Luton Town have announced the signing of ex-Super Eagles Star, Victor Moses on a free transfer.

The 33-year-old was a Premier League title winner with Chelsea in the 2016/17 season.

The former Nigeria international has most recently been playing his football in Russia with Spartak Moscow, who he joined in 2021.

“Victor Moses has signed in as new Luton player on free transfer, deal sealed,” Football transfer expert Fabrizio Romano wrote on his X handle.

Club’s Manager Rob Edwards said, “Victor is one we’ve been talking to for quite a while. He trained with us last week and played 60 minutes in a behind closed doors game, and we made a decision because we think he’s able to come in and help us.

“He gives us more strength in depth and versatility, because he’s someone who can play both sides or as a number ten.

“He’s played for so many different clubs in different ways and shapes, and under different managers, so he’s tactically aware. We think he’s someone who can provide some really good competition for us.

“I don’t want to put too much pressure on him and expect too much too soon. He’s not going to come in and start the games straight away.

“He’s got to get used to what we do and how we play, but he’s fit, he’s able to come in and affect it now, and he definitely makes the squad stronger.”

For his part while speaking to the club, Moses added, “I’m looking forward to it. I had a few offers from Europe, but I said to my agent that I set my mind on staying over here, and here we are. I’m very pleased and honoured to be at this club and I just can’t wait to get going.

“I spoke to Rob before I came, I spoke to the directors and they told me the plan and the history of the club, and I just want to be part of the success.

“I want to come here and enjoy my football, work hard for the club and for the team, and get back to where we belong in the Premier League.”

He left Selhurst Park in 2010 to join then-Premier League Wigan, where he spent the next three seasons.

Chelsea came calling and ended up playing 128 times for the club winning the Premier League, FA Cup and two Europa Leagues.

Moses has also won the Africa Cup of Nations with Nigeria in 2013.

[Leadership]

The Department of State Services (DSS) has released the passport of the President of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Daily Trust can confirm.

Some of labour leaders, who confided in our correspondent on Tuesday in Abuja, said the secret police did not find anything incriminating against Ajaero.

Daily Trust had reported that the DSS bowed to pressure from various quarters on Monday when it released the labour leader on bail a few minutes to the ultimatum given by the NLC.

Details shortly…

[Daily Trust]

Nigeria failed to defeat Rwanda in a 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier played in Kigali on Tuesday.

The match ended goalless between both countries.

However, the Super Eagles will feel aggrieved as they had what looked like a legitimate goal ruled out in the first half.

Victor Boniface’s header from a throw-in fell to Ademola Lookman who put the ball the net.

But the referee ruled it out.

Both sides saw their goalkeepers make fine saves to maintain the stalemate.

Nigeria lead Group D with four points, while Rwanda are in second spot with two points.

[DailyPost]

Things appear to be falling apart in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), once a dominant force in Nigeria’s political landscape.  It is becoming clearer that the centre of a political party that had boasted of holding on to power for 60 years can no longer hold. A party of ideals, ethos, structure and spread, is now stuck in the mud. And there is no sign of resurgence soon, as the party is mired in crises since 2022.

Gone are the days that the PDP was either in control of the central government or many of the states. In the Fourth Republic, the party, formed in 1998, swept through the land as a hurricane. It ruled at the centre.  It also had the reins of government in 31 states. The party swallowed many other political parties. It was formidable and appealing to many politicians at the time.

The party is not new to troubles, some of which are self-inflicted. In spite of its internal squabbles, the PDP had been steady. But, things nosedived when it lost the centre.  The defeat that occurred in 2015 when former President Goodluck Jonathan lost to the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari, was a turning point for the worse for the opposition party. Now, it controls only 13 states.

While permutations have begun ahead of 2027 general elections, the future of the PDP in the current political landscape is bleak. The leading opposition party is contending with a myriad of internal and external issues gradually eroding its spread and dominance on power.

Crisis of leadership and vision

Beyond the immediate conflicts of leadership and factional battles, the PDP is also grappling with an identity crisis that could prove fatal if not addressed promptly. The party, which once prided itself as the custodian of Nigeria’s democracy, is at crossroads.

Since its formation in 1998, the PDP has been synonymous with the ideals of national unity, economic reform, and democratic governance. However, in recent years, these ideals have become blurred, with the party increasingly defined by its internal struggles rather than its policy positions or ideological commitments. The lack of a cohesive posture vision has made it difficult for the PDP to assert itself.

Fast forward to the aftermath of the 2023 elections, there was growing concern within the party’s ranks about the need to redefine the PDP’s mission and values. Some members have called for a return to the party’s founding principles, while others advocated for a complete overhaul of its leadership structure and political strategy.

Genesis of conflicts

It appears that the seeds of the current crisis were sown in the lead-up to the 2023 general elections; however, many analysts believe that it goes farther into the months before the 2015 elections.

Late President Musa Yar’Adua on a joint ticket with Dr. Goodluck Jonathan had won the presidential election in 2007. Unfortunately, two years into their tenure, Yar’Adua died. His vice was eventually sworn in, who completed that tenure and also contested the presidential election in 2011 and won.

But the north felt short-changed, as they insisted that it was their turn to lead the country. This led to the defection of some bigwigs, particularly from the north extraction from the party. Vice President Atiku Abubakar and other political gladiators had worked against Jonathan.

Then, the party lost the presidential election to the hurricane All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2015.  And the downward journey of the party has been rapid.

Immediately past President Muhammadu Buhari from the north occupied Aso Rock for eight years.  After his presidency, the popular consensus was that power should shift to the south.

In 2023, Abubakar decided to exercise his right and didn’t give in to the clamour for southern presidency. He won the primary and became the candidate of the party.

His insistence to get the ticket led to some chieftains of the party like Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) leaving the PDP with their loyalists.  Five PDP governors under G5 Group, who didn’t leave the party also worked against candidate Atiku.

Following Abubakar’s emergence as the PDP’s candidate, frictions accelerated when it became clear that he would not choose Nyesom Wike as his running mate. The scenario led to a bitter feud that spilled into the public domain.

This acrimony deepened when the party leadership, under the chairmanship of Iyorchia Ayu, was accused of favoring the northern bloc, further alienating the southern members. For Wike and other PDP stakeholders, it was inconceivable that the party’s national chairmanship as well as the presidential ticket would remain in the north as Ayu is from Benue state and Atiku is from Adamawa.

The crisis reached a crescendo when five aggrieved governors, known as the G-5 or Integrity Group, openly rebelled against the party’s leadership. This group, consisting of Wike, Samuel Ortom (Benue), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), and Seyi Makinde (Oyo), demanded Ayu’s resignation as a precondition for supporting Atiku’s candidacy. The refusal of the party leadership to accede to their demands resulted in the G-5 boycotting the 2023 presidential campaign, significantly weakening the PDP’s chances at the polls. The fallout from this division was evident in the election results, where the PDP failed to secure the presidency and performed poorly in several key states.

APC as an adversary

While the PDP has been embroiled in internal strife, the APC has been quietly consolidating its power. Aside from bringing PDP strongman, Nyesom Wike and former Ebonyi state governor, Umahi on board as ministers, the APC, under the leadership of President Bola Tinubu, has embarked on a series of political maneuvers designed to weaken the opposition. This includes wooing disgruntled PDP members into its fold and exploiting the divisions within the PDP to its advantage.

The APC’s strategy has not been lost on political analysts, who argue that the ruling party is deliberately stoking the fires of discord within the PDP to prevent it from mounting a credible challenge in 2027. “The APC is playing a long game; they know that a fragmented PDP is easier to defeat than a united one,”noted a political analyst. “

The lingering crises

As the party licks its wounds from the 2023 electoral defeat, the crises within the PDP have only deepened.

One of the key aspects of the current turmoil is the leadership tussle that has various dimensions. Until a few months ago, the tussle centred around the legitimacy of Iyorchia Ayu’s leadership as a major bone of contention. Despite calls for his resignation after the 2023 elections, Ayu remained defiant, leading to further factionalization within the party, with the National Working Committee (NWC) split between supporters of Ayu and those calling for a change in leadership to reposition the party ahead of 2027. The party was in a fix over Ayu because of the cases instituted in court but commendably, he opted to withdraw from court.

Now, energies have been redirected by some party members towards having the acting national chairman, Ambassador Ilyas Damagum removed but it is a very complex matter that may never be actualized until he hands over at PDP’s national convention next year. Even if Damagum is removed or prevailed upon to resign from his current position, he will revert to his substantive position as Deputy National Chairman (North).

Also, even though the party will not admit it, ethnic and regional divides remain a lingering challenge in a once cohesive national party. The PDP has long struggled with balancing its regional interests, but the current crisis has exacerbated these divides. The party’s southern members felt marginalized, particularly after the 2023 elections, where the perception was that the northern bloc had unfairly dominated the party’s decision-making processes. This rift has made it difficult for the PDP to present a united front. People like Chief Olabode George may end up being proven to be right with his insistence that issues about the genesis of current problems need to be thrashed out first at a roundtable before expecting success in the reconciliation process.

Then, a series of legal battles have been hampering issues within the party. Several court cases further complicated the PDP’s woes after the 2023elections. These legal wrangling have not only distracted the party but have also sapped its resources, which could have been better utilized in preparation for the next electoral cycle. While that is over, other cases, especially in states like Rivers and Edo, continue to haunt efforts towards consolidation of party unity.

There have also been a series of defections and loss of confidence. The PDP has suffered a wave of defections since 2022, with several key members, including former governors and legislators, jumping ship to the APC or other parties. This exodus has been fuelled by the perception that the PDP is a sinking ship, plagued by internal squabbles and an inability to present a viable alternative to the APC.

Another aspect of PDP’s lingering crises is the intra-party frictions in some states, Rivers state is by far most obvious but others are simmering below the surface. For instance, in Edo state, Wike loyalists like Chief Dan Orbih, the leader of the Legacy Group that comprises stakeholders whom outgoing Edo state Governor Obaseki met in the party have resolved not to support Obaseki’s nominee, Asue Ighodalo in the September 21, 2023 Edo state governorship election.

Differences of opinion over the prospects of rebuilding strength through a merger with other political parties continue despite official pronouncements that it has been resolved. Looking at what the opposition was able to achieve against the ruling party in Senegal and other countries, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar has remained a strong advocate of having a merger between PDP and other parties. However, loyalists of FCT Minister Wike as well as the PDP Governors’ Forum and the party’s leadership led by Ambassador Damagum have expressed complete dislike for the idea.

In a June 5, 2024, official statement, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Debo Ologunagba emphatically stated that talks about the party’s involvement in merger discussions with any political party in preparation for the 2027 general election are mere ruse and utterly misleading, adding that PDP is satisfied with the increasing influx of old and new members and the party expects other old members to return to PDP rather expect the party’s merger with their current party.

An even more emphatic opposition to the idea was presented by the chairman of PDP Governors’ Forum, Governor Bala Mohammed who described those calling for mergers as ‘marauders’ at the end of the forum’s recent meeting in Abuja.

He said that such marauders are plotting to hijack a faction for the purpose of forming a coalition with some other parties. “We are aware that there are some marauders hanging around somewhere, trying to factionalize our party and take one faction to go and do coalition (with another party); we are not going to allow that,” said the Bala Mohammed while reading the PDP Governors’ Forum communiqué after a four hours’ closed-door meeting at Akwa Ibom Governor’s Lodge in Abuja.

Much more than all the factors above is the issue of whether to restrict contention for the 2027 presidential ticket to southern aspirants alone or again, allow a repeat of the 2023 situation where Alhaji Atiku Abubakar featured. This is further complicated by the fact that FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike has explicitly declared his intention to mobilize for the re-election of President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

Crises

In a bid to stem the tide of discontent, the PDP has made several attempts at reconciliation. Notable among these is the establishment of a National Reconciliation Committee led by former Governor of Osun state, Colonel Olagunsoye Oyinlola (rtd). The committee, which is to build on previous reconciliation efforts of a similarly named committee led by ex-Senate President, Senator Bukola Saraki in 2022, was tasked with bridging the divides within the party and bringing aggrieved members back into the fold. However, there are anxieties that the efforts of the new committee meet with limited success, as the entrenched positions of some party leaders and their proxies appear capable of making genuine reconciliation difficult.

Disciplinary steps

Serious efforts to make FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to ‘pay’ for leading the G-5 to facilitate APC’s victory and PDP’s loss in the 2023 presidential election started immediately after the elections but for one reason or another, things have not worked smoothly for its advocates. The Nation learnt that an August 2023 meeting of PDP stakeholders, including Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, at the Abuja residence of High Chief Tom Ikimii had tried to reach a conclusion but complications arose.

While loyalists of Atiku want Wike to face severe sanctions like a lengthy suspension or total expulsion for his role in the 2023 presidential elections, others, including Wike’s loyalists also point at the anti-PDP roles played by Atiku Abubakar in previous presidential elections.

So, the question that still lingers till date is: from what year does the offence of ‘anti-party’ allegations begin to take effect? If it is restricted to 2023, Wike and his loyalists as well as some past and serving PDP governors would face serious sanctions but if it is extended to previous years, Atiku Abubakar and others who are advocating for the sanctions would get drawn in too.

Several party stakeholders have demonstrated a keen awareness that without resolving lingering crises, PDP could be taking huge risks with any 2027 game plan. In May 2023, Atiku Abubakar made a public appeal for unity within the party, acknowledging that the internal divisions were a major factor in the PDP’s electoral loss.

Despite these efforts, the cracks within the PDP remain visible. The on-going power struggle within the party’s leadership, coupled with the regional and ethnic divides, continues to undermine any attempts at forging a cohesive strategy for the future.

No more internal crisis?

Responding to questions on PDP’s internal crises, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Debo Ologunagba asserted that contrary to widespread obsession with the perception of the PDP as a party in crises, the party is doing well in advancing the cause of democracy in Nigeria. Speaking on a TVC television programme, ‘Beyond 100 days” and themed PDP: A Party Divided Against Itself?” Ologunagba argued that while many assume that PDP is continuously consumed by frictions from contending interests, the party’s robust constitution and structures have continued to hold it firmly together since 1999.

According to Ologunagba, the party has continued to exercise various internal mechanisms backed by its structures and party constitution to continue giving the nation a great example of what a genuine political party should be in a democracy, adding that the recent decision to constitute two new committees is an example.

 The road to 2027: A bleak outlook?

The PDP’s internal crises, if left unresolved, pose a significant threat to the party’s chances of displacing the APC in the 2027 general elections. The party’s inability to present a united front has already cost it dearly in the 2023 elections, and the lingering divisions could further erode public confidence in the PDP as a viable alternative to the ruling party.

Moreover, the defections and legal battles have weakened the party’s structure at both the national and state levels, making it difficult to mount an effective campaign in 2027. The APC, despite its own challenges, appears to be more stable and better organized, giving it a potential advantage as the next election cycle approaches.

As the PDP faces this existential crisis, the words of one of its founding members, Jerry Gana, ring true: “The PDP must rise above its internal contradictions and return to the ideals that made it great. Otherwise, it risks becoming a footnote in Nigeria’s political history.”

The senator representing the Federal Capital Territory district, Ireti Kingibe, on Tuesday, threw her weight behind the 29-man caretaker committee put in place by the national leader of the Labour Party, Peter Obi; Abia Governor Alex Otti and the party stakeholders last week to conduct an expansive national convention.

Kingibe gave the endorsement at the flag off of a four-day free medical outreach she facilitated for her constituents in Abuja.

The medical outreach, which was done in collaboration with the National Commission for Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons, saw many people turn up for eye tests, free treatment and referrals for suspected cataract cases.

The senator, who was represented by her senior legislative aide, Dr Chris Omofoma, told PUNCH Online that every LP member knows the tenure of the National Chairman of LP, Julius Abure and members of his National Working Committee has ended as far back as June 2023.

While stating that Abure and his loyalists have yet to come to terms with reality, Kingibe explained that the same Otti and Obi he is currently battling begged to extend his tenure by an extra year to recover from the 2023 presidential election loss.

The National Chairman of LP, Julius Abure; his National Secretary, Umar Farouk and the National Youth Leader, Kennedy Ahanotu, were conspicuously absent at the enlarged stakeholders’ meeting held in Umuahia, the state capital on Wednesday.

The governor of Abia State, Alex Otti, had called for the meeting to resolve the lingering leadership crisis in the party.

The Abure-led NWC has, however, kicked against the Nenadi Usman-led caretaker committee, describing it as null and void.

She said, “There is no crisis in Labour. It is Abure’s NWC that refused to admit that their tenure has ended. Even INEC has clearly stated that Abure’s tenure ended in 2023 June. But Alex Otti and Peter Obi extended it by one year so the party could recover from the (2023) election losses before conducting the national convention. So their tenure was extended to June 8, 2024, which has lapsed.

“So whatever Alex Otti, Obi and other party stakeholders is well in line with the constitution and INEC guidelines. So, it is left for Abure to come to terms with the reality that his tenure is over and it is time to do the needful.

“I am in sync with the Nenadi Usman-led committee and back it 100 per cent. That is the way to go. Every other thing the Abure-NWC is illegal.”

Continuing, the FCT senator described Tuesday’s medical outreach as a huge success.

According to her, the mission was to provide essential medical services to 5,000 members of her constituency in the FCT.

[Punch]

PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu has called for the immediate evacuation of people from affected flooding areas in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital.

The President also expressed deep concern about the flooding in parts of the state capital.

Recall that the worst flood in recent decades displaced thousands of residents and affected facilities such as the Post office and the Maiduguri Teaching Hospital.

President Tinubu in a statement by the Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga extended his heartfelt condolences to the government and people of the State, especially to the families that have lost their means of livelihood due to the disaster triggered by the overflow of the Alau Dam.

According to the statement, “While relevant authorities are still assessing the damage wrought by the flood, the President calls for the immediate evacuation of people from affected areas.”

President Tinubu assured Governor Babagana Umara Zulum that the Federal Government is ready to collaborate to address the immediate humanitarian needs of the affected people.

He ordered the National Emergency Management Agency to assist the flood victims.

The President said he remained committed to mobilising federal resources to support the state during this difficult time.

[Vanguard]

The popularity of iGaming has exploded in recent years and, while traditional casinos still very much have their place, there’s little doubt that online casinos are dominating the current scene. With a CAGR of some 11.5% through 2027, that trend looks set to continue well into the future, too.

This is good news for people looking to try out the suite of iGaming products available, of which there are more than ever before. Although, from the outside, it can look like all iGaming websites are the same, the truth is that there can be significant differences between the experience provided by online casinos. So, let’s take a look at what newcomers should be looking for when they’re in the market for an iGaming website.

Website Design and Experience

Website design and user experience are essential for all websites, but it’s especially important for iGaming websites. Those two features play a significant role in the user’s experience and will have a direct impact on how well they’re able to enjoy their preferred game. It’s difficult to enjoy the convenience of what iGaming websites provide when they are outdated or technically incapable of providing a smooth playing experience. So, before committing to a website, take a critical look: does the design seem modern? Is the website fast and responsive?

A website may look and feel great, but, ultimately, it’s the number of games on offer that really counts. The leading iGaming websites offer all of the most common casino games, including roulette and blackjack, as well as a wide selection of slots. They’ll also routinely update their offerings in line with the latest releases. One of the key advantages that iGaming establishments have over their real-world counterparts is that they’re not limited by space, so there’s really no good reason why an iGaming website shouldn’t offer all of the standard casino games and more.

Ease of Payments and Withdrawals

The best iGaming websites make it as easy as possible for users to deposit and withdraw money. As well as just broadly being convenient for the user, a range of payment options and fast withdrawal times signify that the owners of the iGaming website care about the user’s experience. Withdrawal times can vary significantly between websites, but they’re nearly always made within a few hours. If a website you’re considering claims withdrawals take days — or doesn’t mention a timeframe at all — then it’ll be best to look elsewhere.

Offers and Deals

As we said at the beginning of the article, the iGaming industry is bigger than ever and, as such, there are more online casino operators than ever. This has created a highly competitive online casino landscape, which is, as with other industries, good for consumers. For one thing, it means that the quality of the websites is generally extremely high. Plus, it means that there are usually offers and deals available, especially for new customers. These offers can come in the shape of deposit matches, free spins, or enhanced odds.

Customer Service Availability

The vast majority of iGaming website users have no problems whatsoever. However, we all know that things can go wrong — or, in some cases, sometimes you just need a little help from someone who works for the website. Before signing up, take a look at the customer service options provided by the website. The best websites make it possible for their users to contact them via a variety of methods, including telephone, email, and social media, with some even offering live online chat support.

And there we have it! If your prospective iGaming website ticks all of those boxes, you can be reasonably sure that it’ll provide an excellent user experience.

[TheCable]

“I am ready to let go, let the NNPC buy me out, run the refinery. They have labeled me a monopolist. That’s an incorrect and unfair allegation, but it's okay. If they buy me out, at least their so-called monopolist would be out of the way.”

The statement of defiance above was made during the agitation for crude oil allocation by Aliko Dangote for his $20 billion ultra-modern refinery, with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, reputed to be the biggest of its kind in the world.

The false alarm and uproar that Dangote Refinery was aiming to be a monopoly fueled had escalated into a frenzy, prompting Alhaji Aliko Dangote, owner of the mega refinery, to respond in the manner captured in the opening quote of this piece. The allegation was triggered when the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of one of NNPC Ltd.'s subsidiaries, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Engr. Farouk Ahmed, reportedly repremanded Dangote for crying out for access to crude produced in Nigeria and alledged that he is angling to be a monopolist in the oil sector, thus he became a spokesperson of sorts for vested interests that seem to prefer Nigeria to continue importing refined petroleum products from abroad to the detriment of the economy and harm to Nigerians.

According to media reports, the CEO of NMDPRA, in response to Dangote's loudly expressed frustration over the non-allocation of crude oil to his refinery by International Oil Companies (IOCs) for local refining, had alleged that the diesel produced by Dangote Refinery had a higher sulfur content than the imported type and, therefore, was of lower quality. This claim was not proven scientifically, and to disprove it Dangote Refinery has produced Europe 5-quality fuel, an upgrade from the Euro 2 grade previously imported into Nigeria.

Therefore, the claim is being viewed as an unpatriotic attitude from the NMDPRA chief, as it contradicts the expected patriotic behavior of a public servant who should be encouraging local refining, which Dangote Refinery has now made a reality

After the tension, which was essentially a distraction, it was to the delight of the Nigerian masses when the good news arrived that the much-awaited flow of petrol from Dangote Refinery had finally materialized at the dawn of the 2nd day of September, 2024, when the announcement was made.

Although the refinery has been producing diesel, DPK, aviation fuel, and naphtha since January this year—nine months ago—there was a one-month delay in its originally scheduled August start date for petrol production, which was postponed but finally commenced at the beginning of September.

Given the bated breath of Nigerians in their expectation of constant supply of petrol described above, the realization of the dream of locally refined Premium Motor Spirit , PMS after an estimated 28 years of comatose local refineries can be compared to the excitement in the quote attributed to Mungo Park, the Scottish explorer, who, upon first seeing the River Niger, famously said in 1796:  

"Oh, that my dear friend Mr. Anderson could have been here to have seen this beautiful sight. The river is even more beautiful than I had imagined, and I can now account for the doubts of the ancients as to its existence."

The joy of Nigerians that Dangote Refinery has commenced refining Premium Motor Spirit (PMS)—so central to their lives—is significant, especially since the withdrawal of the subsidy on the commodity 15 months ago had reduced many to a severe state of hardship, with food inflation ballooning to around 40% and putting a vast majority of Nigerians in a state of penury.

Previously, PMS had been so elusive to the majority of Nigerians that their relief over its production at Dangote Refinery can be measured through the lens of a people spared from wasting precious time at petrol stations—time that could have been spent on productive activities.

It is worth pointing out that although the presence of Dangote Refinery may not necessarily lead to a significant reduction in the pump price of PMS, it is reassuring that the search for elusive petrol to power vehicles and light up homes—an activity that has cost many Nigerians their lives—will no longer be such an arduous and sometimes deadly task.

The constant availability of the commodity may also eliminate the crisis of crude oil theft driven by artisenal refineries in the Niger delta zone of Nigeria where crude oil is being ‘cooked’ in the name of refining with huge colateral damages including loss of lives and ruinous effects on the ecological landscape of the hydrocarbon bearing region reminscent of the damage done to the ecosystem of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC by precious stone miners/minerals under the watch of Belgium, the former colonizer of the country . 

The epochal flow of petrol from Dangote’s mega refinery has an interesting twist: while former President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned the refinery at the twilight of his administration on May 15 last year (his presidency ended on May 29), it is under President Bola Tinubu’s watch that the products refined in the ultra-modern refinery became available on the market. 

This reminds one of the biblical narrative of Moses leading the Israelites to the Promised Land but not having the privilege of entering it, as punishment for disobedience to God’s instruction.

Without a doubt, Aliko Dangote is the richest African and the wealthiest black man, ranked the 132nd richest person in the world according to Bloomberg’s Billionaires Index. He is comparable to a Korean chaebol in the making, if the Nigerian government chooses to elevate Dangote Refinery to that level for the benefit of the country.

In the event that Dangote Refinery is elevated to the level of a chaebol—which is what this piece advocates and the strategy that South Korea applied in its developmental stage to make brands like Samsung, Daewoo, and LG global icons—it would serve as a counterforce to the IOCs’ efforts to maintain the status quo of exporting crude oil extracted from Nigerian soil to their home countries for refining. Dangote Refinery, by refining crude oil locally and exporting it overseas, is poised to reverse this trend and earn Nigeria higher income in foreign currency and save our country the huge amount of naira chasing the dollar which petrol importers use to import petroleum products from foreign markets.

Evidently and commendably, Dangote’s bold initiative is disrupting and thwarting the over half-a-century-old business model of the IOCs, which has kept Nigeria a net exporter of raw materials, including commodities like crude oil, cocoa, and precious gemstones or solid minerals like lithium, copper, gold, and many others, without adding value. This situation amounts to "Africa: Exporting Wealth, Importing Poverty," which is the title and focus of my forthcoming book aimed at changing the negative narrative about Africa—that it is merely a source of raw materials. It may shock some to learn that 

being relegated to being a mere source of raw materials is the reason that the trade balance between Africa and its industrialized partners has been consistently in deficit.

The situation of IOCs producing crude oil in Nigeria and resisting sales to local Nigerian refineries is akin to the African adage of someone living on the bank of a river but using spittle to wash their hands. 

The situation was so dire that Dangote Refinery had to resort to importing its feedstock from as far away as the USA and Brazil, leveraging the platforms of global oil traders, Trafigura and Vitol.

The disturbing and inconvenient truth about the situation, wherein imperialists have perpetuated the ideal of Africa as a primary source of raw materials, would have continued unchallenged if not for the resistance mounted by entities like Dangote Refinery.

Even more disturbing is that it is Nigerians in strategic government agencies—nefarious ambassadors, if you will—who are tasked with managing our oil assets but are alledged to be colluding with overseas oil/gas equipment manufacturers . What most Nigerians may not know is that these manufacturers that are contracted to carry out turnaround maintenance on our refineries are suspected to be the same that are part of an international syndicate determined to prevent the revival of Nigeria’s four ailing refineries. The conspiracy to undermine is so sophisticated that it is beyond being comprehended by ordinary observers. In a situation where there is no one advocating as Dangote, Tony Elumelu have done in the oil sector, Mike Adenuga and Allen Onyema have done in the telecommunications and aviations sectors respectively, the industry or organization can experience demise like the four NNPC ltd state owned refineries, Nigerian Telecommunication company, NITEL , and Nigeria Airways. It is the void left by the estwhile government owned corporations that the trio of Dangote Refinery, Globacom and Airpeace have stepped up to fill up. The process of subterfuge can be very complex and sophisticated such that it would escape suspicion. To debunk any suspicion that the view above may be mere conspiracy theory, we only need to think of what happens in the society when a very big and powerful pharmaceutical industry wants to have its way with respect to the introduction of new products that they wish to force down the throat of consumers. For further conviction, we can also focus our minds on business espionage often carried out by competitors in similar industries in the industrally advanced societies. 

One observation amongst many others that I can make is that the Nigerians colluding with foreign firms to sabotage Nigeria in industries such as oil/gas, telecommunications, and aviation are nothing more than "useful idiots."who as webstar dictionary puts it a useful idiot is: a naive or incredulous person who can be manipulated or exploited to advance a cause or political agenda.

The sad thing about these compromising individuals is that they may be accomplices in the perfidy without fully understanding the ramifications of their unwholesome actions.

What is even more concerning is that instead of spinning off the four state-owned refineries, which are in decrepit condition, to private sector investors, NNPCL is opting for the previously tested and failed path of concessioning government-owned assets. They are disguising this current plan to concession the Warri and Kaduna refineries as an Operation and Management (O&M) contract, much like they replaced the word “subsidy” with the term "under-recovery" to obfuscate the fact that the government has continued to pay subsidies on petrol, even after President Bola Tinubu declared, "petrol subsidy is gone" during his inaugural speech on May 29 last year.

One thing that seems to be eluding those applying the strategy of obfustication in managing the affairs of this government is that by concealing the fact of the matter, they are hurting instead of burnishing the Tinubu brand equity which they should be doing everything ligitimate to boost.

Now that the state-owned oil firm has been compelled to admit that it has been paying subsidies after its annual report revealed it was indebted to foreign PMS suppliers to the tune of $6.8 billion, Nigerians are suffering the fallout via the excruciating pains they endure at petrol stations while trying to get petrol.

The pursuit of this unwholesome practice by government officials some of who are not encouraging the refining of petrol locally instead ensuring that Nigeria continues to import petrol from refineries set up on the coasts of European countries and other locations, such as the island of Malta, recently revealed as the biggest source of refined petroleum imports into Nigeria (nearly $3 billion) over the past two years is unconscionable. This occurred because the NNPC Ltd., managers of the government-owned refinery, has been the sole importer of petrol into Nigeria, even though the sector was ostensibly deregulated by the passage of the PIA.

Even the channel of distribution for PMS from Dangote is currently caught up in miscommunication as multiple conflicting statements have emanated from the state owned oil company NNPCL, the petroleum ministry and Dangote Refinery. So, what should have been a positive asset for government, has already become a liability as a result of shambolic communication of an otherwise shinning moment . This is despite the fact that AGO (diesel) from Dangote Refinery and related products have , since January, been distributed through multiple Nigerian firms with established footprints in that function. Why is PMS distribution caught up in another maze? Is it to sell off the recently imported Euro 2 foreign PMS, which is inferior to Dangote’s Euro 5 quality?

The lesson to be learned by those managing the government’s image and its agencies is that when one lies by using woolly words to confuse stakeholders, they should keep in mind that as the conventional wisdom goes, "Lies travel fast, but truth soon catches up." 

The federal government and NNPC Ltd. have now lost credibility by finally admitting they had been paying subsidies.

At a time when the masses have lost confidence in the government, communicating false information has only further damaged its reputation. Nevertheless, if the new dawn of sourcing refined petroleum products locally and making it abundantly available is well managed, the government’s tarnished reputation can be redeemed through Dangote Refinery, which is poised to have an impact similar to that of Globacom, founded by indigenous multi-billionaire entrepreneur Chief Mike Adenuga in the GSM telephony space 21 years ago. Prior to the emergence of Globacom, the industry was dominated by foreign firms—MTN and Econet (now Airtel).

As may be recalled, the GSM telephony pioneers in Nigeria were offering per-minute billing, which Globacom changed to per-second billing, forcing MTN and Econet to follow suit. Today, Globacom is a leading service provider competing favorably with the foreign firms that commenced telephony business in Nigeria ahead of it, which some pundits have attributed to sabotage by foreign interests working in cahoots with local civil/public servants.

Just as Globacom shifted telephone billing to per-second instead of per-minute billing, to the discomfiture of foreign firms, Dangote Refinery is offering Nigerians Euro 5 top-quality petrol and diesel, which are as light in color as water and far superior to the previously imported Euro 2 quality.

Even more inspiring is that the high quality of Dangote’s output makes European markets potential destinations, and the existence of Dangote Refinery in Nigeria is already resulting in the imminent shutdown of refineries located on Europe’s coasts, which target African markets, including Nigeria, as the main dumping ground for their lower-quality petroleum products.

In a Reuters report from March 27 earlier this year, Ahmad Ghaddar and Robert Harvey highlighted in their report, Nigeria’s Dangote Oil Refinery Could Accelerate European Sectors’ Decline, that: “As much as 300-400,000 bpd of refining capacity in Europe is at risk of closure because of rising global gasoline production.”

So, Dangote Refinery had long been identified as a threat to European refineries.

It is because of its world wide acceptibility owing to its high quality that Dangote Refineries boss, Mr. Davekumar Edwin reminded the traducers of the firm that he would export his products if further stiffled by what he perceives as Nigerian hostile business environment.

In light of this, readers can imagine what the owners of the European refineries under threat of closure could have been doing to stop Dangote Refinery from being successfully established—by manipulating equipment suppliers, turnaround managers, and financial institutions with foreign origins. One can also imagine what they might have done to ensure that Nigeria's four nearly comatose government refineries remain dysfunctional, to retain the Nigerian market which is lucrative for their products.

A very jarring development to me in the course of the current hiatus in the oil/ gas industry is the statement by Dangote Refinery executive director, Mr. Davekumar Edwin:

“Well, I explained how there has been a kind of a blockade from lifting our products within the country. The traders have been trying to block (it), and so now we have been exporting our petroleum products. PMS, we are ready to pump in as much as possible to the country.

“But if the traders or NNPC are not buying the product, obviously, we will end up exporting the PMS as we are doing with the aviation jet and diesel,”

Perhaps a personal business experience with Dangote Group would better illustrate how professional and clinical chairman Aliko Dangote and his top executive Mr. Edwin can be.

About five (5) years ago SCOA plc a company where l serve as a non executive director and chairman of the audit committee since 2012 commenced the assemblage of M.A.N trucks in Nigeria.

We targeted selling our locally assembled trucks to Dangote Group which had about 5,000 trucks in its fleet to distribute the numerous products in which she is a market leader.

So l secured an appointment for SCOA Plc comprising of the GMD Dr. Massad Boulos and my self alongside three (3) executives from M.A.N trucks manufacturers from Germany to meet with Alh. Dangote in company of Mr. Edwin in Dangote corporate headquaters in ikoyi, Lagos. 

After the detailed presentation by the Germans, chairman Dangote asked them for the price of the truck. At that time it was twelve (N12m) million naira. He contrasted the cost of the Chinese alternative which was only three (N3m) million naira and which was already being successfully used to convey cement from her plant located in lbesse in Kogi state to Port Harcout and other locations in the south-east and south-south.

Being a pragmatic business man that Chairman Dangote is, although M.A.N truck , the European brand would last longer than the Chinese brand, his decision when it was enventually conveyed to me was that he would stick to his Chinese brand whose price was only a quarter of the price of the European brand.

I had to share my experience with the Chairman Dangote Group as detailed above in company of the vice president of the group, to illustrate how calculated Alh. Dangote and his executive, Mr. Edwin can be in decision making which underscores my concern that Dangote Refinery can actually carry out its alternative plan to export her refined petroleum products out of Nigeria if the need arises.

This clearly shows the difference between Dangote Group, the shroud business conglomerate and Dangote Foundation, the philantropic organization sharing one million bags of rice amongst indigent Nigerians nationwide. So if Nigerians are waiting for cheap petrol from Dangote Refinery, they may be waiting for the proverbial Goddot. 

That said, let's now focus on the telecommunications sector.

We are all familiar with the torturous path that Chief Adenuga navigated in founding Globacom. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) failed to issue him a GSM license after he won the bid for one of the licenses, while two foreign-origin firms—MTN from South Africa and Econet from Zimbabwe—received theirs. The denial of a license to Globacom was based on the flimsy excuse that the investor failed to complete payment before the deadline, causing him a loss of a whopping $20 million that he had deposited.

Again, as with Dangote Refinery, where public servants tried to undermine the process, was it not unpatriotic civil servants who similarly failed to ensure that the GSM spectrum on sale to Globacom was unencumbered? Either by omission or commission, the bureaucrats failed to ensure that the spectrum offered was free of litigation. Upon discovery, Globacom withheld payment.

How could Chief Adenuga have paid for a spectrum that had a previous owner who was in court with the regulatory authority, NCC? If the Globacom founder had not been a tenacious fighter and had given up after losing his initial deposit of $20 million, perhaps we would not have an indigenous player in the GSM space, and per-second billing for services might have remained a mirage. It is also a testament to Chief Adenuga's perseverance that Nigeria has a multinational GSM service provider competing favorably in Nigeria and serving other African nations.

Presently, Glo, as it is commonly referred to, operates in four countries:  

(1) Nigeria  

(2) Ghana  

(3) Benin Republic  

(4) Senegal

Thus, it is effectively a West African telecommunications company providing mobile network services, including voice, data, and broadband solutions, to individuals and businesses in these countries.

Arising from the above, an industry that was previously a net exporter of wealth (with only foreign firms as service providers) now has Globacom as a contributor to Nigeria’s foreign exchange income, by virtue of being a recipient of foreign capital inflow through its African footprint.

In a similar vein, Air Peace, a local airline owned by Barrister Allen Onyema, is making waves in the aviation sector by operating under the Nigerian pact with other countries, including the United Kingdom (UK), through the Bilateral Air Service Agreement (BASA). This agreement, based on reciprocity, dictates the number of flights allowed into a partner's country. It was previously monopolized by UK airlines—British Airways and Virgin Atlantic—after the demise of Nigeria Airways. 

Commendably, Air Peace has recently stepped up to fill the void left by Nigeria Airways' shutdown. It is hypocritical, appalling, and oppressive that Air Peace was denied landing rights at London Heathrow Airport and confined to Gatwick Airport, despite the fact that British Airways and Virgin Atlantic land at multiple first-rate airports and cities in Nigeria—Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt. They even park their aircrafts in prime positions usually reserved for the airline whose home base it is.

Even worse, British aviation authorities resorted to nitpicking by subjecting Air Peace to undue scrutiny. This underhanded tactic was cheered by some Nigerians, rather than demanding reciprocity in the same manner that British carriers fly into multiple airports in Nigeria. 

Despite these obstacles, and quite impressively, since Air Peace began operating flights into London, a route previously monopolized by UK airlines, the cost of fares has significantly decreased. The waiting list for travelers booked to fly with the airline to the UK can now be as long as three months (90 days). This bold initiative has not only been a game-changer but has also saved Nigeria foreign exchange (FX) that would have otherwise been sent to Europe (capital exportation)through the UK airlines' monopoly, which had arbitrarily charged Nigerian passengers higher fares. At one point, foreign airlines even compelled Nigerians to pay airfares in pounds sterling and dollars. 

As a result, undue pressure was mounted on the naira, contributing to the prevailing poor performance of the Nigerian currency against foreign currencies, as reflected in the current astronomical FX exchange rate, which is now in excess of N1600/$1.

It is not a mere coincidence that these three (3) indigenous firms, which are breaking the monopoly of foreign-owned corporations in the oil/gas, telephony, and aviation sectors, were singled out for recognition during the launch of my book: *Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual 1999–2019, at Alliance Francaise/Mike Adenuga Centre in Ikoyi, Lagos, on May 8, just about five months ago. 

We did that after through research and we discovered that these iconic firms stood out as national brands driven by visionary entrepreneurs who are leading from the streets as they are people outside the orbit of government making positive impacts on society. 

Significantly, in a country plagued by ethnic nationalism that requires balancing opportunities among the three main tribes of Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa/Fulani, the three firms identified are founded and driven by entrepreneurs from these respective ethnic groups-Hausa/fulani, Yoruba and lgbo. So, there would not be fear of favoritism of a member of one ethnic stock over the other.

What underscores the kernel of this essay is that since the entrepreneurs who founded these remarkable firms have succeeded in building and elevating them into national icons through sheer business acumen and entrepreneurial ingenuity, it behooves the federal government to give them the necessary support to transition from national brands into global icons. Doing so would not only create employment for Nigerians at home but also generate foreign exchange into our economy through patronage of the goods and services globally, using South Korean products -Samsung, LG, Daewoo etc as model.

We found a correlation between what had happened to hinder the growth and shackle the three (3) sectors, which the three (3) identified firms and individuals defied, hence we at Inspire Media Services ltd honored them. What may not be obvious not most Nigerians is that the challenges that they were confronted with are the driving force behind the lack of industrialization in our country and, by extension, our continent. 

These challenges are not obvious to a majority of us as they are often subtle and sometimes manifest as undiscernable sabotage by foreign firms in cahoots with local actors who seek to line their pockets with filty lucre at the expense of national interest. These local actors are embedded in strategic government agencies such as NNPC Ltd, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), and the Federal Aviation Authority of Nigeria (FAAN).

To drive home the point about how our country can adopt a different and proven industrialization paradigm, we need to examine the pathway adopted by South Korea, which enabled it to transition into the first world category. By comparing South Korea's economy, currently ranked 14th among the largest economies in the world in 2024, with a population of a mere 51 million in 2022, to Nigeria’s economy, with over 200 million people and ranked 53rd in the world, it becomes clear that we have much to learn from Korea. Especially because both countries were at the same development stage in the 1960s before South Korea surged ahead by thinking out- of-the-box and deviating from Western world development playbook.

The secret of South Korea's economic success cannot be told without emphasizing the role played by chaebols in elevating South Korean businesses to global status. Companies like Daewoo, Samsung, LG, and Hyundai would not have become household names worldwide if the chaebol concept had not been adopted by visionary Korean leader Mr. Park Chung-Hee, who transformed the country in the 1960s.

A deep dive into how Nigeria can follow the same industrialization path that South Korea took when it introduced chaebols at a similar development stage will be helpful. So, it is appropriate to put things into context.

To better understand, it is crucial to first define chaebols. Essentially, chaebols are large family-owned business conglomerates in South Korea, often compared to Japanese keiretsu or U.S. conglomerates. The term "chaebol" is derived from the Korean words "chae," meaning "wealth" or "property," and "bol," meaning "clan" or "family."

It is important to note that the concept of chaebols in Korea was introduced by the government, specifically by President Park Chung-Hee, who ruled South Korea from 1961 to 1979. His government actively promoted the development of chaebols as a key strategy for rapid economic growth and industrialization.

Given the success of this idea, which facilitated South Korea’s rapid industrialization in the 1960s, it is recommended for adaptation in Nigeria, which is at a similar development stage and needs to think outside the box to leapfrog from a third-world economy to a first-world economy, much like Singapore successfully did.

From historical records, President Park's government took the following strategic steps:

(A) Identified key industries and selected strategic sectors such as textiles, steel, and electronics for targeted support.  

(B) Provided financial, tax, and regulatory incentives to encourage entrepreneurship and investment in these industries.  

(C) Fostered close relationships with entrepreneurs and family-owned businesses, offering guidance, protection, and resources.

President Park initiated these actions because he viewed chaebols as a way to drive economic growth, industrialize and modernize the economy, promote exports, and earn foreign currency. It was also expected to reduce dependence on foreign capital and minimize reliance on foreign investment and loans.

If Nigeria's current economic situation is juxtaposed with that of South Korea when chaebols were leveraged, it becomes clear that Nigeria is at a similar socioeconomic crossroads and needs to adopt the Korean strategy. In the same way that government support helped chaebols grow rapidly and become a cornerstone of South Korea’s economic development, Nigeria’s national brands—Dangote Refinery, Globacom, and Air Peace—should be supported to become global icons.

Here are some key characteristics and facts about *chaebols*:

1. They are typically owned and controlled by a single family or a small group of families.  

2. Chaebols often have a wide range of business interests, including manufacturing, construction, finance, and services.  

3. They have historically had close relationships with the government, which has provided support and protection.  

4. Chaebols have a high degree of vertical integration, controlling multiple stages of production and supply chains.  

5. Many chaebols have expanded globally, with operations and subsidiaries around the world.

Isn’t it amazing that all of these characteristics are associated with the Nigerian brands that one has recommended for elevation into chaebol status by the Nigerian government?

Below are some well-known chaebols from South Korea:  

1. Samsung Group  

2. Hyundai Motor Group  

3. LG Group  

However, this close relationship between government and business often common with charbols has led to criticisms of crony capitalism, corruption, and unequal opportunities for smaller businesses. While have played a significant role in South Korea's rapid economic growth and industrialization, they have also faced criticism for nepotism, stifling competition, and inhibiting innovation.

Overall, chaebols remain a dominant force in the South Korean economy, despite facing increasing scrutiny and calls for reform.

With respect to Nigeria, where the government has historically been at the commanding heights of the economy, government monopoly has always hindered economic development. So transitioning from government monopoly to private-sector-led development/monopoly , as chaebols demonstrate, is a better option. This is evidenced by how the success of chaebols enabled South Korea to transition from a developing nation, like Nigeria in the 1960s, to one of the Asian Tigers—a status many developing countries are currently aspiring to achieve/attain.

Having tried to tread the well beaten paths sometimes routed in Western dogma to pull our country and by extension our continent out of stagnated development, it is perhaps time to try the proven Asian paradigm for change via the adoption of the chaebols methodology to industrialization and the continent of Africa having a presence on the global stage as exporter of finished products instead of mere source of raw materials and market for the industrialized world’s myriads of finished products which we should be able to produce in our country and on the continent. 

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst, author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more ,please visit www.magnum.ng

The story of Chimmy Joeaneke, as relayed in a major  newspaper report in Nigeria last week, is as amazing as it is incredible. It is the story of a young Nigerian woman who dreamt big from her early days, pursued the dreams and finally emerged from the foggy dreamland into the dizzying heights of space exploration, aerospace engineering and cybersecurity.

As I read the inspiring story in the Daily Sun last Thursday, I couldn’t but marvel at her tenacity that drove her to triumph against the odds and the sights she has set on greater things, especially in aviation.

Chimmy is a Nigerian dream come true; a trail-blazer in many ways. Her dreams were planted in the streets of Abuja, where her fascination with aeroplanes fueled her curiosity and interest in the world of aviation. And today the young girl has made her mark in a field many would regard as a man’s world.

The United States-based aerospace engineer is just 27, yet she already boasts a first degree in Aerospace and Aeronautical/Space Engineering from the prestigious Florida Institute of Technology (FIT) in Melbourne, and a Masters degree in Information Systems Security at the University of the Cumberlands, Kentucky. With advanced certifications in information systems security, and a groundbreaking research in alternative space travel, she must be one of the few of that age who have attained such enviable heights in such an exclusive field.

Chimmy says she was inspired by her fathers service in the aviation sector, and she determined quite early to follow the same vision. Through hard work and focus, she has emerged as one of the innovators whose study and research have equipped with cutting-edge skills to protect critical aviation systems and infrastructure from emerging threats. Such an expertise could be of benefit to her country of origin, Nigeria, whose aviation and security industry could benefit from it.

Chimmy has also been a part of research related to alternative space travel using helium balloons. Her research work on Recoverable High Altitude Balloon (ReHAB) is an innovative approach that aims to provide the potential for space tourism that is more cost-effective and environmentally-friendly. The research has garnered international recognition, with publications addressing critical issues such as the impact of AI and automation on the workforce. Her advanced certifications in information systems security also position her as a leading figure in the development of secure aviation technologies.

This is critical to many economies at a time unmanned aerial vehicles has become increasingly adaptable for various purposes, including surveillance, cargo delivery, and disaster response. It is one technology that several states in Nigeria have been able to employ in their programs.

The government of Bayelsa State, for instance, has effectively expanded the capabilities of the aviation sector in its drug delivery program. The state government’s partnership with Zipline for real time distribution of needed drugs to rural health centres, is undoubtedly one of Governor Douye Diri’s most outstanding projects. With over a dozen drones taking off in turns with small packs of needed drugs to riverine and unreachable areas, and returning seamlessly within minutes to the central drugs depot, the state’s rural health program has emerged as one of the bestbin Nigeria. It is even more exciting for the health workers who make the drug requisition online, stand outside and watch their packs drop within minutes, conveniently in front of their health facilities.

The cutting edge expertise that Chimmy is involved in, also pertains to the integration of cybersecurity in aerospace systems, which will help greatly in checking cyber threats and cyber attacks that are becoming increasingly sophisticated.

In an industry where women are significantly underrepresented, especially women of colour – even in the US – Chimmy’s success is both groundbreaking and inspiring. Her journey from a curious child to a leading expert in multiple critical fields is a powerful reminder that true innovation often begins with a dream and the courage to pursue it.

For the 27-year-old who hails from Obinagu in Udi Local Government Area of Enugu State, her hands-on experience in several high-end tech companies in the US – Dell Technologies, Amazon Inc. and Mural Microsoft where she served as a Microsoft IT Consultant – also stand her out.

Her contributions are not just a personal triumph but a catalyst for change that are significant for Nigeria’s aviation and security sectors in need of skilled professionals who can bridge the gap between engineering and cybersecurity. It is a powerful narrative of overcoming adversity, a story that encourages young women everywhere to pursue their dreams, no matter how insurmountable they may seem.

With so many worrisome things going on in the country – a sudden jack-up in the pump price of PMS from under N700 per litre to between N850/litre and N1,400 per litre depending on the area (barely a month after the hunger-driven #EndBadGovernance protest), the return of punishing queues at petrol stations and a largely despondent and cowed citizenry, it makes sense to seek escapism from it all. Coincidently, today, Tuesday September 2024, is the day of the first debate between Republican Presidential candidate Donald Trump and his Democratic Party counterpart, Kamala Harris. It is a debate that could potentially redefine the trajectory of the presidential race, providing another justification for ‘journey to America’.

So far the general consensus is that it will be a close race. As of September 8, 2024, the New York Times’ national polling average had Kamala Harris ahead with 49% points against Trump’s 47%. Both candidates are competitive in key battleground states like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Nevada, Arizona and North Carolina. Based on the aforementioned polling figures, the difference between the two is statistically insignificant and within the margins of error.

Though Kamala Harris still leads in most of the polls, it would seem that the bounce from the Democratic National Convention, the powerful endorsements by Democratic bigwigs like the Obamas, Clintons and Nancy Pelosi, and the novelty of her emergence as the Republican candidate, have begun to cool off. But she received a boost recently (which is not yet reflected in most of the polls) when Professor Alan Lichtman picked her to win the race. Professor Lichtman, 77, a Professor of History at the American University in Washington DC, who is dubbed the “Nostradamus” of US presidential elections, had accurately predicted the outcome of all but one (George W Bush v Al Gore in 2000) presidential elections since 1984. Professor Lichtman predicted that Kamala Harris was on course to win the November poll despite the fact that Democrats had, with Biden stepping aside from the race without resigning from being president, surrendered the valuable key of presidential incumbency –  one of the 13 keys he uses to determine the outcome of presidential elections. The “keys” are a set of true/false propositions that does not take into account polling trends. Of his 13 keys, Professor Lichtman, who is also competing in the qualifying race for the 2025 national senior Olympics in the US, found that eight favoured Harris. Lichtman’s reputation as a Nostradamus of presidential election prediction was given a tremendous boost when he accurately predicted that Trump would win the 2016 presidential election at a time most of the polls had it sealed for Hilary Clinton. Will he also be correct this time around?

This year’s election is unprecedented in America’s presidential history. For the first time, a woman is the candidate of a major political party which raises an important question (though discussed in hush-hush tones because of political correctness) of whether American voters are now prepared for a female president. There is also the matter of whether Americans are ready for another Black President. Under America’s ‘one-drop rule’, Kamala Harris is Black. The ‘one-drop’ rule was a legal principle of racial classification in the 20th-century United States under which a person with even one drop of blood in the person’s ancestry is considered Black (Negro or coloured in historical terms). Kamala Harris’ father was Jamaican and her mother Indian. The fear when a Black candidate runs against a White candidate is the so-called ‘Bradley effect’. This was named after Tom Bradley, an African-American candidate who lost the 1982 California gubernatorial race despite having a massive lead in the polls going into the election against a White candidate. Adherents of the ‘Bradley effect’ believe that some White voters will often lie to pollsters that they are undecided or likely to vote for a minority candidate for fear of being accused of racism.  This means that for Kamala Harris, there is potentially a double whammy – being Black and being female.

How do both candidates frame each other?  Democrats have successfully framed Donald Trump as an existential threat to American democracy. He is profiled as someone who lies chronically and repeatedly, an ex-convict, and someone who would go all out to jail his political opponents. He is also portrayed as someone who would further mainstream right-wing political philosophies and of being inconsistent in his political beliefs –  having shifted political affiliations, like Nigerian politicians, five times since he first registered as a Republican in 1987. For instance, in 1999, he changed his party affiliation to the Independence Party of New York; in August 2001, he changed it to Democratic; in September 2009, he changed it back to the Republican Party; in December 2011, he changed to “no party affiliation” but in April 2012, he again returned to the Republican party. These inconsistencies have led to his critics accusing him of being in politics just for himself.

Though Trump seems to be shifting his political position to the centre of the right during the campaigns to broaden his appeal beyond his traditional base, essentially Whites without college qualifications,  he appears to struggle to stay on that political spectrum.  People who admire him however talk of his authenticity – he says what he means – even if it is utterly unpalatable to his listeners. His Making America Great Again (MAGA) mantra appeals to a base that is suspicious of immigration, trade competition with China and America’s engagements overseas and relatively huge contributions to international institutions.  He is also hugely popular with evangelical Christians who loathe what they regard as the erosion of the country’s Christian values, such as the legalisation and apparent promotion of same-sex marriage under the Democratic governments of Obama and Biden.

Harris benefits from a fear of a Trump Presidency – which is one of the primary drivers of her candidacy. One of the biggest criticisms against her candidacy however is the vision thing –  she has been accused of being unable to layout her vision of the country succinctly. Even in the CNN interview she held with her vice presidential nominee Gov. Tim Walz on Thursday, August 29, 2024, she was thought to be too cautious and unable to succinctly present any grand vision of her plans for America.  She has also been accused of having poor messaging skills, especially when the parameters are wide. One major explanation for this could be the suddenness of her emergence as a Democratic candidate – which gave her some bounce but also embodied some disadvantages for her. It is generally believed that politicians who rose to prominence as governors or spent a good number of years in the Congress are better at articulating their political messages since they would have spent years honing such skills while in office. Doubts have also been expressed on whether she will be able to reverse the Democrats’ growing weakness among working-class voters—most particularly, the white working-class *-ters who have been trending Republican for a very long time.

The debate, which starts at 9 p.m. Eastern Time, could be a game changer. A self-inflicted harm in the debate by either of the candidates could alter the trajectory of the race. There is however also the ‘October surprise’ or what military strategists would call the ‘fog of war’.  This means that whatever may be the outcome of the debate, there could still be a variable missed by all analysts which could turn up late in the race (hence ‘October surprise’) and become the ultimate game changer.

Jidofor Adibe is a Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers (www.adonis-abbey.com). He can be reached at: 0705 807 8841 (WhatsApp and Text messages only).