Burkina Faso, a country which recently experienced her own military coup and armed rebellion “praised the resistance of African countries in the face of colonialism and terrorism and hailed their stance as a sign of vigilance and awakening”.

A vivid illustration and graphic example of the indignity and injustice that the people of Africa have been subjected to is appropriate here.

Consider the fact that just 11 men, namely Paul Kagame of Rwanda (23 years), Paul Biya of Cameroons (42 years), Teodoro Mbasogo of Equitorial Guinea (43 years), Dennis Nguesso of Congo (38 years), Isias Afwerki of Eritrea (30 years), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (37years), Alhassan Outtara of Ivory Coast (13 years), Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo (38 years), his son Faure Eyadema of Togo (18 years), Omar Bongo of Gabon (42 years) and his son Ali Bongo of Gabon (14 years) collectively ruled different African countries for a total of 347 years!

As my dear friend and brother Femi Adesina, the ersthwhile spokesman to President Muhammadu Buhari, would say: "Jumping Jehoshaphat!"

 347 long years of bondage, suffering and trauma!

347 years of torture, incarceration, humiliation, slavery and the glorification and deification of a single man and his family!

 347 years of an Orwellian nightmare unleashed and imposed upon millions of innocent, helpless and defenceless people whose dreams, aspirations and hopes were shattered and whose dignity, self-respect and sense of self-worth were crushed and buried.

347 years of pillaging, plundering, looting and stealing of their respective nation's patrimony.

347 years of slaughtering, butchering and maiming of the few dissenting voices and courageous men and women who had the strength and fortitude to resist the evil and to rise up and say "no more!"

Is this not totally and completely unacceptable?

Is it not utterly repugnant and reprehensible?

Is it not a shame!

Worse still they have all done it in the name of democracy!

I am at a loss for words! I do not know whether to laugh or cry! The only thing I can say is "come and see AFRICA WONDER!"

A few comparisons are appropriate here.

The House of Romanov ruled Russia for 300 years. The House of Bourbon ruled France for 218 years.

The House of Plantagenet, Tudor and Stuart collectively and respectively ruled England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland for 500 years.

The House of Bourbon ruled Spain for 400 years. The House of Osman ruled Turkey for 700 years.

The House of Hohenzollern ruled Germany for 500 years. The House of Pahlavi ruled Iran for 54 years.

The House of Bernadotte ruled Sweden for 200 years. The House of Saud have ruled Saudi Arabia for 123 years.

The House of Alouite has ruled Morocco for the last 400 years.

The House of Orange-Nassau ruled Holland for 208 years.

These families of noble and bona fide Kings and Queens were all blue-blooded and were rooted in an enviable Royal heritage.

They hailed from a Royal lineage and they were indeed Royalty in every true sense of the word believing in the 'divine right of Kings'.

The same cannot be said of our 11 pitiful and deluded sit-tight African rulers who have collectively ruled their domains for the last 354 years.

None of them can lay claim to blue blood or a royal heritage and lineage. Far from being blue their blood is rather something akin to the blood of rats.

Every single one of these 11 criminals and tyrants are unlettered, irreverent feral psychopaths whose bloodline is not worthy of mention.

Yet the truth is that all those African leaders, including the ones listed above, that have become sit-tight rulers and life-time President's in their respective nations are NOT democrats: they are nothing but illegitimate pretenders, unhinged and psychotic meglomaniacs and irredeemable, unrepentant and vicious barbarians and power grabbers with no valid mandate.

They are also mostly social deviants and insidious cowards.

Simply put, they are an utter and complete disgrace to Africa.

The sooner they are removed from power the better for us all.

Thankfully in Nigeria, regardless of whatever challenges we may have been confronted with over the last 23 years, we have enjoyed reasonable and relatively sane Presidents, term limits, a credible Legislature, an independent Judiciary, a free press and the rule of law.

I would not endorse mutiny or rebellion against a democratically-elected, constitutional and legitimate Government such as ours which enjoys a lawful and freely-given mandate from the people and whose legitimacy has finally and rightfully been affirmed by the Presidential Election Tribunal.

I wholeheartedly oppose the agenda of coup plotters, rebels and subversives in Nigeria.

In the case of our country rebellion is a curse and not a virtue.

I do not believe that a coup is desirable or appropriate here simply because, firstly, our Government does not seek to discourage, muzzle, stifle or crush dissent or legitimate and lawful criticism and opposition and secondly because we are not burdened with a sit-tight and insane ruler who seeks to remove term limits from our constitution and impose a vicious and corrupt family dynasty and civilian dictatorship on our nation and people.

Permit me to add that I have nothing but pity and contempt for those reckless opportunists, lazy intellectuals, shameless dreamers and dangerous schemers who erroneously compare our situation and circumstances with that of ill-fated and beleaguered countries like Togo, Cameroons, Mali, Niger, Gabon, Uganda, Sudan, Guniea, Ivory Coast, Chad and Burkina Faso and who actually believe that a coup is equally appropriate here.

Nothing could be further from the truth and, given the circumstances, another coup in Nigeria would be the worst thing that could ever happen to us as a nation today.

This is because firstly there is absolutely no need or justification for one and secondly because our experiences in the past with military governments was, to say the least, shockingly horrendous.

It took us just under 40 years of resistance, struggle and suffering during which we as a people were subjected to the most inhuman, extreme and barbaric form of terror, subjugation, humiliation and trauma and in which many were murdered, maimed, tortured, jailed, driven into exile and destroyed, to break the military yoke.

Those young people all over the social media, most of whom are millennials, Obidients and members of what has come to be known as the "GEN-Z" generation, that are busy fantasising and toying with the idea of a military coup, indulging in masturbatory illusions and calling for the Army to topple our Government and take over the reigns of power are naive, gullible, ignorant and irresponsible.

They do not know anything about the frightful dangers of military rule or the vicious, oppressive, draconian, repressive, reactionary, bloodthirsty and inherently unaccountable and unjust nature of military Governments.

They were not born when the June 12th struggle took place in 1993 and they know nothing about the series of bloody military interventions and coups that took place from Major Kaduna Nzeogwu's January 15th 1966 mutiny (with all its attendant bloodshed) right up until 1999 when General Abdulsalami Abubakar finally relinquished power and handed it over to the democratically-elected Government of President Olusegun Obasanjo.

They do not know that the first and second coups in Nigeria, in January 1966 and July 1966 respectively, led to the slaughter and reprisal killings of thousands of Igbos in the North, our civil war in which three million people were killed and thereafter led to bloody coup after bloody coup for the next 29 years!

They do not know that between 1966 right up until 1999 we only had 4 years of democracy and constitutional Government and that within those years of military rule hundreds of thousands of lives were lost, millions of people suffered, human rights ceased to exist, thousands were unjustly sent to jail and our civic and educational institutions were infiltrated, corrupted and utterly annihilated.

They do not know and apparently neither do they care that millions of innocent and gallant souls over the years gave their lives and paid the supreme price for the democracy, freedom, civil liberties, human rights, constitutional guarantees and free speech that they enjoy today.

They do not know that to advocate for a return to military rule in Nigeria today is indeed a manifestation of madness in its crudest, rawest and most perverse form: it is neither justifiable or defensible.

I am constrained to concede that in some cases resistance and rebellion is a necessary evil which can and must be employed to remove tyrants and corrupt unconstitutional civilian life-time dictators who refuse to leave power and who have no democratic credentials or legitimate mandate from the people.

That is indeed the essence, thrust and overall mesage of this contribution.

I believe that such acts of insurrection, mutiny and rebellion may be necessary and appropriate in nations that are living under the subjugation, bondage and hegemony of corrupt and repressive life-time civilian dictators but I do not believe that they are appropriate for Nigeria.

I say this because in our country, for the last 24 years and since the advent of democracy in 1999, reasonable leaders with solid and incontrovertible democratic credentials, that are restricted by term limits and that respect civil liberties, human rights and the concept of a free press and the rule of law have led our nation and not sit-tight and corrupt monsters who seek to impose a feudal dynasty upon us.

That is the difference between the Nigerian experience and that of others.

Still on the dangerous, misplaced, asinine and thoroughly irresponsible notion that a coup d'etat and military intervention is the remedy to the challenges and problems that we are faced with in Nigeria today consider the following.

On September 3rd 2023 my good friend Charly Boy Oputa, a proud and diehard Obidient, posted the following on his X account:

“Oh lord how can we be praying in Nigeria and you are answering prayers in Gabon, Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali”.

This saddened and disheartened me because it came from a man who I consider to be one of the most brilliant artists, keen minds and free thinkers in our nation and history.

Sadly on this occassion he has missed the mark and his words are nothing but disingenious and specious sophistry and dangerous talk in their worst and most primitive form.

Charly Boy is not only playing with fire but also encouraging others to indulge in treason and insurrection.

I wholeheartedly condemn his incendiary disposition and counsel and reject his malevolent and nebulous aspirations and prayers for our country.

Compounding the problem are comments like "our democracy is not working" coming from hitherto respected individials who are very much part of the system and who are leading members of the ruling party like my dear friend and brother, the Minister of Solid Minerals and former Governor of Ekiti state, Dr. Kayode Fayemi.

Kayode, who I have known for many years and who I have always had a soft spot for, is a staunch democrat and has an insightful and brilliant mind but on this occassion his comments are open to being misconstrued by the less discerning.

Such contributions do not help matters and may inadvertently encourage the gullible tribe of dissaffected and dissolutioned young and gullible radicals and hot heads in our country that are openly calling for a military coup to continue to indulge in their madness and to proceed in their wilfull and misplaced determination to climb the slippery slope of perfidy, delusion and ritualistic self-immolation with grave consequences for us all.

Simply put we all need to be careful about what we say and we must do nothing that will encourage or mislead others into charting a dangerous and violent course in Nigeria.

The remedy to the challenges in our country cannot be to kill democracy by encouraging the military to take power or to throw out the baby with the bathwater and treading such a damned path would be indicative of a curse.

The remedy lies in staying the course, keeping faith with the system, providing good governance, meeting the needs of the people, getting rid of the pervasive hunger and debilitating poverty in the land and gallantly defending our hard-earned democracy.

Let that sink into the minds, bodies, spirits and souls of the puerile ignoramuses, deluded reprobates, masochistic miscreants and suicidal fools that are praying for a coup d'etat in our land.

May God deliver them from their fecal dispostion and mental affliction and may He reject their unholy petitions!

Permit me to end this contribution with the following.

Reno Omokri wrote,

"How can such a tribal, fascist, intolerant mob like the Obidient movement think they can intimidate the judiciary into giving the third place winner victory? After today's verdict, the DSS and the police must fish out that Obidient who threatened Justice Tsamani's children, and any Obidient that continues to call for a military coup should be mercilessly dealt with irrespective of their status in society. What an utterly disgusting and reprehensible movement. Nothing but disgrace will be their portion! Because your yes daddy candidate lost you want coup. Never!"

I do not often find myself in agreement with my younger brother Reno but on this occassion I am glad to say that I most certainly do.

Even though we are on different sides of the political divide, with these words, he has expressed my sentiments and that of millions of other reasonable and rational Nigerians.

Those Obidients that are calling for a coup in Nigeria on social media simply because their candidate lost the presidential election and failed at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal are sick and they should be called to order.

Outside of that they should be picked up, locked up, charged with treason and either shot at the stake or jailed for life.

A word is enough for the wise.

Glory Hallelujah!

(FFK)

The wake of strings of military coups has put Africa on ugly global headlines. This signifies a decline in the achievements of the neoliberal democratic programme that was established in Africa after the cold war. The essence of the programme was to purge the continent of authoritarian and military dictatorship through seizures of power, in favour of political pluralism and the rule of law. It was therefore expected that coups are supposed to be things of the past, and dictatorship - totally forgotten. However, the reverse has been the case. Out of at least 242 successful military coups that have occurred globally since 1950, Africa accounts for the largest number at 106. The by - product of these coups points directly to the failure of democracy. Not all coups however occur due to failure of democracy. In fact, during the 1960s and1970s, there were coup attempts in every 55 days in over 90% of African States. West Africa alone has the highest number of coups in the continent. It accounts for 44.4% these coups which have even spread across Central Africa. The more recent Gabon coup finally broke the camel's back; and has revealed many anomalies in African governance system.

Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of political freedom and citizen participation, has faced numerous challenges worldwide. Democracy, as a concept, was developed to enable people have the final say in their affairs as opposed to a situation where a selected few rule to the detriment of others. Abraham Lincoln described this concept as the government of the people, by the people and for the people, during his November 19, 1863, Gettysburg Declaration. In Africa, a continent characterized by its rich cultural diversity and complex political landscapes, democracy has often been brazenly manipulated and abused by leaders who prioritize their personal interests over the well-being of their nations.  This vista submits that less blame should be on democracy for military takeovers. The decline in democracy shows that democracy was once alive, but now dying because of its bad practitioners. This must send strong signals to African leaders that it can no longer be business as usual. There has been the disturbing trend of African leaders exploiting the concept of democracy to entrench themselves in power. It is no longer merely oligarchic, it has become primogeniture – father-to-son rulership.

Democracy is entwined and intertwined with good governance. In other words, if democracy is superficial, it would naturally lead to bad governance. Bad governance is therefore the reason for the Gabon coup; and not democracy. That is why, “when democracy becomes demon - crazy, the people react. Demon - crazy - is a new word added to the English language by OZEKPEDIA, my own neologism – my coinage of new words and phrases. It was first used by late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti in one of his famous hits – “Demoncrazy”; “Demonstration of craze”; “Crazy Demonstration” ….

THE WAVE OF COUPS BLOWING ACROSS AFRICA

No doubt, African countries have always cultivated fertile soil for coups - poverty, poor economic performance, insecurity, corruption, sit-tightism, amongst others. Indeed, from the trends so far, a coup by a country is a harbinger for yet a coup by another country. I would not be surprised if more coups occur. It is like a sore whitlow generating a blistering headache. The reasons for these coups are not far from the instability such countries experienced after independence. Statistics reveal that in the years after 2000, there was a noticeable decline in military interventions; but recently, the rise has become alarming.

COUNTRIES WITH THE MOST COUPS

From analysis, the countries with most coups in Africa are:

SUDAN  

Sudan has had the most coups and attempted takeovers adding up to 17, with 6 of them successful. Long-serving leader, Omar al-Bashir was removed from power following months of protests in 2019. Note that Bashir himself had once taken over in a military coup in 1989.

BURKINA FASO

Burkina Faso in West Africa, has had the most successful coups, with 9 takeovers and 1 failed coup.

NIGERIA

 Nigeria once had a reputation for military coups following her 1960 flag independence, with eight between January 15, 1966, and the takeover by Gen Sani Abacha in 1993. However, since the 1999 transfer of power in Africa's most populous Nation by democratic elections have always held.

BURUNDI

 In Burundi; 11 separate coups, mostly driven by the tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi communities.

SIERRA LEONE

Sierra Leone experienced 3 coups between 1967 and 1968, and another one in 1971. Between 1992 and 1997, it experienced 5 further coup attempts.

GHANA

Ghana has also had experienced 8 coups in two decades. The first was in 1966, when Kwame Nkrumah was forcibly removed from power. In the following year there was an unsuccessful attempt by junior army officers.

Like Nostradamus, in 2021, the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres said that "military coups are back," adding that "geo-political divisions are undermining international co-operation and...a sense of impunity is taking hold,". Two years later, Antonio seems to have been proven right.

To sum it all, Africa has experienced more coups than any other continent in the world. Of the 18 coups recorded globally since 2017, all but one - Myanmar in 2021 - have been in Africa.

The recent coups in Africa have been mind-blowing. The trend seems to be that people are becoming more comfortable with military juntas than civilian leaders, because of misgovernance. Let's take a ride through the coups, albeit briefly.

NIGER

In July 2023, members of Niger's presidential guard detained President Mohamed Bazoum inside his palace and appeared on national television saying they were seizing power to end the "deteriorating security situation and bad governance." Days later the junta declared the head of the presidential guard, Abdourahamane Tchiani, the new head of state, raising concerns about the security of a region where Niger has been a key ally of Western powers seeking to contain insurgencies by groups linked to al Qaeda and Islamic State.

BURKINA FASO

In January 2022, Burkina Faso's army ousted President Roch Kabore, blaming him for failing to contain violence by Islamist militants. Coup leader, Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba, pledged to restore security, but attacks worsened, eroding morale in the armed forces that led to a second coup in September 2022, when current junta leader, Captain Ibrahim Traore seized power.

GUINEA

In September 2021, Special Forces commander Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, ousted President Alpha Conde. A year earlier, Conde had changed the Constitution to circumvent limits that would have prevented him from standing for a third term, triggering widespread rioting. Doumbauya who became interim president promised a civilian transition by democratic means within 3 years; but this was rejected by ECOWAS with attendant sanctions. The military later promised to begin transition by 2023; but there exists zero institutions and roadmaps to actualize same.

CHAD

After President Idriss Deby was killed on the battlefield while visiting troops fighting rebels in the North, the Army took over in 2021. This was in utter violation of the Chadian Constitution that provides that the speaker of Parliament takes over in such instance. The Parliament was dissolved and General Mahamat Idriss Deby, the son of the President, was named the interim President to oversee an 18 - months transition plan.

MALI

Power was seized from President Ibrahim Keita after a group of Malian colonels were led by Assimi Goita. Under pressure from Mali's West African neighbours, the junta reluctantly agreed to cede power to a civilian-led interim government tasked with overseeing an 18-month transition to democratic elections to be held in February 2022. However, a clash occurred between the coup leaders and the interim president - retired colonel Bah Ndaw - and this led to a second coup in May 2021. Goita Ceho the interim Vice President was elevated to the presidency. The country is scheduled to hold elections in 2024. Hopefully!

THE GABON COUP: LET THE TRUTH BE TOLD

Contrary to popular views that coups in Africa are only as a result of failed democracy, the Gabon coup shows a quite different scenario. Africans should now be put on notice about coups. Coupists do not write love letters announcing their coming. On August 30, just hours after Gabon’s Election Commission announced that President Ali Bongo Ondimba had been elected to a third term, a group of Gabonese military officers from the elite presidential guard unit seized power and placed the president under house arrest at his palace. Later that day, the officers declared General Brice Oligui Nguema as chairman of the transition. While the election itself had been marred by reports of irregularities, the officers’ coup marks the latest in a long line of recent military takeovers across the African continent that have jeopardized regional stability and security. President Bongo was first elected in 2009 following the death of his father, Omar Bongo Ondimba. Ondimba had ruled the country for 41 years, that is from 1967 to 2007. I now ask this question, is Gabon a family property? Is her presidency one of primogeniture of father to son? Your answer may be good as mine.

It should be clear by now that the coup in Gabon was not as a result of failed democracy, but an angry rebellion against one family’s tight-grip on power which has now been resisted by the people in good faith. Therefore, we may be expecting more coups in Africa if good governance is not enthroned and if elected or selected presidents decide whimsically, arbitrarily and capriciously, to hold glue to power like butterfly to the nectar of a flower.

FACTORS ENGINEERING COUPS IN AFRICA: INTRINSIC vs. EXTRINSIC

The factors sparking the spate of coups in Africa can be broadly categorized based on the perspective of the author. The inward-looking factors which are intrinsic, and the outward-looking factors which are extrinsic. While the inward factors are issues of internal and national governance, the outward factors are global in nature.

1. LEADERSHIP DELUSION:When democracy becomes demon - crazy, the people are bound to react. This factor is intrinsic within the countries themselves. The people in several African countries feel disenchanted and cheated. The long promises of democratic dividends by political leaders always remain a dream and sham. They are illusory mirages. This has forced the people to revolt due to their leaders’ corruption and extravagant lifestyles. The people suddenly find their voices through protests; demonstrations and insurrections. The lack of transparency and accountability in governance have made the people lose confidence in governments. The style of government they deploy has made democracy a huge joke and very artificial and superficial. To add to this frustration, the impact of Focus - 19made life more difficult, following closure of markets, lack of access to and availability of health care, infrastructures, education empowerment, including the hoarding of palliatives by greedy politicians.

Insecurity has also systemically eaten up the system. Insurgencies have taken over swats of lands in many regions. This has destroyed the trust of the people in governance. For instance, in Chad, the State is confronted with challenges posed by violent extremist organisations, including Boko Haram, Al-Qaeda, etc. Mali and Burkina Faso have been struggling with the deadly Islamic State and Al-Qaeda. These countries lack the man power to combat this deadly menace; hence the deteriorating state of affairs.

Unlike true democracies, elections in most the African countries are shambolic and held without due recourse to the Rule of Law. There is no informed and active participation. Independence of the Judiciary and even civil liberties are assailed. Voters cast their votes not based on what they feel, but political influence. Voters are not counted, where they are, such votes do not count. In many countries, political jackboots have stayed in power well beyond their terms mostly through unconstitutional means, and their belief that governance of their countries is divinely ordained. Imagine the alarmingly ugly lengthy years in power of Theodore Mbasogo (44 whooping years!), Paul Kagame, a former military Commander, is the fourth and current President of Rwanda and has remained President for 23 years. Though he turned Rwanda around and abolished the Tutsi or Hutu badge, what is he still doing in office? Is he the only competent Rwandan person to govern his country? It is this narcissistic stance that breeds envy, anger and coups. Paul Biya (41 years); Dauda Jawara (33 years); Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki (32 years); and Egyptian Hosni Mubarak (30 years). Why would Blaise Compaore (32 years); and Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda (27 years) stay in office for that long? What is 81 years old octogenarian, Alassane Quattara (14 years); and 78 years old septuagenarian, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda still be clinging to power for? These, in addition to misgovernance cause frequent coups in Africa. Surely, those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable (John F Kennedy). Do these politicians even read what their counterparts do abroad? UK Prime Minister, Liz Truss, resigned from office in October, 2022, after only six months. Boris Johnson (only 58) resigned as Prime Minister on July 7, 2022, and was succeeded by the said Liz Truss - he was in office for only 3 years (24th July, 2019- 8th July, 2022). In just six years, UK has had six Prime Ministers after the Brexit Vote of 2016. Prime Ministers who have resigned from office in the UK also include David Cameron, Theresa May, Harold Wilson, Sir Winston Churchill, H.H. Asquith, Neville Chamberlain, Harold MacMillan, Anthony Eden; Margaret Thatcher (the “iron lady”); Tony Blair, Gordon Brown; and John Major. The US has been more stable, as the only President who has ever resigned from office was US’ 37th President, Richard Nixon over the “Watergate Scandal” in 1972.

Just what is wrong with Africa and African Presidents who behave like Emperor Louis XIV of France that once stood in front of parliament in 1655 and imperiously declared “L’Etat C’est Moi” (I am the State)?  Just what is wrong with us?

2. AU - ECOWAS FRAGILE RELATIONS: This factor is extrinsic. Lack of concrete relations by AU and ECOWAS with regional organizations and countries. Sanctions, force are not the best options to quell could. These actions negate the real deal of diplomacy. These regional blocs have failed in their responsibilities. In 2003, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was launched by the AU, to assess governance performance, fragility and conflict-related issues in member states, but the organizations have made any further move to establish institutions that would implement the recommendation is of this review.
3. FOREIGN INFLUENCE: Coups are likely to occur due to foreign influence and competitions. Initially, during the era of independence, coups were majorly against cold war politics. However, after independence, coups have never been free of foreign influence. The USA, France, Russia and entire EU cannot be spared of these accusations. For instant, Russia invited the Mali coup both in 2020 and 2021. Vladimir Putin is also behind the support of the recent Burkina Faso coup. Assimi Goita who is the leader of Mali also received the support of the USA. Paris endorsed Mahamat Deby's coup in Chad. These foreign nations double standard, they speak from both side of those mouths, and think based of interest. This is regrettable.

THE OUTCOMES OF MILITARY COUPS: MAJOR INFLUENCERS

While it may be inferred that coups may be the only solution to the issue of governance in Africa, it my position that coups are not the best options as their aftermaths are always nothing bro write home about.

There are some variables that influence the outcome of coups. These are; internal military cohesion; mobilisation against juntas by civil societies; economic dependence on foreign countries; and donor deployment.

Internal cohesion is the most relevant. If there is need to respond to threats of a country’s territorial integrity and preservation of public order, the military is always likely to back the juntas. This is because the situation of seeking power outweighs that of not being in power. If the causes of the coups are far from the above, the military is likely not to support the junta.

In respect of civil society organisations, massive and torrential agitations for a return to democratic rule may influence the juntas to return power to the people. This is the case of Egypt's 2011 coup. Nigeria witnessed this fact with 1993 and 1999, when the military fled to their barracks. Donor deployment and foreign economic dependency are the latest influencers of coup outcomes.

Since 1989, military coups across the world have resulted in two major outcomes.

First is the withdrawal of the juntas from civil power. This means the junta doesn’t participate or interfere in post-coup elections. While transition to democracy is necessary, it is not enough in itself. This scenario played out in the Nigerien coup of 2010 and the Thailand coup of 2006.

Second is electoral rigging by the junta in favour of its preferred own candidate. This scenario establishes a regime in which coup leaders entrench themselves in executive power.

This is why even when military juntas withdraw from power, democracies do not really emerge. But, when juntas rig post-coup elections, they become entrenched in power to long term periods. Whether the entire military backs the juntas or not is a major influencer on outcome of coups.

DEMOCRACY BETRAYED: AFRICAN LEADERS' ABUSE OF POWER

Democracy is often described as a system of government in which power is vested in the people, who can elect their leaders through free and fair elections. (See section 14 of the 1999 Constitution). It is a concept that holds the promise of freedom, social justice, accountability and egalitarianism, with the ultimate goal of improving the lives of citizens. Democracy, as a concept, thrives when there are independent strong institutions established to guarantee and entrench its existence. Unfortunately, in many African nations, this concept has been abused by leaders who have turned democracy into a tool for their own self-preservation and primitive accumulation of wealth.

THE ABUSE OF TERM LIMITS

One of the most glaring examples of democracy's abuse in Africa is the manipulation of presidential term limits. Term limits are essential for preventing the concentration of power in the hands of a single leader and for ensuring a peaceful transfer of power. However, numerous African leaders have always found ways to circumvent these limits, thus allowing them to remain in power indefinitely. Omar Bongo ruled Gabon for almost 42 years until his death in the year 2009. If he had not died, he would probably have been in power till date. Upon his demise, his son, Ali Bongo, won the 2009 Gabonese Presidential election. He was reelected in 2016, in an election marred by numerous irregularities, arrests and human rights violations and post election protests. On the 30^th day of August, 2023, following the result of another controversial presidential election which he allegedly won, the military ousted him from power.

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni is another prime example. Museveni has been in power since 1986 and has consistently altered the Constitution to extend his rule. His government is autocratic. In 2005, he removed presidential term limits, and in 2017, he successfully removed the age limit, allowing him to run for office again in 2021. Such actions undermine the democratic principles of accountability and trample on the will of the people.

ELECTION MANIPULATION

Another common tactic employed by African leaders is the manipulation of elections. While elections are meant to be a mechanism for citizens to freely choose their leaders, they are often rigged to favor incumbents. This includes voter suppression, intimidation and outright fraud. The recent presidential election held in Nigeria, for example, fell below all expectations. After touting that the results of the election would be uploaded on real-time, INEC deliberately failed to do so, citing glitches. The election has since been described as daylight robbery by the opposition and critical analysts.

Zimbabwe's former President, Robert Mugabe, was notorious for manipulating elections to maintain his iron grip on power. In the 2008 presidential election, widespread violence and intimidation were used against the opposition, leading to a runoff election that was heavily criticized for its lack of transparency and fairness. Mugabe's unorthodox tactics allowed him to remain in power for nearly four decades, despite the deteriorating state of the country

Paul Biya, the President of Cameroon, has served as president since 1982. In almost all the elections he won, the opposition has always alleged irregularities and fraud in each occasion.

In Nigeria, the 25^th February, 2023 Presidential election was heavily manipulated by INEC in favour of the Ruling party. While results of the NASS elections held simultaneously on the same date and time were seamlessly transmitted from BVAS to IReV, that of the Presidential election suddenly developed “technical glitches”. No matter the judicial outcome, no Nigerian is deceived about its manipulation.   

SUPPRESSION OF OPPOSITION

African leaders have also used various atrocious tactics to suppress opposition voices, thereby undermining the democratic process. This includes the arrest and imprisonment of political opponents, restrictions on freedom of speech, movement and assembly; and the use of state resources to weaken opposition parties.

Cameroon's President Paul Biya, who has been in power since 1982, is known for suppressing opposition voices. His government has used brutal force to quell protests, shut down critical media outlets, and arrested political opponents. These actions create a climate of fear and hinder the ability of opposition parties to effectively challenge the ruling regime. In its publication of 31^st May, 2022, Aljazeera reported that in April, 2022, a state-run Ethiopian Media Authority announced that it had filed criminal charges against at least 25 media outlets. In that same month, according to Aljazeera, the Ethiopian Police detained at least 19 people, including journalists, magazine editors and talk show hosts.

CONTROL OF THE MEDIA

A free and independent media is essential for holding leaders accountable and providing citizens with unbiased information. Section 12 of the Nigerian Constitution of 1999 says so. However, many African leaders have sought to control or manipulate the media to shape public opinion in their favor.

In Ethiopia, for example, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government has cracked down on independent media outlets and journalists critical of his administration. The government's actions have not only silenced dissenting voices but have also limited the flow of information to the public, making it difficult for citizens to make informed decisions.

THE CULT OF PERSONALITY

Some African leaders have cultivated a cult of personality to maintain their grip on power. This often involves portraying themselves as indispensable God-sent leaders who are the only ones capable of steering their nations forward. This narrative is used to justify their illegal long tenures in office and discourage opposition.

In Equatorial Guinea, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo has cultivated such a cult of personality. He has been in power since 1979 and has maintained a tight grip on the country's resources and institutions. His regime has used propaganda to portray him as a visionary leader, while suppressing dissent and political opposition. Late Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe employed such tactics in maintaining grip on the countries’ resources.

THE DIRE CONSEQUENCES OF DEMOCRACY BETRAYED

The gross abuse of democracy by African leaders has far-reaching consequences for their nations and the continent as a whole. Some of the key consequences include:

1. Political Instability: Manipulation of democratic processes often leads to political instability, social unrest and political disequilibrium. Africa is plagued by weak democratic institutions. When citizens feel that their voices are not heard, they resort to protests, strikes, street demonstrations and even violence to express their frustrations. The major trend in French-speaking countries in Africa is military coups endorsed by the people. Many African nations have experienced political instability, often due to weak governance, corruption, and authoritarian regimes. When civilian governments fail to effectively address these issues, it creates an environment conducive for military intervention. In Sudan, Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger, and Gabon, the military overthrew their governments because of deteriorating security, bad governance and corruption. The   Gabon coup is not actually a coup against democracy but against a dictatorial dynasty that has held the people down by the jugular for decades. Military rule is never a good system of government and this article should never be construed as endorsing it. Nothing good is ever guaranteed; nor is certainty during military rule, because the military rules by Decrees and Edicts. This further compound the already existing political instability in the continent.
2. Erosion of Trust: The abuse of democracy erodes trust in institutions and can lead to loss of faith in the democratic process itself. Citizens may become disillusioned and disengaged from politics. In Nigeria, there is a belief that votes do not count, that is, assuming they are even counted at all.
3. Brain Drain: Prolonged leadership by autocratic leaders often lead to brain drain, as skilled professionals and intellectuals always seek for greener opportunities abroad in search of better governance and economic prospects. Economic instability, such as high unemployment rate, inflation, and income inequality, also contribute to dissatisfaction among the populace. When economic conditions deteriorate significantly, the military might perceive itself as a stabilizing force and intervene to address these problems.
4. Human Rights Abuses:Leaders who cling to power often resort to human rights abuses to maintain control, leading to the suffering of their citizens and international condemnation.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The conditions for occurrence of coups are multifaceted. They cannot be fetched with a spoon. To obviate future coups and deal with the current ones, the following recommendations are apt.

1. REDIRECTION OF GOVERNANCE:Governance of various countries must strive to redirect their style of governance. Governance should address deficits in the form of fulfilling and delivering the dividends of democracy to the citizenry, in order to restore their confidence. Security, economic, health and infrastructural development should be the mainstay and focus of government. If this is achieved, democracy would no longer be viewed as demon – crazy; and the people would not react negatively.
2. CONTEMPT FOR COUPS: Regional bodies such as the AU and ECOWAS must maintain unbiased contempt for coups. Laws should be made and implemented to try and punish coupists. If coupists are being prosecuted and brought to book, the fear of coup would begin. But, where coups are popular and people rejoice, external bodies must keep off such countries’ internal affairs.
3. FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN INTERFERENCE: African regional organizations and nations must strive very hard to pull themselves away from the umbilical cord of foreign influence in all its ramifications. Any influence that would result to political instability should be refrained from and discountenanced.
4. RE-ORIENTATION OF AFRICA: democratization of Africa demands reorientation of the core values of Africa. Every African citizen must know and feel the African cherished values, ethics and ethos we all share as a continent. The black skin is so powerful, and should unite. Ideological reorientation is key.
5. ELIMINATION OF ADVERSE SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS:If democracy is not crazy, people would not react negatively. National and international politics must not be tailored in ways to cause political upheaval and destabilization.

CONCLUSION

In the wake of the reality sweeping coups before our very eyes, the need for good governance and democracy dividends cannot be over empasized. If there is good governance, the people would not agitate demonstrate or protest. If governments deliver on their mandate, the confidence of the people would be restored. African leaders must heed to this advise; if attempted coups or coups, must be a thing of the past. Countries should not be living with the fears of political instability considering the present trend. Benin and Cote d' Ivoire which are presently anticipating a breakdown of political order must immediately redirect their approach to governance immediately.

The abuse of democracy by African leaders is a troubling trend that has persisted for decades. While democracy holds the promise of freedom, justice, and accountability, its principles are often undermined by leaders who prioritize their personal interests over the well-being of their nations. The consequences of such abuse are felt by the citizens who suffer from political instability, economic mismanagement, and the erosion of trust in institutions.

It is essential for the international community to condemn and pressure leaders who abuse democracy, while also supporting civil society organizations and democratic movements within these nations. Ultimately, the people of Africa deserve good and decent leaders who prioritize their welfare and adhere to democratic principles that can lead to a brighter future for the continent. Anything short of these will continue to make coups attractive and welcome.