Five students of the Osun State University, UNIOSUN, Osogbo have been reportedly killed in a ghastly auto accident on the Ikire-Ibadan express road.

The accident involving a luxurious bus travelling from Ibadan and an 18-passenger bus from Osogbo had a head-on collision resulting in multiple fatalities including the five UNIOSUN students.

It was gathered that five other persons were killed in the unfortunate incident which occurred at Balogun Area of Ikire on Sunday, March 23, 2025

A statement released by the Institution’s Public Relations Officer, Ademola Adesoji, stated that reports from the Nigerian Police and the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), that the accident was caused by the head-on collision of the two buses, leading to a severe impact that claimed the lives of several passengers.

“Our University Management, upon receiving this distressing news, swiftly dispatched a team to the scene to identify and support any of our students involved in the accident.

“Regrettably, we confirm the loss of the following students; Olagbemide Dotun, a 200-level student of Software Engineering, Suleiman Farouq, a 400-level student of Law, Ogundare Pelumi, a 300-level student of Public Health, Ogundare Elijah, a 100-level student of Mechanical Engineering and Olawuyi Mary, a 200-level student of Nursing.

“However, one of our students, Olagbemide Damilola, a 200-level student of Medicine and Surgery, survived the accident and is currently receiving medical attention.

“Osun State University is working closely with the relevant authorities to gather more details on the circumstances surrounding the accident. We are also providing necessary moral and logistical support to the bereaved families, including funeral arrangements for the deceased students.

“This tragic loss has deeply shaken our University community. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families and loved ones of the deceased. We urge our students, staff, and the entire university community to remain calm and supportive during this difficult time”, he said.

As part of its golden jubilee, the University of Calabar is said to have held a special convocation ceremony on Saturday, 22 March, 2025 where it handed out honours to all manner of persons. The Chancellor of the University is Aminu Ado Bayero, the deposed Emir of Kano. Present at that event also were Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and Nigeria’s most prolific political litigant; as well as Justice Emmanuel Akomaye Agim, a senior Justice of the Supreme Court who delivered the leading decision in the recent judgment of that court concerning the withholding of the federal allocations of the Rivers State Government.

Images of the events in Calabar putting these major actors in contemporary politics of the Nigerian judiciary in close propinquity with one another have gone viral. In response, Festus Akande, Director of Information and Public Relations at the Supreme Court issued a public statement on Monday, 24 March, 2025, in which he felt compelled to claim that Emmanuel Agim attended the convocation “as an esteemed honouree and an alumnus of the institution, whom the Governing Council had found worthy to be conferred with an Honorary Doctorate Degree in Law (Doctor Honoris Causa). He was recognized for his significant contributions to the legal profession; which is a reflection of his commitment to justice, integrity, and the rule of law, serving as a model for aspiring legal professionals and students alike.”

Mr. Akande’s statement further claimed that “Emmanuel Agim’s participation at the ceremony was independent and not as an official representative of any government ministry or department, let alone accompanying any serving or retired government official”, before asserting that “any insinuation to the contrary is not only inaccurate but undermines the judicial independence that is crucial to our democracy.”

These claims are made in the name of the Supreme Court and in pursuit of high sounding goals of judicial independence and democracy.

The Supreme Court is a public institution embodying the highest judicial authority in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Judicial independence is a high constitutional principle ordained for the protection of judicial authority as a public trust. It is not a self-serving shibboleth.

In terms of Nigeria’s constitution, the source of democratic legitimacy resides in the people alone.

To leave Festus Akande’s claims uncontested or without a response, therefore, is to diminish the high authority of the Supreme Court, the service of the distinguished men and women who have laboured to give it its historically high standing in the public imagination until recently, and the high principles of judicial independence and democracy instituted for the protection of the peoples of Nigeria.

This statement is issued out of concern to stem the heedless hemorrhaging of the rarefied authority of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. In this spirit, it is essential to set the records straight, even if ever so briefly.

The Applicable Standards

The fact that Festus Akande considered it essential to issue the statement itself shows what something was wrong with that event in Calabar. In case he needs reminding, Lord Chief Justice Hewart laid down the applicable standard for judging judicial impartiality and independence in 1923 in R. v Sussex Justices, Ex Parte McCarthy, (1923) All ER 233, to the effect that: “Nothing is to be done which creates even a suspicion that there has been an improper interference with the course of justice.”

That event in Calabar was rich with pictures to support suspicions of improper interference with the cause of justice.

Rule 2.8 of the Revised Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers in Nigeria (2016) is very clear: “A Judge shall avoid developing excessively close relationship with frequent litigants – such as government ministers or their officials, municipal officials, police prosecutors in any Court where the Judge often sits, if such relationship could reasonably create an appearance of partiality.”

In Buhari vs. Independent National Electoral Commission & Ors (2008) LPELR-814(SC) at PP.145-146, Justice Niki Tobi of the Supreme Court admonished judges to “maintain a very big distance from politics and politicians” warning that:

“….the two professions do not meet and will never meet at all in our democracy in the discharge of their functions…. Their waters never meet in the same way Rivers Niger and Benue meet at the confluence near Lokoja. If they meet, the victim will be democracy most of the time, and that will be bad for sovereign Nigeria.”

In his memoirs, Faces, Cases and Places, published in 1983,(p.78), former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Atanda Fatayi Williams, said:

“In Nigeria, familiarity does not breed contempt. It breeds obligation. As a result, people with whom you are friendly expect you to bend the rules to suit their requirements. It pays in the end for a judge, even at the risk of being accused of being a snob or of haughtiness, to be somewhat aloof, not only from members of the Executive, but also from political powerbrokers.”

Neither Festus Akande not, indeed, Justice Emmanuel Agim as a Justice of the Supreme Court can pretend to be unaware that Nyesom Wike is the most prolific current political litigator in Nigeria. To justify public fraternizing with him by a Supreme Court Justice is to licensing the accessorizing of judicial officers for political purposes.

The Context: Nyesom Wike & Emmanuel Akomaye Agim

On the last day of February 2025, the Supreme Court delivered judgment in the consolidated appeals in SC/CV/1174A/2024 et al, Rivers State House of Assembly & Anor vs. The Government of Rivers State & 9 Ors. The case sought orders of the court to, among other things, require the Central Bank of Nigeria to withhold the federal allocations of the Government of Rivers State until the passage of a budget by a faction of the State House of Assembly. At the time, the question of the right of that faction of the State House of Assembly to function as such was the subject of litigation before lowers courts in FHC/PHC/CS/2024 Oko-Jumbo & 2 Ors vs. Martin Amaewhule & Ors (pending in the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt since April 2024).

The case seeking to withhold the federal allocations of Rivers State was un-related to this appeal. Delivering the judgment of the Supreme Court on 28 February, Emmanuel Akomaye Agim framed two issues for determination neither of which had anything to do with then issues pending before the Federal High Court. Yet, without an appeal from that case before it, the court purported to determine the issues then pending before the Federal High Court on the question of the defection of the 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly from the platform on which they were elected (the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC). Even though the issue of the defection of the 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly did not arise in the appeal, the Supreme Court raised it by itself and shockingly decided a case that was still pending at the High Court.

This course of action has no precedent in Nigeria’s judicial history. It is the  first in the history of Nigeria that the Supreme Court will take over a case that is pending in the Federal High Court. Unsurprisingly, counsel to the 27 legislators promptly applied to the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt asking it to dismiss the case on the ground that it has become academic on the basis that the Supreme Court has decided the matter while it was still at the Federal High Court. The Port Harcourt judicial division of the Federal High Court will render its judgment on this application on 20 April, 2025.

The Context: Nyesom Wike and Aminu Ado Bayero

On 14 March, 2025, a three-judge panel of the Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja in Appeal No., CA/KN/27/M/2025, Alhaji Aliyu Babba Dan Sarki Dawaki Babba vs. Kano State House of Assembly & 7 Ors, granted a “Mandatory Injunction” (not a stay of execution) arresting the enforcement of the judgment of the same Court of Appeal on 10 January 2025 in Appeal No. CA/KN/126/2024, Kano State House of Assembly & Anor vs. Alhaji Aminu Babba Dan Agundi & Ors. The earlier judgment of the Court was delivered by a panel led by Justice Gabriel Kolawole, a Justice of Appeal since 22 June, 2018. The latter decision arresting that judgment was given by a panel led by Justice Okon Abang, a Justice of the Court of Appeal since 20 September 2023. Other members of the latter panel were Justice Eberechi Suzette Nyesom-Wike (Justice of the Court of Appeal since 10 July 2024) and Justice Oyejoju Oyewumi (Justice of the Court of Appeal since 10 July 2024). This panel of the Court of Appeal included the wife of the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike.

In terms of seniority in the Abuja division of the Court of Appeal, Justice Okon Abang is no. 6 out of 10; Justice Nyesom-Wike is No. 9; and Justice Oyewumi is the last. It is unprecedented for a panel this junior to be constituted to sit upon a decision of a much more senior panel of the Court of Appeal. It is equally notable that the President of the Court of Appeal has unilaterally moved this case to Abuja from Kano.

The subject matter of this appeal is a fundamental rights claim by a disaffected king-maker in respect of the stool of the Kano Emirate from which  Aminu Ado Bayero was deposed. The Court of Appeal in Kano had denied that claim, holding that the Federal High Court had no jurisdiction over essentially chieftaincy matters.

Following this decision, Aminu Ado Bayero, who is not a named party in the case, notified the security services in Kano of his intention to hold an Eid-El-Fitr Durbar at the end of the holy month of Ramadhan. I am reliably informed by sources within the Court of Appeal of plans by some people to procure an order of the same Court of Appeal on Tuesday, 25 March 2025 to enjoin the security authorities in Kano to ensure co-operation with and protection for the Durbar proposed by Aminu Ado Bayero.

Meanwhile, on Monday, 24 March 2025, the Supreme Court entered an appeal against the ruling of the Okon Abang-led Court of Appeal panel as Appeal No SC/CV/279/2025. This should ordinarily preclude the Court of Appeal from further engagement with the subject matter but these are no ordinary times and no one can say what could happen

The Optics

Aminu Ado Bayero, the Chancellor who conferred the honorary degree on the Minister of the FCT, is seeking to claim benefit of a curious, incongruous and improbable order of the Court of Appeal panel which included the wife of the Minister. As I write, the panel has yet to release the text of the reasoning on which it issued its orders.

Justice Emmanuel Agim is the author of a curious, incongruous, and inexplicably unprecedented decision of the Supreme Court in favour of satraps of the same Minister in the political contest in Rivers State.

This context makes the optics of that particular occasion in Calabar an awful advertisement for high subversion of the values of judicial independence and democracy, around whose flags Festus Akande sought to wrap his defense of the indefensible. Even worse, these facts create a credible perception of network transaction in judicial orders.

The 50th anniversary convocation of a university is not an emergency event. The parties who met in Calabar had to have had notice of that event long before the dates of the judgments or rulings in the cases in which their interests interlocked. There was ample time, if they desired, to make alternative arrangements. Their decision to proceed in the manner they did without any regard to the optics or possible damage to the standing of the judicial institutions serves neither judicial independence nor democracy. Instead, it showcases a peculiar brand of hubris and impunity at the desecration of those high constitutional values.

Odinkalu is a lawyer and a teacher. He can be reached at odinkalu@tufts.edu

Femi Lazarus, the lead pastor of Light Nation Church in Abuja, appears to have settled online rifts with singer Timi Dakolo over gospel artistes’ performance fees.

The controversy began last week when Lazarus criticised the high fees charged by some gospel artistes. In response, Dakolo defended the right of musicians to be paid for their work.

The cleric also shared an invoice allegedly from a gospel singer, which included extravagant demands such as a 40-man escort, first-class flight, and executive suite accommodation.

Dakolo, in his response, questioned the authenticity of the invoice and challenged Lazarus to reveal the singer’s identity.

However, in a recent Instagram post, Lazarus extended an olive branch to Dakolo, describing him as a music legend who “genuinely carries the burdens of other musicians”.

He expressed admiration for Dakolo, calling for respect within the entertainment industry. Lazarus also acknowledged the challenges facing the church, including pain and difficulties among leaders and followers.

The post was accompanied by a photo of Lazarus, Dakolo, and Emmanuel Iren, founder of Celebration Church International, suggesting that Iren may have played a role in mediating their reconciliation.

“My brother @timidakolo is a music legend. Give him his flowers. What a man! He genuinely carries the burdens of musicians. His concerns are real. I love you,” Lazarus wrote.

“Better structures will be built. Pain is real. From pulpit to the pew, the pain is real, but we will be fine.

“This generation will not have a carryover of pain. Hosts will do better. Guests will do better.”

[TheCable]

While some Rivers State indigenes were agonizing over the Supreme Court’s decision barring the federal government from releasing the state’s monthly financial allocation—following the imposition of emergency rule by President Tinubu on March 18—the funds have now been released, ensuring that workers’ salaries will be paid at the end of the month. However, not all Nigerians are pleased.

Among the most aggrieved are members of the political class, who view the emergency rule in Rivers State as a suspension of democracy. This move disrupts the established democratic process and the principles of due process that govern public administration.

Following the swearing-in of Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd) as the sole administrator of Rivers State—replacing Governor Siminalayi Fubara—public administration in the state has effectively been relocated to Aso Rock, the presidential seat of government in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Governance is now dictated by directives from Abuja rather than by an elected governor who should be accountable to the people of Rivers State.

The National Assembly (NASS), in its endorsement of the emergency proclamation, has also assumed oversight of the Rivers State House of Assembly. This means that the sole administrator operates under directives from Abuja, in contrast to an elected governor who is expected to report to his constituents—the people of Rivers State—who had chosen their political leaders through democratic means. But with state assembly suspended how is the NASS going to have oversight function over it while on suspension?

By democratic principles, elected representatives of the people of Rivers State should only be removed under three conditions:

1. A recall process initiated by the electorate.

2.Impeachment through constitutional means.

3. Non-re-election at the expiration of their tenure.

By bypassing these democratic processes and instead using political crises as justification for suspending democracy, the people of Rivers State have been effectively disenfranchised, stripped of their civic rights for the six-month duration of the emergency rule.

Political and Socioeconomic Consequences

The removal of the governor, deputy governor, and elected state assembly members has inflicted significant damage, not just on the political landscape but also on the socioeconomic stability of Rivers State.

Beyond this direct impact, the decision to impose emergency rule has tarnished Nigeria’s reputation as a democracy. President Tinubu, known for his advocacy of democratic governance, now faces criticism that this action contradicts his democratic credentials.

This decision also threatens to erase the democratic progress Nigeria has made since 1999. The country has maintained an unbroken democratic governance structure for nearly 25 years, marking a significant milestone in its post-independence political development. However, the handling of Rivers State’s political crisis risks undermining these gains.

Elder statesmen and political leaders—both within and beyond Rivers State—have raised concerns about the dangerous precedent being set. Since the 1966 and 1967 military coups, Nigeria has experienced intermittent periods of military and civilian rule. However, since the return to democracy in 1999, governance has been based on the rule of law and due process.

With Nigeria set to mark 25 years of uninterrupted democracy on May 29, the imposition of emergency rule in Rivers State, coupled with the opaque manner in which the National Assembly ratified it, has diminished the country’s democratic standing.

The Justification and Its Pitfalls

President Tinubu has justified the move by citing the need to prevent potential violence and safeguard vital oil and gas installations in Rivers State and the Niger Delta. However, as the saying goes, “The road to disaster is paved with good intentions.”

Ironically, following the installation of a retired military officer as Rivers State’s sole administrator, reports emerged that the Boki gas facility was set ablaze by militants last Sunday. This incident raises questions about whether the emergency rule has actually enhanced security or exacerbated tensions.

Despite the President’s defense of his actions, opposition leaders argue that the move was hasty and extreme. Attorney General and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi has attempted to justify the decision by referencing Section 305(1) of the 1999 Constitution, which grants the president authority to declare a state of emergency. However, this constitutional provision does not explicitly authorize the suspension of elected officials, as has been done in Rivers State.

Fagbemi’s legal interpretation, which seemingly guided the President’s decision, is now being challenged as a potential Achilles’ heel for the administration. Critics argue that while concerns about security threats are valid, suspending a democratically elected government is a disproportionate and legally questionable response.

Furthermore, the Attorney General’s statement that similar measures could be applied to other states facing political crises has raised alarm. This stance risks encouraging political actors to deliberately incite crises in their states, knowing that it could justify federal intervention and the suspension of democratic governance.

Would this policy not lead to a proliferation of political violence across Nigeria, driven by opposition figures who see it as a means to destabilize elected governments? If a breakdown of law and order becomes a pretext for suspending democracy, then the nation’s democratic future is at stake.

The imposition of emergency rule in Rivers State has set off a chain of political, legal, and economic consequences that could have long-term ramifications for Nigeria’s democracy. If left unaddressed, this decision may not only damage the country’s democratic reputation but also embolden political actors to exploit crisis situations for their own advantage.

To restore confidence in the democratic process, President Tinubu may need to reconsider the duration and scope of the emergency rule, ensuring that Rivers State’s governance is returned to its elected representatives as soon as possible to douse the rising tension even as the emergency remains in effect as former president Goodluck Jonathan did in three northern states. Failure to do so could make this episode a defining crisis of his administration, overshadowing his broader governance agenda.

If causing mayhem in a state can be legitimately cited as justification for a state of emergency proclamation by President Tinubu in Rivers State, and if this becomes the valid condition and gold standard for suspending democratically elected state government officials, as Attorney General Fagbemi alluded to in his press briefing, would it not become a preferred strategy for politicians to destabilize their opponents by fomenting or triggering violence to create an opportunity for the suspension of democracy in a state?

The parable of the jealous mother of a dead baby in the holy bible (1 Kings 3:16-28) who switched her lifeless child for a living one and accepted the arbiter’s solution to divide the baby, knowing that the child was not hers, is instructive. The point here is that electoral losers, particularly in gubernatorial contests, may be incentivized to incite trouble that triggers violence, leading to a declaration of a state of emergency and effectively denying the rightful winner the benefits of their victory.

If violence becomes a precondition for declaring a state of emergency, politicians may find it easier and cheaper to hire thugs to cause unrest and threaten national assets rather than pursuing legal battles, which involve hiring expensive legal teams, often composed of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN), to defend or challenge mandates in court.

Even the legal recourse of challenging election outcomes in court has become a major flaw in Nigeria’s democracy, as the phrase “you can go to court” has become a mocking refrain used by some politicians who rely on pliable judicial officers to secure favorable rulings.

It may be recalled that the uncontrollable violence in the Western Region during the First Republic—infamously known as Wetie, when supporters of Ladoke Akintola and Obafemi Awolowo engaged in violent clashes—was the justification for the state of emergency declared by then-Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. It is because of this troubling historical precedent that the current declaration of emergency in Rivers State is causing unease, not just among politicians in the state but nationwide.

Given this context, there is an urgent need to address concerns and provide legally and constitutionally sound justifications for the seemingly extreme action. There must also be transparency in explaining how and why the legislative branch so swiftly ratified the executive’s decision, as the process has been shrouded in speculation and accusations of financial inducements—allegations that have been denied.

In the United States, from where Nigeria adopted the presidential system, government shutdowns due to budget disagreements often drag on until the last minute, with intense negotiations before lawmakers approve a resolution. Unfortunately, such extensive deliberation and scrutiny were absent when Nigerian lawmakers were expected to exercise their oversight function by ratifying the president’s decision within two (2) days if in session or ten (10) days if on recess. Critics have alleged that senators and House members betrayed their constituents for pecuniary benefits. If true, this is how democracies die—a point highlighted by Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt in their book How Democracies Die, which chronicles how seemingly minor democratic violations, when accumulated, can erode democracy itself.

In the U.S. Senate, figures like Joe Manchin of West Virginia have been known for filibustering. In the 1950s, Oregon Senator Wayne Morse used the filibuster to educate the public on critical national issues. Why did we not witness similar democratic engagement in this case—where lawmakers could have used the opportunity to enlighten Nigerians on Section 305, Subsection 1 of the 1999 Constitution, which empowers the president to declare a state of emergency? Furthermore, why did this provision seemingly allow for the suspension of elected executive and legislative officials while sparing the judiciary?

When Senator Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State and House of Representatives member Obi Aguocha from Ikwuano/Umuahia, Abia State, demanded more transparency from both legislative chambers, they were overruled. Instead of validating the president’s decision in an open and convincing manner, the opaque process used to ratify the action has reinforced public suspicion that the emergency rule in Rivers State was a calculated move to destabilize the state and make it vulnerable for takeover by the ruling party at the center, which is in opposition in the state. Whether this is true or false, the ruling party missed an opportunity to correct public perception by ensuring transparency in the validation process.

Without a doubt, this negative perception has become an unnecessary burden for the ruling party and may turn into a political liability in the 2027 elections. To remedy the situation a number of steps need to be taken to ensure that the angst do not translate into resentment towards the ruling party such that she may be imperiled during elections in a zone that it needs to win to guarrantee re-election. Even President Tinubu’s allies, notably Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka, have raised concerns.

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has also expressed his disapproval of the emergency rule. Likewise, governors from the South-South zone and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) as well as various civil society organizations that have issued statements condemning the decision.

As this controversy unfolds, it is not just Nigerians who are watching but also the international community, with foreign envoys reporting back to their respective governments.

In a previous article published on the day the emergency rule was to be ratified, I proposed a way for the government to navigate this contentious issue. While some of my recommendations such as the setting up of emminent persons group comprising of members of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government were adopted, my suggestion to limit the emergency rule to one month was not implemented. But it is not too late to review the proclamation since it is barely two (2)weeks in implementation.

One good thing about the proclamation is that it has enabled the federal government to continue funding Rivers state government without breaching the Supreme Court judgement barring the FGN from releasing the monthly financial allocation from the federation account to Rivers state.

But the appointment of a retired military officer as sole administrator in place of elected representatives in Rivers State is as disappointing to Nigerians as the controversial conduct of the 2023 general elections, where the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) failed to process and announce results using the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Results Viewing Portal (IReV), thereby failing the integrity test. Additionally, the announcement of presidential election results at odd hours further tainted the credibility of the process.

In the past 22 months, the Tinubu administration has worked to move past these controversies by implementing significant socioeconomic reforms. Though initially painful, as they worsened the cost-of-living crisis and plunged many Nigerians into hardship, these reforms—including the Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to democratize university education, improvements in energy security through the operationalization of Dangote Refinery, and the proposed establishment of CreditCorp to expand consumer credit—have begun to yield positive economic signs.

For example, the price of petrol has dropped from ₦1,300 per liter to ₦880, and the naira, which had depreciated to ₦1,900 per dollar, is now trading between ₦1,500 and ₦1,600. Surveys by major media organizations also indicate a gradual decline in food prices.

Although the prices of goods have not dropped to the level where a critical mass of Nigerians will be eased of the hardship currently crushing them, sooner than later, with consistency in lossening the tight grip on money by the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), the cost of living crisis will ebb to the relief of government and citizens alike. 

However, as the saying goes, one bad apple spoils the bunch. Would President Tinubu allow the mistake of declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State to be the blight that overshadows his administration’s accomplishments—especially considering his reputation as a staunch advocate of democracy?

The late American comedian Richard Pryor once said:

“I believe in the spirit of living. It’s just good to be alive. If you’re alive, then you always have the potential to change things.”

President Tinubu is both politically and physically alive, meaning he has the power to change course if it becomes clear that his earlier decision was flawed.

He has demonstrated this ability before—such as when he increased the direct cash transfer funds for the poor after complaints that the initial amount was insufficient. There have been several other instances where he reversed decisions, a trait that, in leadership, is often seen as a strength rather than a weakness.

If he amends his stance by reducing the suspension period to, at most, three (3) months, he may find a more acceptable balance between maintaining security and upholding democratic principles.

One is optimistic that this crisis would soon pass away as president Tinubu is known not to shy away from doing the right thing.

Most importantly the omnibus nature of article 305 in the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic Nigeria, FGN which empowers the president to proclaim a state of emergency in Nigeria is too unwieldy to lend itself to being defined as an effective tool for good governance in an ideal democratic setting. Hence prime minister Tafawa Balewa and president Olusegun Obasanjo, during their tenure read, interpreted and implemented it differently from the manner that president Goodluck Jonathan did during his watch.

It is because it is nebulous that President Tinubu has currently been advised to emulate the former heads of state Balewa and Obasanjo in his recent proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers state than the latter, President Jonathan’s approach which aligns more with democratic norms.

Thus, owing to its bogus nature section 305 of the constitution of the FGN has by ommission or commission become a lightening rod and possibly a hammer for nailing the coffin of democracy in Nigeria.

Put succinctly, the ability and flexibilty to make article 305 of the 1999 constitution of the FGN  too amenable to multiple interpretations is responsible for the constitutional crisis that has enveloped the political atmosphere in Nigeria. As such, to avoid a similar complexity of multiple interpretations which is the drawback in relying on the judiciary to resolve issues, it is the gordian knot that has to be untied by our law makers during the next review of the constitution of the FGN by being very specific about the begining and end of that law.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government.

President Bola Tinubu congratulates former President Goodluck Jonathan on winning the 2025 Sunhak Peace Founders' Award.

President Tinubu applauds the former President for his consistent advocacy for peace, harmony, and communality, a patriotic endeavour that has earned him global recognition.

The President states that Dr Jonathan's winning the Sunhak Peace Award affirms his bold efforts in peacebuilding and promoting democracy in Africa and beyond. 

The President recalls the former President’s historic acceptance of the results of the 2015 presidential election and his peaceful handover of power to an opposition party, which bolstered the nation’s democratic profile.

President Tinubu celebrates this landmark achievement with former President Jonathan and thanks the Sunhak Peace Prize Committee for recognising the efforts of those working hard to improve the world.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

Former Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Diran Odeyemi, has advised governors to challenge President Bola Tinubu’s state of emergency in Rivers State.

Naija News reported that former spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), Anabs Sara-Igbe, also called on opposition parties governors and members of the National Assembly to be wary of the President’s action in Rivers State as he may come for their states.

In an interview with News Central on Monday, Odeyemi noted that there was no justification for the President’s action.

He argued that it was the desire to secure major ground ahead of the 2027 election that made President Tinubu declare a state of emergency in Rivers.

The PDP chieftain stated that the call by the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the same state of emergency to be declared in Osun State showed what the party’s intention was.

He said, “All politicians, usually at the presidency, they always have their target on three good states, that is Lagos, Rivers, and Kano. This is simply because they know that the turnout of votes from these three states and considering their economic stand, is always states that they want to have in their city. So, for my Ahmed Bola Tinubu, if anything minute, is happening in Rivers, and he is seizing that opportunity to take over Rivers, that is the reason why the governors and everybody are saying there are not enough evidence or criteria to demonstrate that emergency rule should come down.

“Bola Tinubu as a governor in Lagos state then, all what he fought against are exactly what he is doing now. We have read many of his statements where he condemned, absolutely, an emergency rule. And you will think as a democrat, if he has that opportunity to become the president, he will never repeat the idea of instituting an emergency rule anywhere in the country.

“He has started with Rivers, and if you are concerned with what is happening elsewhere, immediately after it happened in Rivers, even the politicians, the APC in Osun, have started calling for emergency rule in Osun simply because of mere community clash. That is, what they cannot get through the ballot box. They believe they can get it through emergency, through the adoption of emergency rule, or through the back door.

“And this is why it is very important, not only for the governors to challenge this. It is a good exercise to test the Constitution on the right of the president to declare emergency rule anywhere in the country. Because if care is not taken, and if the Rivers state issue is taken lightly or allowed to go, you can be rest assured that it may extend to other states, irrespective of whatever is the minor occurrence or situation that does not even warrant emergency rule. If you think there is anything, be a risk for some coronavirus who will makeista come from the right of the United States is safe.”

[NaijaNews]

• Nigeria loses $148m yearly to other West African countries
• Outdated infrastructure, limited capacity, crippling Nigeria’s shipyard industry
• Dozens of Nigerian shipyards facilities left to rot away

Nigeria continues to miss out on the windfall accruing from vessel maintenance due to the absence of functional shipyards and dockyards, The Guardian understands.

Consequently, 1,102 Cabotage (local vessels) vessels are compelled to fulfil their repair and maintenance requirements in neighbouring countries. Numerous international vessels which dock on Nigeria’s shores also look elsewhere for maintenance.

Nigeria presently has an idle N50 billion modular floating dock acquired in June 2018 by NIMASA alongside other abandoned and inactive dockyards in the country.

This results in substantial financial losses, estimated at $147.8 million in docking fees, repair services and other additional costs for each vessel yearly.

The figure is based on a conservative single general maintenance every five years. This supposes that 220 or 20 per cent of the Nigerian vessels carry out maintenance yearly at an average cost of $670,000 (per visit).

The costs are incurred when vessels are transported to neighbouring countries for repairs and maintenance.

According to data from the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Nigeria currently has a fleet of 4,610 flagged vessels with a total tonnage of 6,131,814.55 gross registered tonnage (GRT) and 1,102 cabotage vessels with a combined tonnage of 2,037,184.63 GRT.

Whereas the flagged vessels could also carry out their maintenance in Nigeria, they have the choice of doing it elsewhere. But Cabotage vessels move within the countries but would need to visit neighbouring countries for repairs.

Due to the limitations of local shipyards and dockyards, the owners of the vessels resort to taking them to neighbouring countries such as Ghana, Kenya, Togo, Ivory Coast, Benin Republic and Cameroon for dry docking and repairs. This practice does not only lead to increased unemployment but also impedes the development of skills in the maritime sector, experts said.

The Guardian gathered that Nigerian vessels visit various African countries for maintenance and dry docking, despite their limited shipyard facilities.

One notable example is PSC Tema Shipyard in Tema Harbour, Ghana. The shipyard has a functional floating dock with a capacity of 10,000 tonnes and a graving dock that can accommodate vessels up to 200 meters in length.

The Durban Dry Dock, one of the largest dry docks in the Southern Hemisphere, can accommodate vessels up to 350 meters in length. It also offers services for smaller vessels and is renowned for its efficiency and high standards.

Also, Cape Town Dry Dock in South Africa is equipped with modern facilities and can handle a wide range of vessels, including large cargo ships and oil tankers.

The facilities are positioned along major shipping routes, making it a convenient stop for vessels travelling between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. They offer a full range of repair and maintenance services, including hull repairs, engine overhauls and electronic system upgrades.

The African Marine & General Engineering Company Limited, located in Mombasa, Kenya, is an ISO-certified facility that offers dry docking and repair services for a variety of vessels, including cargo ships, tankers, and fishing vessels.

The facility is conveniently located for vessels travelling between Europe, the Cape, India and the Far East.

Nigeria’s inability to fully meet the dry docking and repair needs of ship owners has significant financial implications, experts said.

The frequency of ship repairs, maintenance and dry docking varies based on several factors, including the type of vessel, its age and its usage to ensure that ships remain in optimal condition and comply with international safety and regulatory standards.

According to information gathered by The Guardian, most ships are required to undergo dry-docking at least once every five years. This process involves taking the ship out of the water for thorough inspection, cleaning and repairs.

For some vessels, such as cruise ships, dry docking may be required more frequently, with inspections of the ship’s bottom every year and dry docking twice within five years.

The Secretary-General of the Merchant Seafarers Association of Nigeria (MESAN), Captain Alfred Oniye, explained that regular maintenance and repairs are usually performed more frequently than dry docking.

Dry docking, which may involve routine inspections, minor repairs and preventive maintenance, can occur monthly or yearly depending on the vessel’s operational schedule and specific maintenance requirements.

The Guardian learnt that the cost of transporting a vessel for dry-docking, maintenance and repairs to Kenya, Ghana and South Africa varies significantly among Nigerian-flagged vessels and foreign vessels that call at Nigeria’s ports. Several factors influence this variation, including the vessel’s size, the distance to the repair facility and the mode of transportation, such as towing or self-propulsion.

For towing, smaller vessels incur costs ranging from $10,000 to $50,000, while larger vessels may cost up to $100,000 or more. Self-propelled vessels face fuel costs ranging from $20,000 to $100,000 or more, depending on the distance and fuel prices.

Docking fees also vary based on the vessel’s size, the duration of the stay and the specific services required. Small to medium-sized vessels pay daily docking fees between $1,000 and $5,000, while for a typical repair period of 10-30 days, total docking fees can range from $10,000 to $150,000.

Large vessels incur daily docking fees between $5,000 and $20,000, and for a similar repair period, total docking fees can range from $50,000 to $600,000.

These figures amount to an average of $595,000 per vessel, which does not include other additional costs including crew wages, insurance and port fees.

Nigeria’s non-functional ship repair yards and dockyards are due to a combination of financial constraints – lack of investment, outdated equipment and broader economic challenges.

The Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) Dockyard located in Apapa, Lagos, has been inactive for many years due to lack of maintenance and funding. The same applies to the Federal Ship Repair Yard in Port Harcourt which has been neglected over a decade due to mismanagement.

Others are the Calabar Ship Repair Yard, which has been abandoned and is currently in a state of disrepair, Warri Ship Repair Yard, Rivers State Ship Repair Yard, Koko Ship Repair Yard and Burutu Ship Repair Yard among others.

The former Director General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Dr Bashir Jamoh, last year stated that Nigeria lost over 110,000 vessels yearly to Togo, Ghana and the Republic of Benin for dry docking and repairs.

Nigeria also failed to secure N350 billion this year due to the idle N50 billion modular floating dock acquired in June 2018 by NIMASA. The facility is yet to commence operation.

Oniye, who is also a dean at City University, Cambodia, said despite the notable shipyards including Nigerdock FZE and the Naval Dockyard Limited, the country’s shipyards face challenges such as outdated infrastructure, limited capacity and insufficient investment, which hinder their ability to meet the demands of modern maritime operations.

He said the financial implication of Nigeria’s inability to fully meet the dry docking and repair needs of ship owners is significant as ship owners incur additional costs for transporting vessels to other countries for repairs as well as higher fees in foreign shipyards compared to local facilities.

Oniye also noted the extended repair time, stressing longer repair times due to travel and scheduling delays that can lead to increased operational downtime, noting that ships out of service for extended periods result in lost revenue for ship owners.   On the economic impact, Oniye said Nigeria misses out on potential revenue from docking fees, repair services and associated economic activities, adding that the limited functionality of local shipyards affects job creation and skill development in the maritime sector.

He said enhancing the functionality of Nigerian shipyards and ship repair yards is crucial for the country’s maritime industry.

Onyie said investment in modern infrastructure, capacity building and adherence to international standards can help Nigeria become a preferred destination for ship repairs, reducing financial burdens on ship owners and boosting the local economy.

NIMASA had last year released a list of 15 private accredited ship/boat building, repairs and maintenance yards in the country with the construction and designs of vessels to be flagged or registered under the Nigerian Flag Administration to be restricted to these facilities.

Also, all dry-dock maintenance by Nigerian and foreign-flagged vessels is required to be conducted at the accredited yards, with a warning that failure to comply would attract appropriate sanctions.

The accredited marine vessels building, repairs and maintenance yards include, Naval Dockyard Limited, Niger dock FZE and IGA Shipbuilding and Repair Yard in Lagos State as well as MG Vowgas Limited, Elschon Nigeria Limited, Starzs Marine and Engineering Limited and West Atlantic Shipyard in Rivers State.

Others located in Delta State are Python Engineering Company Limited, Gredor Nigeria Limited, Tuwasco Marine Services Limited, Warri Boat Yard, Niger- Benue Transport Company, Big Fingers Oil Services Limited, West High Logistics Resources Limited and Yade Barge Operator Limited.

Despite the many facilities, vessels are taken outside for repairs, maintenance and drydocking, costing the country huge foreign exchange losses.

The Founding President of the Nigerian Ship Owners Association (NISA), Isaac Jolapamo, explained that ship repairs and maintenance in these foreign countries incur high additional costs, including voyage expenses, fuel consumption, and international service rates, all priced in U.S. dollars, making it even more expensive given the current exchange rate challenges.

Jolapamo lamented that while Nigeria’s major shipyard, Niger Dock, is no longer operational due to mismanagement and lack of patronage, small shipyards in Ghana have remained functional for over seven decades.

Jolapamo also condemned the mismanagement of funds intended to support ship maintenance and industry development.

He criticised the failure of NIMASA’s modular floating dock project, calling it a misallocation of resources that has hindered local ship development.

He pointed to the NIMASA’s floating dockyard project as a failed initiative that diverted crucial resources, saying. “Instead of using funds to refurbish local ships, allowing them to compete with foreign vessels, the money was wasted on an ill-conceived floating dock project.”

“If Nigeria wants to revive its maritime sector, there must be a concerted effort to invest in local shipyards, provide financial support for shipowners, and enforce policies that genuinely encourage local participation,” Jolapamo urged.

A former member of the Presidential and Ministerial Committee on Fiscal Policy Measures, Lucky Amiwero, said the country’s shipyard industry is crumbling under poor infrastructure, political negligence and lack of implementation of existing maritime laws, such as the Cabotage Act.

Amiwero criticised the deteriorating state of the nation’s shipyards, the inability to repair vessels locally and the devastating economic losses the country suffers due to this oversight.

Amiwero pointed out that vessels are left to decay on Nigerian waters, while shipowners are forced to take their ships to other African countries for repairs.

He said Nigeria is losing significant foreign exchange because of a lack of functional shipyards, noting that small nations like Ghana and Togo have advanced beyond Nigeria in maritime infrastructure, while Nigeria, despite its potential, remains stagnant.

Amiwero emphasised the importance of the Cabotage Act, which was designed to boost the country’s shipbuilding, repairs and maintenance capacity as well as encourage local operators.

The decline of Nigeria’s shipyards is also hurting employment, as Amiwero lamented that students who study maritime-related subjects in institutions locally and abroad are left jobless upon returning, as the infrastructure to support their skills does not exist in Nigeria.

He urged the government to refocus on infrastructure development that can create jobs and boost the economy, pointing out that the shipyard industry is a critical part of maritime infrastructure, which, if developed, could provide employment and generate wealth domestically.

“We must develop our shipyards, implement the Cabotage regime and create a sustainable maritime industry that benefits our economy and future generations,” he stated.

The Vice Chairman of the Business Action Against Corruption (BAAC) Integrity Alliance, Jonathan Nicol, highlighted the ongoing struggles of Nigeria’s ship repair industry, noting that owners are increasingly spending a fortune in neighbouring repairs due to the inefficiency of local dry docking facilities.

Nicol, who is a former president of the Shippers Association of Lagos (SALS), explained that Nigeria once had functional ship repair yards, including facilities run by the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and the well-known Niger Dock, which have either become too expensive or have fallen into disuse.

He said the NPA’s dockyard, which used to service smaller vessels at competitive rates, has long ceased operations, while the once thriving Niger Dock shipyard, has also struggled due to its high costs, leading ship owners to seek alternatives abroad.

One of the biggest issues, Nicol pointed out, is the inefficiency of the ship repair process in Nigeria.

He said shipowners often face extended repair times, with some dry docking procedures taking up to six months, noting that this is in stark contrast to neighbouring countries like Ghana, where repairs can be completed in a matter of weeks at much lower costs.

Nicol also emphasised the importance of certification and international recognition in the ship repair industry, pointing out that Nigeria lacks the facilities and certifications, such as Lloyd’s shipping certification, that are available in other countries.

[Guardian]

Benue State government and the Centre for Judicial Integrity (CJI) have taken to the trenches over the alleged bribery of the National Judicial Commission (NJC) to influence its proceedings on the removal of the state’s chief judge.

The CJI fired the first shot yesterday when it charged the  Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC)  to probe the alleged allocation of N500 million by the state government to bribe the NJC.

CJI also attributed the strike embarked by the state judiciary since December 2024 to the government’s failure to implement the new N75,000 minimum wage for judiciary workers.

CJI convener, Solomon Adodo, who addressed journalists in Abuja yesterday claimed that some state appointees  allocated over N500 million to influence the proceedings of the NJC on the removal of the chief judge of Benue State, Justice Maurice Ikpambese.

But in a swift reaction the chief press secretary to the governor Tersoo Kula described the allegations as nothing other than a forlorn attempt by disgruntled political elements in Abuja to sabotage the integrity of his principal  who has persistently sided with the principles of justice and good governance.

He said, “We strongly refute the groundless claims generated by the Centre for Judicial Integrity (CJI) about Governor Hyacinth Alia’s alleged involvement in buying off members of the judiciary.

“If the CJI and their allies have any evidence to bolster their outrageous claims, we challenge them to produce it publicly or face the consequences of their thoughtless denunciations.

“’Disseminating such concoctions without substantiation merely affirms the true nature of those individuals who are enthusiastic to pollute the reputation of respected institutions for personal benefit. Governor Alia has consistently held the judiciary in tremendous regard and would never negotiate its integrity for any reason,” the CPS said.

CJI had claimed that substantial sum of the money was channelled through three Benue State officials who have been making frantic trips to Abuja in an apparent attempt to compromise NJC processes by engaging with key officials within the judiciary.

Adodo argued that the actions of the government functionaries reflect a dangerous level of ignorance about the fundamental workings of governance, wherein institutions like the judiciary must be shielded from political interference.

He said CJI was privy to information that some members of the NJC refused to accept any money from the government functionaries, adding that their principled stance against corruption reinforces the integrity of the NJC and strengthens public trust in the judicial system.

CJI argued that rather than engage in constructive dialogue and governance, Governor Hyacinth Alia- led administration had allowed the state’s judicial system to remain paralysed.

The centre noted that the inability to grasp the critical role of an independent judiciary in a democracy further proved the administration’s lack of experience in governance and public service.

CJI therefore  urged the  anti-corruption agencies and relevant authorities to conduct a thorough and transparent investigation into the alleged misappropriation of N500 million aimed at influencing NJC proceedings.

It called on the NJC to remain steadfast in its duty to protect the judiciary from external pressures and to ensure that any proceedings concerning judicial officers are conducted impartially and in strict adherence to constitutional provisions.

The CPS further said the call for a “state of emergency” in Benue State is not purely vexatious but also a flagrant display of political opportunism. It is evident that these irritated political operatives are sponsored by unscrupulous factions desperate and eager to capitalize on any situation for their advantage. Their motives are clear: to undermine a state that is presently going through effective governance and progress under Governor Alia’s leadership. There is no unrest in Benue State. Gov. Hyacinth Alia is fully in charge and control of the state.

“We warn these wholesalers of crisis to steer clear of Benue State. The people of Benue are not persuaded by unjustifiable allegations or political maneuvers. Instead, they are witnessing transformational governance that prioritizes their welfare and well-being. Governor Alia is fixated on shaping the narrative around governance in the state, demystifying the process, and ensuring that the government works for the people.

“The inhabitants of Benue are happy and supportive of their governor, praying daily for his prosperity and the advanced progress of the state. Governor Alia has no wealth to corrupt anyone, specifically not an esteemed institution like the judiciary. His responsibility is  transparency, accountability, and the rule of law”

“Finally, we appeal to all forces involved in this smear campaign to reflect on their activities and examine the damage they wreak on the democratic process. The people of Benue deserve better than the disruptive ploys and fabricated allegations that threaten their progress,” the CPS said.

[Leadership]

Being a politician in itself is a major nightmare. But perhaps one of the major occupational hazards of a politician is taking hard decisions on behalf of the people even when he is misunderstood by the very society he serves. This is why politics is not for the faint-hearted but for risk takers who promise miracles without knowing how the miracle will come about.  This is why governance which includes defending fortune-seekers who do not know what is in their best interest can be very challenging.

What is not always apparent to the governed however is that government is not an independent arbiter but a tool in the hands of those who with their control of a disproportionate share of the national resources, are out to preside over an empire of slaves?  It is ironic that it is this same people that often mobilise those bent on pulling down government.

I sympathise with President Tinubu who before last week anti-government conspiracy he survived had been going through stress and strain over his government’s harsh economic policies. Last week’s mass mobilisation of critical segment of Nigerians including those whose battle he was fighting against by his many political foes must have been very distressing.

For taking a bold decision to confront those who have for two years held people of Rivers hostage, his government was painted  a Leviathan, a huge fearful sea monster that must be brought down.  And leading the war with a battle cry of “the democracy we fought for” are fake democrats without democratic ethos.  We have PDP sore losers like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi who, two years after losing an election won round and square by their opponents, are yet to congratulate the victor.

Others include Pat Utomi who has professed that the president’s interference to end the siege on Rivers by those benefiting from their misery sounded the death knell of democracy in Nigeria. There is Rotimi Amaechi, Nasir El-Rufai, former APC insiders who have decided to start urinating inside from outside. We have the Nigerian Bar Association that one had thought would be more introspective but has chosen to declare the president a ‘totalitarian’ based on its jaundiced judgment.

And finally anchoring the activities of the president’s political foes was Fubara’s media meddlers who swear in the name of patriotism which as has been shown can be “the last refuge of the scoundrels”. (Samuel Johnson 1775).

Even with his celebrated versatility and political brinkmanship, President Tinubu must have felt lonely last week with all round denunciation and condemnation of his bold move to stop the drift in Rivers. Not even from Rivers came any form of relief as a segment of the elders, first identified by Saro Wiwa, an Ogoni hero as ‘vultures’ who feed on the blood of their people, Rivers women for Fubara, restive jobless Rivers youths forgotten as successive governors became obsessed with infrastructural development since 1999, threatening Ijaw youths, meddling politicians from outside Rivers, all taking up arms against the government and insisting Rivers has been short-changed by the president’s action. Of course, except for the president who is always one step ahead of his political opponents, no one knew what was going to happen in view of tension that took over the country until relief came from the National Assembly after two days that was like an eternity.

And how did it start?

For close to two years, Fubara the democratically elected governor of Rivers was at war with his state lawmakers said to be loyal to his godfather Nyesom Wike, the FCT minister. Unable to understand that compromise is the highest badge of honour in a democracy where the ruler rules while others dictate the tune, he reneged on the truce he reached with his other arm of his government in a meeting presided over by the president. He opted to rule with an assembly of three people. And of the other 27 elected lawmakers, he had said:

 “They are not existing; these are people eating in my house, I helped to pay their children school fees when I was not even a governor, I accepted the accord to give them a floating, their existence is me allowing them to exist”.

The February 28, Supreme Court judgment indicted the governor for demolishing the state House of Assembly to prevent his impeachment, for disobeying Abuja High Court judgment, Abuja appeal court judgment that declared presentation of budget to three people unconstitutional and mandated him to present the budget to the 27 member House of Assembly recognized by the Supreme Court after being made redundant for close to two years. While the governor embarked on what most people saw as his game of ostrich playing, the House slammed him with notice of impeachment.

The president after lamenting that he “made personal interventions between the contending parties for a peaceful resolution of the crisis, but my efforts have been largely ignored by the parties to the crisis, the president echoing aspects of the Supreme Court’s decisions, accusing the governor of frantically working to collapse the state’s legislature said,

“In the circumstance, having soberly reflected on and evaluated the political situation in Rivers State and the governor and deputy governor of Rivers State having failed to make a request to me as President to issue this proclamation as required by section 305(5) of the 1999 Constitution as amended, it has become inevitably compelling for me to invoke the provision of section 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended, to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State with effect from today, 18th March, 2025 and I so do.”

Then the war mongers went to town. PDP that watched the Rivers crisis drift for two years claimed the president action was “an attempt to suspend the 1999 Constitution and overturn a democratic government”. Pat Utomi, a chieftain of Labour Party said “the act signals the end of democracy in Nigeria; Rotimi Amaechi alleged it “points to a brazen attempt at power grab in the state by force”. The respected human rights lawyer Clement Nwankwo blamed the National Assembly.

Joining the hordes of partisans was the chairman of Nigerian Bar Association who should know better but was more reckless. He claimed the situation in Rivers “has not called for state of emergency”. Since he is not the president or member of the National Assembly, he was not in the position to make such assertion.

But without restraint, the NBA chairman declared “At this inauspicious moment in our nation’s trajectory, all people of goodwill and conscience should rise to oppose this audacious violation of our constitution and rape of our democracy.

“Mr. President must be made to know and understand in unmistakable terms that this illegality cannot stand”. He concluded by “asking politicians across Nigeria to speak up and rise against the country’s descent into totalitarianism.”

Section 305 of the Constitution which vests the president with the power to declare a state of emergency, also gives him power of discretion. He could adopt any strategy he deems fit to bring sanity to a troubled area. The NBA chairman deliberately ignored that fact.

In any case, if the NBA chairman believes the president has committed an infraction, the best place to go is the court where we have competent and discerning judges who can make a distinction between the letter of the law and the spirit of the law; i.e. the underlying aim purpose and intended ethical considerations behind legal statutes as opposed to its literal wordings”.

Then there are the Fubara media meddlers. They hailed him the morning after masterminding the bombing of Rivers state House of Assembly as he matched with thugs on the street of Port Harcourt.

They lionized him and encouraged him to abandon a truce he reached with the warring members of his state assembly supervised by the president.

When the Abuja High Court and Abuja Appeal court ruled it was an aberration to present the state budget before three people, they asked tongue in cheek, ‘why should his opponents approach the Abuja Court?’

And when on February 28, the Supreme Court ruled there has been no government in Rivers since he removed one leg of a tripod that sustains democratic government, the Supreme Court was disparaged.

When the president finally declared state of emergency, Fubara media meddlers who angrily said anyone who disagrees with their views must be ‘stupid’ said the president committed impeachable offence and must be impeached. They tried to blackmail the National Assembly not to endorse the president’s action while they arrogantly advised the administrator nominee to reject the president’s appointment.

Senator Magnus Abe, a stakeholder in Rivers who appeared on their platform and pleaded they tone down the rhetoric and lower the temperature in the interest of Rivers State people who just want to reconcile their difference and live in peace was bullied.

Fubara’s media meddlers want to continue the war. They claim they are more patriotic than Nigeria’s elected president, the National Assembly and the Supreme Court, all of which they freely bullied in the last two years.

What the Leviathan Nigeria should worry about is not Tinubu’s government but Fubara’s media meddlers.

The depreciation of the local currency against the dollar continued yesterday as the naira exchanged for 1,540.57 at the official market, checks by Daily Trust indicated.

This is coming against the backdrop of the increasing demand for dollars, which has seen the naira losing value against the foreign currencies.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had sustained its intervention in the foreign exchange market with a view to keep the local currency stable at the current N1,500 range.

The local currency fell at the official window due to what sources called insufficient dollar supply to meet the increasing demand.

Our correspondent reports that the exchange rate depreciated by N18.95 last week, closing the week at N1,536.89 at the official market.

However, the market opened the week yesterday with the dollar exchanging for N1,540.57 fuelled largely by rising demand pressure in the market.

The CBN sold $92.10 million as the week ran down, bringing the total FX sales to $230.90 million amidst external reserves fluctuation.

At the unconventional black market in Lagos, the dollar was bought at N1,560 yesterday and sold for N1,570.

Daily Trust reports that the unification of the exchange rate market had closed the gap between the official and parallel markets.

But experts warned that the rising demand coupled with low dollar supply in the market poses risk to the stability of the naira.

For instance, the recent decision by Dangote Refinery to stop sale of products in naira may fuel the demand with potential to increase the rate.

Already, importation of the petroleum products has become the order of the day with marketers now scrambling for the little amount of dollars in the market to meet their obligations.

An economist, Dr. Marcel Okeke in a chat with our correspondent said the recent announcement by Dangote Refinery is an ill-wind for the foreign exchange market.

He said by the time the marketers begin to scramble for foreign exchange to buy petroleum products from the refinery or from outside the country, the forex demand would increase thereby leading to an increase in the exchange rates.

[DailyTrust]