Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar has declared that he is uncertain about his 2027 presidential ambition.

Atiku, who has contested for the presidency six times, made the remark in a yet-to-be-aired interview for a television show, Untold Stories, with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie.

His remarks came a few days after he announced the formation of a coalition of opposition leaders aiming to oust the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress, APC government.

When asked if he would run for the presidency in the next election, Atiku said, “I don’t know because there has to be, first of all, a viable platform, more than any other time in the political history of this country, particularly since the return of democracy.”

The former VP, however, did not rule out the possibility of contesting in the 2027 election, stating the need for Nigeria to have a competent leader.

“I have not seen Nigeria in dire need of, you know, an experienced and credible leadership than this time.

“We had a similar, you know, what would I say, merger in 2014. About four of us or is it three? We all ran for president and one of us emerged, and we all supported the one who emerged, and he won,” he said.

There are speculations that Atiku may give his support to the former Labour Party Presidential candidate, Peter Obi and former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-rufai for the 2027 election.

[Daily Post]

The Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions threw out Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition, saying the matter was already a subject of litigation.

The petition was written by Mr Zubairu Yakubu, one of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s constituents.

Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi (APC – Ebonyi South)  and a former Minister of Education, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, clashed over the handling of the sexual harassment allegations.

Dr Ezekwesili, a witness, had accompanied Yakubu, who appeared before the Senate Committee, to defend the petition.

A war of words ensued between Nwebonyi and the former minister, who complained about how the allegation was being handled by senators.

However, the Committee ruled that it could not sit on the petition, in view of a pending case filed against Senator  Akpoti-Uduaghan by Dr. Unoma Akpabio,  wife of the Senate President.

Citing Senate Rules, Senator Imasuen noted that the practice of the Senate was to desist from entertaining petitions on any matters pending before the court.

During the proceedings, tension rose as Nwebonyi described Dr Ezekwesili an ‘insult to womanhood’ and a ‘hooligan.’

The senator’s remarks followed the refusal of Dr Ezekwesili and other attendees to take an oath during the hearing.

While one of the senators insisted that either they take the oath or the committee would end the meeting, Dr Ezekwesili and her colleagues insisted on not taking the oath, during which Nwebonyi became apparently angry.

He said: “You are an insult to womanhood, hooligan. People like you are not supposed to be here, hooligan. You are an insult to womanhood.” Ezekwesili, who later spoke with reporters,  accused the Senate of violating the Constitution, adding that the Senate Rule cited by the committee was not superior to the Constitution.

She said: “The Nigerian Senate keeps telling citizens they are subject to Senate rules, even when those rules violate the Constitution. This is unacceptable in a democracy.”

She   argued that the embattled Kogi Central lawmaker was denied fair hearing, insisting that it is in clear breach of provisions of the Constitution.

Dr Ezekwesili added: “The Senate placed its own rules above the laws of the land. Now, with this petitioner, they have done the same thing—using procedural loopholes to avoid addressing critical issues

“If a petitioner says they do not believe the Senate committee will give them a fair hearing due to clear bias, it is only just that an independent body reviews the matter.

“The Senate must respect the Constitution. Otherwise, we risk turning our democracy into a system where powerful individuals manipulate processes to silence opposition and suppress justice,” she said.

On the alleged bias by the Senate, the petitioner cited previous remarks attributed to the Chairman of the Committee, Senator Imasuen, where he described Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition as dead on arrival during a previous Committee sitting.

“How can the chairman serve as a judge in a case where he has already publicly taken a position? What is the need for us to present our case when a verdict has already been given before hearing us?,” he queried.

Yakubu expressed disappointment over the objection by the Committee to his request that  Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, who has been suspended for six months by the Senate be allowed to testify before the panel as principal witness.

He said the suspended senator was in custody of  a crucial documentary evidence to support her  claims, lamenting that she had been barred from entering the National Assembly as part of her suspension.

Yakubu added: “In my petition, I clearly stated that my witness would present her evidence personally. But she was not allowed into the premises. If my key witness is denied access, how can I proceed with my case?”

Counsel to the petitioner,  Dr. Abiola Akinyode also faulted the alleged  inconsistencies in the Senate’s handling of the petitions.

She said: “There is nothing in Yakubu’s petition that was not in Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s original petition. If the Senate dismissed her petition as ‘dead on arrival,’ then logically, Yakubu’s should also be dismissed.”

“The Senate seems to be operating under its own rules, separate from the Constitution. That is why they can suspend a senator for six months without following due process,” Akinyode said.

She also faulted the defence by the Committee that it could not hear a petition on a subsisting case before a court of competent jurisdiction.

Akinyode said: “If they knew the case was in court, they should have simply written to the petitioner stating they could not entertain it. Instead, they invited him, only to dismiss the petition on the basis that it was already in court.”

Governors of states governed by the Peoples Democratic Party have instituted a suit before the Supreme Court, challenging the six-month suspension of the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara.

Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and the Rivers House of Assembly members were suspended for six months by President Bola Tinubu after he declared a state of emergency in the state on March 18 and appointed a sole administrator for the state.

Meanwhile, the legislatures, on their part, supported the president’s decision to implement the suspension.

However, the governors of Bauchi, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Enugu, Osun, Plateau, and Zamfara states questioned the powers the president has to carry out such action (suspension).

Mentioned as respondents in the suit are Tinubu and the National Assembly.

The seven state governors who termed the suspension as unconstitutional, through their Attorney-Generals, urged the Supreme Court to declare that “the President has no powers whatsoever or authority to suspend a democratically elected governor and deputy governor of a state in the Federation of Nigeria under the guise of or pursuant to the proclamation of a state of emergency in any state of the federation, including the states represented by the plaintiffs,” based on the provisions of Sections 1(2), 5(2), and 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

The governors also urged the apex court to declare that the President has no powers to suspend a democratically elected House of Assembly of a state pursuant to Sections 192 (4) (6) and 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).

The appellants (seven state governors) sought a declaration that “the suspension of Governor Siminalaye Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State House of Assembly was unconstitutional, unlawful, and in gross violation of the provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).”

The governors argued that Tinubu lacks the statutory powers to suspend a serving governor and appoint a sole administrator in their stead.

The governors urged the Supreme Court to nullify the appointment of the sole administrator appointed to govern the state.

They challenged the constitutionality of the voice votes used by the National Assembly to ratify Tinubu’s actions.

They argued that the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State by the defendants did not comply with the constitutional requirements set out in Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

Furthermore, the litigants contended that the proclamation by the President failed to meet the stipulated conditions and procedures for such a declaration, stating that it was made for reasons beyond those specified in the Constitution.

They also argued that the National Assembly’s approval of the state of emergency via a voice vote was invalid, stressing that the Constitution mandates a two-thirds majority vote of members of each legislative chamber.

They prayed the Supreme Court for the following relief, “An order nullifying the proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State made by the first defendant and wrongfully approved by the second defendant.

“An order restraining the defendant, by himself, his servants, agents, and privies, from implementing the unlawful suspension of the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State.

“An order restraining the defendant, by himself, his servants, agents, and privies, from interfering in any manner whatsoever with the execution by the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State of their constitutional and statutory duties, as well as their electoral mandate.

“An order restraining the defendant from attempting the suspension of any other governor of any state in Nigeria, particularly the plaintiffs, or from interfering with or undermining their constitutional and statutory duties.”

[Punch]

The University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) has appointed Professor Kamoru Olayiwola Usman, a Yoruba Muslim from Oyo State, as Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academics), marking the first time in the institution’s history that a person of Yoruba descent has held the position.

The appointment, made by the Acting Vice-Chancellor (Ag. VC), Professor Oguejiofo T. Ujam, is part of ongoing reforms aimed at fostering inclusive governance and restoring the university’s academic excellence.

In a statement issued yesterday in Abuja, the university reaffirmed its commitment to merit-based leadership and national unity.

Professor Ujam stated: “The appointment of Professor Usman reflects our resolve to prioritise competence over sectional considerations. It is imperative that we sustain this culture of inclusivity and meritocracy to move the university forward.”

In addition to Professor Usman’s appointment, the Acting VC also named Dr Mansur Adebowale Saddiq as Acting Director of the Medical Centre, further demonstrating his commitment to promoting excellence over sectional interests.

Both appointments have been widely welcomed by scholars and students from diverse backgrounds, recognising them as steps towards strengthening national unity within the institution.

Professor Usman, who succeeds Professor Urama, holds a PhD in Mathematics Education and previously served as Provost of the Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo State, from 2015 to 2023.

A distinguished academic, he is a fellow of the Mathematical Association of Nigeria and a member of several professional bodies, including the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies and the Nigerian Educational Research Association. His initial tenure as DVC (Academics) will last for two years, with the possibility of renewal.

Meanwhile, the statement also highlighted that during a recent University Senate meeting, Professor Ujam emphasised the collective responsibility of repositioning UNN as a centre for ethical and innovative learning.

“A collective effort is required to place the institution on a steady path towards ethical and innovative learning. UNN must regain its pride of place as Nigeria’s premier university. We must rid the system of narrow-minded sectionalism and divisive tendencies that have eroded the enabling environment for research, comparative studies, and the adaptive application of new knowledge,” the statement read.

The Senate meeting was attended by key university officials, including the newly appointed DVC, Professor Usman, and members of the governing council, led by Engineer Olubunmi Kayode Ojo.

Professor Ujam further noted that UNN must take the lead in global educational trends, particularly in emerging fields such as artificial intelligence. He also commended the support of Enugu State Governor, Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, in advocating for experiential learning.

“It is commendable that His Excellency, Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, the Governor of Enugu State—our host state—has been championing the transition to experiential learning. We must align with this vision to ensure our students are not left behind in the evolving global education landscape,” he said.

The Acting VC called on the university community to work together to eliminate divisions that have hindered research, academic collaboration, and technological advancement.

“I will be firm, fair, and transparent in the discharge of my duties. UNN must not lag behind in the current technological revolution, characterised by the rivalry between OpenAI and DeepSeek,” he assured.

[Vanguard]

Once upon a time, there was an Access Gap Map prepared by the Universal Service Provision Fund (USPF). The map showed details of remote sites in the country or locations in not too distant environments where Telecommunications services were not available.

The Nigerian Communications Act (NCA) 2003 recognises these areas or groups in Section 113 as unserved, underserved areas or even underserved groups within a community. So, the Access Gap Map is not a psychedelic creation to demonstrate a pseudo readiness for action, but an ingenious interpretation of telecoms lack in order to simplify the resolution of what may seem an intractable problem.

Lack is the imaginary bridge between the rich and the poor, between the politicians with fat stomachs and their constituents with pencil figures, between the blessed and the accursed, between the high flyer and the ordinary fella struggling for the crumbs from the master’s table, and, in fact, between the pseudo elite who steals everything from the system by the wave of a biro, and the decent technocrat who watches in amazing horror the craftiness of the sons of men. Lack is not a bridge too far but a grotesque monster in our midst. A troubling reality!

Telecoms lack, which is what the Universal Service Provision Fund is designed to cure, is not just a Nigerian problem or a problem of developing countries alone.  The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) says telecoms lack is a global problem and takes USPF as a crucial tool, alongside other mechanisms, to achieve universal access to telecommunications.

In America, it is called Universal Service Fund (USF) which has been described as a system of subsidies and fees designed by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to ensure access to telecommunications for all Americans. Whether you want to believe it or not,  there are still places in America where the government is working hard to provide quality telecoms services or even make services available!

From an early fervent operation at the time of birth, USPF has gone through the mire to seek a reincarnation at the present state of being. Which is why the story of the Access Gap Map became necessary at the beginning of this writeup, to show what was inherited and the intentionality of patriarchs of the system.

A source at USPF told this writer that the Access Gap Map still remains the major planning tool, giving direction to all their activities. While in 2019, 207 clusters of telecom needs existed, by 2022, the figure has come down to 97, meaning that quite some work is being done. The source informed that the plan of the Fund is to do a study every year to show how gaps are being closed or to even just expose areas where new gaps are being created as a result of telecoms facilities being decommissioned, for whatever reasons.

It was therefore reassuring when Mr. Yomi Arowosafe, USPF Secretary, said at an even in Lagos last week, that the Fund by 2030, will rollout an additional 1000 base transceiver stations. Expectedly, the stations will be sited in unreached and underserved areas where the people denied telecom services can have access to them. However, his optimism has little accommodation for the series of challenges the Fund has been through recently. It is expected that the intervention agency will have the needed funds to execute its plans and make some people happy by connecting them to the telecommunications national grid.

The unfortunate reality is that more telecom gaps are popping up everywhere. Even within cities, it is very common to experience very flaky services. The rural areas are worse off. It is more like a return to the days of yore when telecoms services were a rarity and reserved only for the big boys. Nobody prays for a return to that nightmare, not even this government which is showing some level of concerted efforts to deal with the situation.

Several industry sources confirmed that as of today, there are about 40,000 telecommunication towers carrying about 144,000 transceiver stations across the country. This is a far cry from the 80,000 towers which a former EVC once said were needed to power the telecommunications industry.  For a government that has promised to create a digital economy with the concomitant digital job opportunities, this doesn’t look good at all.

I am inclined to reason that this government is desirous of making noticeable interventions, just like the guy fighting a roaring fire and is ready to throw anything at it.  The efforts by the USPF is one such intervention. I was also reliably informed that the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) is prospecting a rollout of 2000 base stations in conjunction with some industry stakeholders which include operators. More will be said about this development.

However, speaking at the USPF programme in Lagos, Dr Bosun Tijani, Minister for Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, informed of the government’s audacious plan to build 7,000 telecommunications towers across the country in order to extend services to more of the country’s population.

There is so much that this connotes. The development means more money in the environment, more opportunities for connectivity and digital job opportunities that will be unleashed. Before anybody could talk about the government returning to telecom business, Tijani said the project would be done with private participation.

The minister explained that the project was approved at the Federal Executive Council of February 27, 2025, as part of  a broader strategy to bridge the digital divide and enhance connectivity in rural and underserved areas.

“The government has decided that if private capital cannot reach these areas, then we must step in and invest public funds in these towers to ensure our people have access,” Tijani said.

Another leg of Tijani’s plan is a $2bn fibre optics cable aimed at boosting broadband penetration in Nigeria. The minister is a tech geek who has a mind for very big ideas. At some point he had released a blueprint which, he envisaged, could mop up about 3m youth from different parts of the country for tech training.

While I will want to accept that the present government is doing things to deepen and grow the tech ecosystem, one will want to observe that some of these initiatives should have been undertaken by a well structured USPF except it is considered that the scale of implementation is beyond the intervention agency. So, we start from the scratch, tossing legitimate reason in the air, to build afresh as we always do. But bear in mind that the Ministry of Communications which is pursuing all these big ideas, is not a project implementer but a policy maker.

The other small matter, and this is from whispers in the industry. Quite a few people are of the opinion, that Minister Tijani is building castles in the air, requesting that time has come for him to climb down to reality and begin a proper implementation of some of his ideas that look quite grandiose.

Oby Ezekwesili, former minister of education, has shared her side of the altercation with Onyekachi Nwaebonyi, the lawmaker representing Ebonyi north, during the senate ethics committee hearing.

Earlier on Tuesday, the two politicians traded words during the senate panel hearing on a fresh petition submitted by Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the suspended senator representing Kogi central.

Tensions arose when the former minister told Nwaebonyi, the deputy chief whip of the senate, to shut up during the panel hearing.

Speaking during an interview on Arise TV, the ex-minister said the senate panel explained that the case was before the court and was sub judice.

“The petitioner had insisted that he would not proceed with his main petition until he received assurances regarding the two objections he had raised,” Ezekwesili said.

“However, the panel interpreted this stance as a sign that we were not ready to engage in the matter.

“Then, suddenly, they also argued that the case was sub-judice because there were two related cases in court.

“They mentioned the case filed by the wife of the senate president and suggested that, based on that, proceedings should not continue.

“At that point, Dr. Abiola questioned the very basis for convening the jury. While all of this was unfolding, a certain senator—whom I will not acknowledge by name—spoke up (referring to Nwaebonyi).

“He declared that since we were unwilling to provide any testimony, he was present as a representative of the senate president, who was the respondent, and that he was prepared to speak because, in his view, we could not continue in this manner.

“In response, ‘I said to him, can you please shut up?’ because we had just been informed that we were not allowed to speak, yet he was doing so freely without any form of an equivalent treatment.

“The justification for silencing us was that we were unwilling to proceed without first addressing our objections.

“When I told him to be quiet and that remark provoked the senator, though he was already agitated.

“He was already provoked, his anger stemmed from the belief that we were not taking the matter seriously.”

Ezekwesili added that Nwaebonyi’s reaction reflected the “indecorous behaviour” of some public officials in the country.

The Ebonyi lawmaker had criticised the former minister for first calling him a “hooligan” and ordering a serving senator to “shut up”.

The deputy chief whip also said he has no regrets about the incident and still respects Ezekwesili as a woman despite all that transpired.

[TheCable]

God, grant me the serenity to accept things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference’

— Reinhold Niebuhr.

“The Serenity Prayer” is what the above quotation is generally called. The wisdom of my own elders that equates it says, “M’oja m’osa la n mo akikanju”. The valiant on the battlefield is one who knows the right time to advance and the right time to beat a retreat.

The English saying that approximates it is, “He who fights and runs away lives to fight another day”. An event happened during my days at the PUNCH newspapers that made the then General Manager of the newspaper, Mr. Osuolale Mustapha, to recall another Yoruba proverb which says, “Balogun ojo ni n se irohin iku ti o pa Balogun akikanju”, meaning, it is the cowardly general that returns from the battle field to relate the story of how the valiant general fell on the battlefield!

The import of the above quotations is that every fight or war requires tact and wisdom. Lest I forget, let me add another proverb: “Alagbara ma m’ero baba ole”, which means the strongman that lacks tact is not only a weakling but the chief of weaklings.

Scripture is then correct when it says in Proverbs 4: 7 that “Wisdom is the principal thing; therefore get wisdom: and with all thy getting get understanding” Understanding in this wise means having profound insight and a good sense of judgement.

Not only the fight against corruption demands all of that, rubbing minds with top media editors like the EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede, did in Lagos last week Friday demands no less!

Usually, the question-and-answer session is the most testy aspect of such engagement, after the reading of a prepared speech. Trust the Nigerian media, the kind words for the media that Olukoyede started his speech with did not prevent the editors from firing on all cylinders when it was time for comments and questions, holding the EFCC boss feet to the fire, as it were.

Beyond that, however, conscionable Nigerians must wonder whether the war against corruption can be left to the EFCC alone, judging by some of the revelations made by Olukoyede.

We are all aware of the over 790 persons arrested in one fell swoop for financial crimes in the heart of Victoria Island, Lagos; close to 200 of whom were foreigners. Some of the foreigners had no travelling documents – no visa, no passport – yet they were allowed into the country!

Our borders are porous on account of the corruption of those charged with the responsibility of manning them. The traffic of foreigners and Nigerians alike in the vicinity where these hundreds of criminals were bursted should have attracted the attention of neighbours: why did everyone keep mute over it?

During COVID-19, a similar incident that embarrassed the country happened. Some foreigners travelling in Ghana without vaccination papers were stopped at the airport.

The Ghanaian airport officials demanded a bribe, which was paid, and the foreigners were led to a COVID-19 centre where they were properly vaccinated and documented before they were allowed in.

The same foreigners came to Nigeria, were stopped at the airport where a bribe was demanded and they paid. When they asked to be taken to a COVID-19 centre for vaccination and proper documentation, they were told it was not necessary.

They told the officials of the dangers of unvaccinated people entering the country but the officials told them not to worry; God would protect all of us from COVID-19! Some of the Chinese fraudsters bursted by the EFCC said they were told to pull their ears and run into the country after they had settled the officials at the point of entry!

These were foreigners who left their country to perpetrate in Nigeria fraudulent acts that attract capital punishment in their own country! Over 500 SIM cards fully activated using Nigerians were recovered from them.

They use Nigeria and Nigerian names and addresses to make it look like the criminals were Nigerians, thus giving the country and its citizens a bad image worldwide! Elements of terrorism were also said to have been unearthed in their operations.

Now, tell me, how can the anti-corruption war succeed without the buy-in of Nigerians? How can the war be won with the active connivance of Nigerians themselves with the criminally-minded?

Questions were asked about the 700 plus Abuja duplexes said to be worth billions of dollars that the EFCC burst but without mentioning who owned the property, which non-disclosure caused an uproar.

After Olukoyede explained how they came about the information, the intricate network of subterfuge to hide the identities of those concerned, and how the law had been exploited in the past to frustrate EFCC’s efforts to recover looted funds and assets, even the editors who asked the question agreed that the EFCC’s approach was the best in the circumstance.

Sometimes, attending such sessions can hike anyone’s BP! Imagine these: The cost of recovering looted funds is very expensive as a result of the time and resources involved in the recovery effort. The criminals engage in all manner of delaying tactics to frustrate prosecution.

Recovered funds are also relooted, which is why foreign countries returning Abacha loot, for example, always added conditions and asked for assurances! One of the major problems encountered fighting corruption, according to Olukoyede, is insider abuse.

Some of those engaged to fight corruption are themselves corrupt and are in cahoot with the corrupt. Hence, the EFCC boss recently fired 27 of his staff to sound a note of warning that it would no longer be business as usual. He maintained that he will not waver on his zero-level tolerance for corruption.

“Whatever it will cost, we will instill discipline in the system,” he vowed. With the JAPA syndrome, it will not surprise anyone to hear that visa fraud is one of the major headaches of the EFCC as we speak and the commission has had to set up a desk to address it.

Answering a question, Olukoyede said he could not agree less that civil servants are bigger thieves than the politicians that Nigerians usually fix their gaze on! “There are civil servants who steal more than politically-exposed persons,” he said.

Answering another question, he swore that he had no party or political affiliation and, as such, would go after corruption wherever it rears its ugly head. The argument here was heated.

The EFCC, however, cannot be everywhere at the same time. It has offices in only 17 of the country’s 36 states. Therefore, he said, in response to another question, that he had no objection to states truly and sincerely complementing the EFCC’s efforts.

This, also, is where wisdom, tact, and understanding comes in: How to proceed, where to proceed, and when to proceed. He must pick his fights and be certain he is not on slippery grounds when he makes his moves.

Answering another question, he agreed that no major fraud takes place in the system without the connivance of some of the banks. “It is mind-boggling, he moaned.

“They return trillions of naira every year but the economy is what it is. You wonder what economy they are funding”. Are some banks fully involved in money laundering? Yes, they are! “Some of them ride private jets. They live large”.

The EFCC is filing charges against some of them, he said. He mentioned names. “We used to use them as witnesses but now we will be charging them as accessories after the fact… But we have to be careful with that because of the sensitivity of the banks”.

This page is not enough to cover all that was revealed at the event which Olukoyede said was to “further deepen the relationship between the EFCC and the media because the war against corruption cannot be won without the support of the media and the citizenry”.

He described 2024 as a most challenging year for the commission due to attacks on it from many angles and quarters. Ironically, the same year was when EFCC made its most astounding achievements.

As he reeled them out and the hall was silent, Olukoyede behaved like the proverbial lizard that fell from the top of the iroko tree and nodded its head three times, saying, if no one salutes me, I will salute myself! “EFCC deserves commendation”, he said!

Twice he said that and his audience did not disappoint! A few weeks ago, I was at another media parley by the EFCC’s sister-organisation, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) whose chairman canvassed the National Assembly to enact a whistleblower law to help the fight against corruption.

Olukoyede made a similar plea last Friday. He, however, went a step further to advocate for an unexplained wealth law. “Strict liability offence”, he called it, whereby “we hold you accountable for any wealth you cannot explain how you got it!”

The day the whistleblowers and the strict liability offence laws are passed is the day the fight against corruption will assume a new dimension in the country!

Oba Amuniwaye was an Alaafin who died between the legs of a woman. But that is a matter for another day. Today is about his successor, Oba Onisile, the powerful leader who didn't know that power has limits.

Many years ago, in the old Oyo Kingdom, there once reigned an Alaafin called Onisile. He was a respected warrior whose many successful exploits earned him many nicknames of admiration. He was fearless and focused. For his fearless and indomitable spirit, he was called the warrior whose horse could leap over the wall. ‘Gbagida, Wowo l’ewon abesin fo odi’

In addition to being a king and leader who took his warring serious, Onisile also loved the good things of life. For instance, he was reported to have installed seven silver doors at the entrances to his quarters in the palace. It was also recorded that it was during his reign that Sekere (the beaded calabash drum) moved from just wearing cowries to costly beads, such as iyun (corals), segi (blue pipe beads), erinla (yellow pipe beads) and even okun (the Benin stone beads).

According to Reverend Samuel Johnson’s The History of the Yorubas, in spite of Onisile’s prowess and popularity, his rashness and fearlessness was the ultimate cause of his death. At some point, the point that signposted the end of reign and life, Alaafin Onisile was warned against experimenting with the ‘sun leaf’, a plant belief to possess electrical properties that can attract lightening. Did Onisile listen? He didn’t. A warrior who held down many prisoners with his clanging chains after leaping over many walls with his uncommonly powerful horse was a man whose power had gone to his head and blinded his eyes. Onisile said he would do whatever he wanted to do. The king was unquestionable. He was father of all and ‘husband of the town’. He was ruler over everybody and everything. He forgot that if the Yoruba call you ‘Aleeba’ - the runner that you cannot catch up with, it is because the other runners are deliberately giving you a respectable head start and distance to lead. When they decide it’s time to cut you to size, they will not only catch up with you, they will overtake you, hiss and spit in your face as they speed pass. The Sango worshippers, let us not forget, were in ‘charge’ of lightning and they brooked no competition. Imagine if an Alaafin had succeeded in taking away their powers and clout, broken their monopoly, everything bestowed on them by Sango Olukoso, the one whose eyes were permanently red whether he was spitting fire from his mouth or not. It was unimaginable. So, the Sango worshippers managed to attract lightning on the palace while Onisile was trying to use the sun leaf to do the same. The king was struck and from the shock, he became paralyzed. Thus, he was incapacitated from performing the duties of his office. The chiefs of Oyo, seeing the Oba was now depending on servants to carry him, swooped on the palace and accused him of challenging the one and only god of thunder to a duel, and losing. They told Onisile, he had to ‘behave like a man’, a flowery choice of words to instruct him to commit suicide by opening the calabash.

I like the way Reverend Johnson concluded the story. “Unchecked despotism, unrestrained license, insatiable greed and wanton voluptuousness should not be allowed to flourish throughout the full term of a natural life time”. That summed the guiding principles of checks and balances to the throne in the old Oyo. No king ruled without the kingmakers who watched the Alaafin closely under bushy hooded lashes and knew when to, on behalf of the people, present him with a calabash of parrot-eggs, three powerful lines and end an era and reign.

Things are different now. The ‘kingmakers’ are too full and fat to talk or even consider that every good thing comes to an end, eventually. And it is time to remind them. Our men of power and caliber must self-censor, lest the power they are named and hailed for nail them. They must learn to read the times, know when to war, when to negotiate and when to wisely nicely do nothing.

Hailing and hyping is part of our culture. It is even more pronounced in our political culture. An aspirant picks a form to contest the gubernatorial seat (that may not be vacant, really) and his hangers-on start calling him ‘Your Excellency’. They cook up ‘polls and statistics’ while drinking beer and sumptuous pepper soup.

My dear brother in power or politics, never forget yourself on the stage of the hailers because when you fall, they are not like likely to help you up. They will take their drums to the next arena. Do not lose yourself in the pool of those who see you as nothing more than a meal ticket. Hangers-on and ‘Area boys’ are not always in tattered jeans and head-warmers. They do not always speak in weed-laden voices. They also wear expensive perfume and designer suits. They shake with soft palms and speak in even softer voice. They nicely convincingly tell their ‘meal ticket’ that he’s on the right path, even when he’s at the edge of a precipice. Power ruins. Power kills. It does not just corrupt absolutely

However, the good news is, power does not kill suddenly. It kills slowly. It kills the unsuspecting, the undiscerning, the careless. It kills the foolhardy cripple who sees the gathering storm and cloudy sky but refuses to start making his way slowly but steadily home to shelter. Is this the same thing as ‘power is transient’ No. There were wise men who remained powerful till the end, and even in death their memories are still of their clout. This is about knowing how to hold and wield power, knowing when to soft-pedal or back-track, knowing that constant consistent aggression leads to destruction

The elephant is big, feared and respected but the day it succumbs to the drumbeats of the hypers and hailers is the day his reign ends. The day he actually starts believing, that he is too big to just be king of animals is the day he signs its death warrant. The days he agrees to follow the hailers to the grave dressed like the throne room is the day he becomes food for the gods. Those who read the ‘A o m’erin joba’ story in the Yoruba primary school text called Alawiye by JF Odunjo know the sweet lyrics of that deadly song. The song once played in Abuja and a big man kissed the canvas spectacularly. It is playing now again, less loudly in Rivers. The orchestra convinced a certain Governor that ‘Nothing do am’. Now that ‘something don do am’, only he knows the pain and loneliness of one governor living in one boy’s quarters of another, the grayness of the governor going to Sunday service without an advance party or a loud long convoy. But this is not about any suspended music. It is about all of them in power, the suspender and the suspended.

Alaafin Onisile was ‘convinced’ to bite the cyanide by the same people who called him fearless warrior. Those who tell our leaders whatever they tell them that make them misbehave do so because they profit from it. They hail because it works for them, their businesses. They urge the elephant on but leave him in the hole alone when he falls. An elephant is an ‘Ajanaku’ until he falls. The drums won’t always beat. The demons will soon move on to their next prey, their next source of income. Powerful men who are swayed by nicknames and hyped trumpets don’t last. There is a limit to what you can do on that throne, especially because it is a four-year rush. If the world is hailing you today, be careful how far you go, how many enemies you acquire because the last drumbeat you’ll hear may be:
Iwo nikan ni o ku
B’oba buru tan
Iwo nikan ni o ku

No matter how powerful people tell you or you think you are, you owe yourself a duty to caution yourself, know when to pull the brakes because when things go bad, you’ll be left all alone

“In the circumstance, having soberly reflected on and evaluated the political situation in Rivers State and the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State having failed to make a request to me as President to issue this proclamation as required by Section 305(5) of the 1999 Constitution as amended, it has become inevitably compelling for me to invoke the provision of Section 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended, to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State with effect from today, 18th March 2025 and I so do.” –President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday, March 18, 2025.

If there is anybody I do not expect to commit constitutional infractions, it is our dear President Bola Tinubu. From 1990 or thereabout, he bestrode Nigeria’s political scene like a colossus. He was elected to the Nigerian Senate under the Babangida endless transition programme, which terminated on August 28, 1993. After Gen. Sani Abacha took over the reins of government sequel to the palace coup that led to the ouster of Chief Ernest Shonekan as head of the Interim National Government on November 17, 1993, Tinubu and likeminded democrats teamed up to form the National Democratic Coalition, better known as NADECO. They demanded immediate de-annulment of the June 12 presidential election and a return to civil rule. Tinubu had to flee abroad after Abacha’s goons were all out for the NADECO members and he only returned in 1998, after Abacha died, to participate in the birth of this Fourth Republic.

Though he started as a federal lawmaker, Bola Tinnubu was in 1999 elected as governor of Lagos and re-elected in 2003, the only Alliance for Democracy governor to survive Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party onslaught to take over the six states in South-West Nigeria. He became the last man standing among the six Alliance for Democracy governors elected in 1999. Since he left the office of governor in 2007, he has birthed many political godchildren. All his successors in Lagos State were his anointed candidates. Tinubu was so influential in South-West politics to the extent that he was said to be instrumental to the emergence of Governors Rauf Aregebesola and Gboyega Oyetola in Osun State, Governor Kayode Fayemi in Ekiti State, Governor Abiola Ajimobi in Oyo State, Governor Dapo Abiodun in Ogun State and even the immediate past Vice President of Nigeria, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, to mention a few.

Someone with that kind of democratic credential is expected to hold the Constitution in high esteem and maintain fidelity to the rule of law. It is on record that he fought for local government autonomy way back in 2002 when he engaged in a titanic legal battle against former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who seized the federal allocation meant for the 20 Lagos State Local Government Councils after his (Tinubu’s) government created additional 37 local council development areas. Tinubu won at the Supreme Court and the seized funds were eventually released by Obasanjo’s government.

Given his sound political sagacity and pedigree, I did not expect President Tinubu to commit the gaffe he did when he declared a state of emergency in Rivers State last week, Tuesday, March 18, 2025.  Yes, the political crisis in Rivers State indeed started in September 2023 after the Rivers State House of Assembly mooted the impeachment of Governor Siminalaye Fubara. The governor’s camp fought back by allegedly committing arson on the State Assembly, leading to the eventual demolition of the Assembly complex, thereby frustrating the impeachment move. The President indeed mediated in the political crisis in December 2023, which led to an eight-point resolution. While the governor largely fulfilled his side of the agreement by reabsorbing the nine commissioners who resigned from his cabinet and withdrew the cases filled in court, the camp of the lawmakers, under the guidance of their godfather, the Minister of FCT, Nyesom Wike, continually made things difficult for the governor.

Fubara is not blameless in the political crisis, as his failure to represent the 2024 budget as well as withholding the salaries and allowances of the 27 lawmakers of Rivers State is provocative. His conduct in the October 5, 2024, local government election and encouragement of the defection of his loyalists to participate in that election under another political party, the Action People’s Party, smacks of anti-party since he belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party. Perhaps the Rivers State political crisis would not have festered if the 27 state lawmakers who openly claimed to have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress had been manly enough to consummate their defection by registering at their various wards. Yes, they were alleged to have sworn to affidavits at an Abuja Federal High Court, but in the eye of the law, a membership registration card is the sole proof that matters most.

In any event, the Rivers political crisis is a godfather versus godson clash and unless former Governor Wike and the incumbent Fubara are brought to the negotiation table by an impartial panel of arbitrators and mediators, the crisis will linger despite the state of emergency. Wike has consistently maintained that Fubara wanted to wrestle his political structure from him and that is the remote cause of the roforofo fight.

Not a few political pundits have referred to Fubara as a betrayal and traitor. However, it is in the nature and character of politics for the godfather to be betrayed by the godson. It happened in Anambra between Chief Chris Uba and Dr Chris Ngige; it happened in Oyo State between Chief Lamidi Adedibu and Governor Rashidi Ladoja. It is currently happening between former Governor Nasir El-Rufai and the incumbent Governor of Kaduna State, Senator Uba Sani, while not forgetting the ongoing political imbroglio between the Secretary to the Federal Government, Senator George Akume and the current Governor of Benue State, Hyacinth Alia. Former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo was alleged to have backstabbed Tinubu by contesting against him for the All Progressives Congress presidential ticket in 2022.

President Tinubu goofed by blaming Fubara solely for the Rivers State political crisis and by declaring a state of emergency whereby he suspended the elected governor, deputy governor and lawmakers. Section 305 of the Constitution did not give the President such powers. The grounds for the removal of a governor have been explicitly stated in Section 188 of the Nigerian Constitution.

The President was one-sided when he failed to openly or privately reprimand or caution the FCT minister for his unguarded incendiary rhetoric on Governor Fubara and his Ijaw ethnic group. While it is true that Section 305 vested the President the power to declare a state of emergency, it is contemplated that extra measures will be deployed to maintain law and order. This is why since October 1962, when the first state of emergency was declared in the Western Region, down to 2002, when another SoE was declared in Ekiti State and Plateau in 2004, it is only the one former President Goodluck Jonathan declared in 2013 in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe that cannot be faulted, as democratic institutions were not affected.

How different is what President Tinubu did from what the Supreme Court frowned at in its February 28, 2025, judgement on Rivers State when it said, “A government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make up the government of a state under the 1999 Constitution as amended.” Can a government be said to exist when two out of the three arms of government have been suspended?

Sole administratorship is unknown to democracy. Rather than hastily declaring a state of emergency, President Tinubu should have adopted the method he used to resolve the Lagos State House of Assembly leadership crisis when he sent an emissary made up of Chief Bisi Akande and Aremo Olusegun Osoba, both former governors, to mediate in the crisis. Thereafter, he invited the 40 lawmakers to his office in Abuja and had another round of dialogue with them. The President should have likewise raised a panel of impartial mediators to weigh in and resolve the political crisis in Rivers and thereafter have tête-à-tête with the FCT minister and his estranged godson, Fubara. I do hope proper mediation will happen before the expiration of the six months, as any further elongation of the SoE will be deemed an attempt at state capture ahead of the 2027 general elections.

No doubt, the political crisis that President Bola Tinubu caused by proclaiming a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspending Governor Siminalaye Fubara, his Deputy, Ngozi Odu, and members of the belligerent pro-Wike Rivers State House of Assembly has come to a head.

The state of emergency was preceded by the mind-game between Governor Fubara and the 27 legislators, who were reinstated into the State House of Assembly by a Supreme Court judgement and the Trans-Niger Pipeline that was blown up in Gokana, Rivers State.

Maybe Governor Fubara should not have demolished the State House of Assembly complex at a time that he was still finding his feet. If those elder statesmen who were goading him on indeed had any clout, they should have asked President Tinubu to rein in Nyesom Wike, his Minister of Federal Capital Territory.

Maybe he could have made haste more slowly and not presented his budget proposal to a four-man House of Assembly that lacked the mandatory one-third quorum. The reinstatement of Speaker Martins Amaewhule-led 27 legislators, whom everyone thought had decamped to All Progressives Congress, upset his applecart.

However, signs that things could get worse, as the President sided with his newfound political ally, the garrulous Wike, are in the report of a fire at the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited’s flow station at Cawthorne Channel.

This economic sabotage may have been carried out by individuals who may not be too happy with the seeming victory of garrulous Wike in the impasse that has become the lot of the beleaguered people of Rivers State.

The Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, did not help matters by speculating that Governor Fubara probably instigated those attacks. That speculation is probably now resting after the governor publicly distanced himself from the violent act.

Governor Fubara, who had resolved to work with the reinstated legislators, invited them to a peace meeting. They rejected his overture but required him to present the 2025 budget bill to them within 48 hours. Twice, he wrote them, stating his intention to present the budget bill.

Twice, he reportedly received an embarrassing rebuff. Once, he was even locked out and prevented from entering the premises of the Assembly, which thereafter adjourned sine die without warning. Things got to stalemate proportions when the House invoked Section 48 of the Nigerian Constitution to impeach the governor.

Unconfirmed sources claim that he reached out to Wike, who was rumoured to have demanded that he hand over the local government structure and forgo a 2027 reelection bid. Maybe the quest to gain Rivers State, the ultimate political pawn, in 2027, possibly informed President Tinubu’s choice of the state of emergency.

Of course, the President can argue that his past interventions did not yield the desired outcome and that the state of emergency was a timely device that prevented the impeachment. If President Tinubu had asked Wike to rein in his men in the House of Assembly, maybe there would not be a state of emergency.

Astute statesmanship would have gotten a better result, and thus make the arrogant insinuation by Fagbemi that Governor Fubara was probably saved from the impeachment Sword of Damocles absolutely unnecessary.

It is not enough to say that the President consulted (some faceless stakeholders) before taking the state of emergency option. It would not have been necessary if he had leaned enough on Wike and his collaborators in the Rivers State House of Assembly.

Those who argue that the President cannot proclaim a state of emergency are not aware of Section 305 of the Constitution, which merely requires the affirmation of a two-thirds majority of members of the two chambers of the National Assembly after they have received the gazetted proclamation, as prescribed by the Constitution.

But the Constitution is silent on the fate of the governor, his deputy and state legislators during a state of emergency, which Section 305(3) of the Constitution prescribes when the “Federation is at war; in danger of invasion…; there is a breakdown of public order and public safety…; clear and present danger…; any other public danger…; (and if) the President receives a request from… the governor of a state.”

Did Fagbemi recommend Section 45 that appropriates citizens’ fundamental human rights “in the interest of national defence, public safety, public order, public morality, or public health”, during a “period of emergency”, enabled by “proclamation of emergency declared by the President… under Section 305 of the Constitution”, to the President?

Or, Section 11(1), which says, “The National Assembly may make laws for the Federation or any part thereof, with respect to maintenance and securing of public safety and public order and providing, maintaining and securing of (assets)… as may be designated by the National Assembly as essential supplies (like crude and refined petroleum) and services.”

This is reflected in what appears to be the riot act read by the administrator, Vice Marshal Ibok-Ete Ibas, to anyone who may be minded to cause any form of economic, political or violent sabotage in Rivers State.

Or, Section 11(4,5), which says, “At any time when any House of Assembly of a State is unable to perform its functions… the National Assembly may make such laws for the peace, order and good government of that State with respect to matters on which a House of Assembly may make laws as may appear to the National Assembly to be necessary or expedient until… the House of Assembly is able to resume its functions;…

“Provided that nothing in this section shall be construed as conferring on the National Assembly power to remove the governor or the deputy governor of the state from office. (And)… a House of Assembly shall not be deemed to be unable to perform its functions so long as (it) can hold a meeting and transact business.”

Or Emergency Powers in Section 65 of Nigeria’s rested 1960 Constitution, which says, “Parliament may… make such laws for Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Exclusive Legislative Lists as may appear to Parliament to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government during any period of emergency…

“(Where) ‘period of emergency’ means any period during which- (a) the Federation is at war; (b) there is… a resolution passed by (the)… Parliament declaring that a state of public emergency exists; or (c) there is… a resolution… supported by… not less than two-thirds of all the members of the House declaring that democratic institutions in Nigeria are threatened by subversion…”

Except for a “doctrine of necessity”, to secure Rivers State’s hydrocarbon resources, these do not enable the President to remove elected officials, though a state of emergency without control will be meaningless.

But the President should not have returned Nigeria to the military “Egypt” by appointing a military administrator, even if he is retired. That is untidy semiotics for a democracy wrested from the claws of the military.

President Tinubu, who swatted a gnat with a sledgehammer, must find a way to quickly return River State to the status quo. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s constitutional lawyers must lead the way to test this strange development in court.

As for winning Rivers State in 2027, “The people will decide,” to quote retired Commodore Olabode George, former governor of Ondo State.