Ian Wright, an Arsenal legend, has slammed Darwin Nunez for his costly mistake in Liverpool’s 4-3 FA Cup quarter-final loss to Manchester United on Sunday.

Nunez’s loss of the ball in the midfield allowed Marcus Rashford to score the equalizer in the second half of extra time.

Liverpool previously scored three goals to lead the game twice before United made a comeback.

Wright criticized Nunez in an interview with ITV, stating that he should have played the ball to the left-back instead of returning it to the dangerous area.

The mistake proved costly for Liverpool, causing them to lose the match.

“You have to look at Darwin Nunez there. What are you doing there? The thing is, he’s got the capability to play it to the left-back,” Wright said.

“You don’t put it back into that area. You just don’t do that.”

Terrorists on Sunday night kidnapped 87 people after launching a fresh attack on the Kajuru-Station community in Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State.

A member of the Kajuru-Station Youths, Harisu Dari, confirmed the incident to our correspondent on Monday in Kaduna.

Harisu said the terrorists also broke into some shops and stole food items and other valuables.

He said they invaded the village around 10 pm.

The attack came barely two days after 15 women and a man were abducted in the Dogon-Noma community of the same local government.

Kajuru and Chikun LGs had in the past two weeks become the hotbed of kidnapping, causing tension in the state.

Harisu explained that no contact has been established yet with the 87 locals abducted on Sunday night.

“As of the time I visited the community this morning, security operatives have not been drafted to help restore the confidence of the villagers.

“The villagers are traumatic with the sad development. The government needs to re-strategise in tackling these terrorists,” he said.

PUNCH Online reports that the terrorists had in two weeks kidnapped over 172 villagers.

When contacted, the state Police Public Relations Officer, ASP Mansir Hassan, did not respond to calls or a text message sent to him by our correspondent as of the time of filing this report.

[Punch]

JONATHAN  Ihonde. I never came across a leader so dominant, but invisible. So influential, but unknown. Silent waters, running deep, he was like a wall gecko in the Nigerian house, observing everything, but remaining virtually unnoticed.

Traversing the country’s political terrain since the 1960s, a major labour leader for over five decades, accepted leader of the Left forces and one of the most creative minds who ran a drama series from 1962. Yet, if a vox pop were to be held, most Nigerians would ask: Jonathan who?

Many Nigerians know Raymond Dokpesi as the founder of African Independent Television, AIT, and Ray Power, but only a handful would know that he started out as an actor under the tutelage of Ihonde, or that famous actors, like Sam Loco Efe, passed through his hands.

In trying to trace Ihonde through the flow of life, I first located him in an incident in 1961. He was suspended without pay as an accounts clerk on the fourth floor of the Western Nigeria Development Corporation, WNDC, when a communist book, Lenin in Britain was found on his desk by the Chief External Accounting Auditor, a Whiteman.

The following year, Ihonde at 23, created a satirical drama series, “Hotel De Jordan”. This came to define him. He said of the series which became one of the most popular and longest-running television drama series in the country: “The theme of ‘Hotel De Jordan’ is class antagonism; the perpetual struggle between the rich and the poor, especially in a bourgeois society … Many characters are created in the programme; revolutionary characters and reactionary characters.”

Patrick Obayagbon, a logophile who loves high-sounding words and language, must have been a student of Professor Milo Moro, one of Ihonde’s fictional characters.

Hotel De Jordan was staged across theatres in Ibadan and Benin, and the studios of NTA “highlighting the ills and foibles of the society, and with a view to solving them”. It was one of the precursors of Nollywood.

In 1963, he joined left elements in the country to establish the Society for Progress, SOFOPRO. It was led by high school teacher, Olu Adebayo, who, one day, disappeared and was never seen again. Ihonde said this group directly or and indirectly, influenced the Socialist Movement in the country.

In 1968, Ihonde was thrown into the Oko Prison by Colonel Samuel Ogbemudia, the Military Governor of then Mid-West, later renamed Bendel State. They were friends, but Ihonde who was the leader of the over 17,000 workers of the Urhonigbe Rubber Estate, Ughelli Glass Factory and Ewohimi Oil Palm Plantation, opposed the privatisation of viable and profitable public companies.

Reminiscing on this, he said: “Foreigners came from abroad to buy from these companies in hard currency. With these benefits, somebody just rose up and said he was going to sell these companies to private individuals. I then told my friend that was not possible. I resisted it.”

Ihonde had written an anti-Apartheid play: “Our blindness”. So when he was detained for organising the workers strike, Apartheid South Africa mocked Nigeria as being a worse country for detaining Ihonde whose crime was fighting for social justice.

After a long stay in prison, he was released but was further punished by being demoted from Grade Level 12 to Grade Level 4: “They -the military regime – insisted that they were going to make me an example for fighting against the government.”

When 20 years later, the Babangida regime’s privatisation policy became like full blown AIDS, the post-Chiroma Trade Union Movement embraced it. Perhaps, if the labour leaders had fought privatisation like Ihonde did, the country would have been in a far healthier state.

When the four trade union centres: the United Labour Congress, ULC; the Nigeria Trade Union Congress, NTUC; the Nigeria Workers Council, NWC; and the Labour Unity Front, LUF, merged in December 1975 to established the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, Ihonde emerged one of its leaders.

However, the military regime under General Murtala Mohammed dissolved that NLC. After a new NLC was born in 1978, Ihonde became the Chairman of its Bendel State Council, comprising Edo and Delta states.

He became the ideological arrowhead of the NLC. When then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher visited Nigeria in 1978, Ihonde came to Lagos from Benin to lead the massive demonstrations against her for supporting the Apartheid regime in South Africa. I recall that loads of armed security men were deployed at Ojuelegba to block the buses of the protesters and stop them from getting to the airport. Rather than put up resistance, Ihonde ordered the demonstrators to disembark and walk the two-three hours distance to the airport. Having lost control, the security services caught up with Ihonde on Ikorodu Road and begged him to order the demonstrators back into the buses. He simply ignored them and led the protesters to the airport. There, the Union Jack was burnt as Thatcher’s bewildered convoy was forced to sneak its way through the angry crowds.

The 1988 NLC conference was endangered by the Babangida regime that had hired fifth columnists to cause mayhem and forcibly break up the Congress. The NLC wisely turned to Ihonde in Benin, to host the conference. He did so successfully, although an angry Babangida later issued a decree to ban the Congress.

It is a measure of Ihonde’s political stature that when Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola sought the support of Edo State people to actualise his presidential mandate, it was to Ihonde he was directed.

Indeed, there was hardly any progressive tendency that emerged in Edo State in the last four decades, without Ihonde’s imprint. There was ecstasy in 2008 when former NLC President, Adams Oshiomhole, was elected Edo State Governor. In the euphoria, Ihonde studied Oshiomhole’s moves and told comrades that they were free to join the administration, but he would not because Oshiomhole merely signalled left but is taking a right turn.

On January 22 and 23, 2024, when a group of us organised the Lenin Centenary Conference in Abuja, Ihonde sent a paper and participated virtually. On March 8, 2024, I got a message that he was hospitalised. I spoke with him. He was recovering fast and we agreed to speak on his discharge. He was billed for discharge on Wednesday, March 13. However, the night before, he developed complications and at 9.50 am, Comrade Jonathan Ihonde marched on to assume other commands.

As the guns boomed at 7 am on March 14, in Oke-Ora to announce his interment, it was a red salute from us his political children.

–As subsidy spending hits N17.7bn daily
–Marketers put landing cost above N1,000/litre
–Say independents no longer get products

There are indications that the Federal Government through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) is now spending N17.72 billion daily to fund subsidy on petrol.

Data clothed in secrecy
Vanguard’s efforts to get Finance Ministry’s official data on petrol import prices were rebuffed while the regular FAAC breakdown of remittances by NNPC has been removed from public communications contrary to the practice a year ago.
Also NNPC declined to release its information on petroleum imports saying that it is now running as a private company, and therefore not obligated to making its trading information public.

Contrary to the position of the FG, petroleum marketers have insisted that the current landing price is above N1,000 per litre, meaning the government was paying the difference.
According to them, the major cost determinant is the exchange rate which had seen the Naira depreciate by almost 200 per cent since the May 29, 2023 declaration.
NNPC Limited remains sole importer of the product as scarcity of foreign exchange killed the euphoria that greeted the passage of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021 that provided for deregulation of the downstream sector of the petroleum industry.
The Act was expected to usher in an era of free market in the downstream sector, where marketers will be able to import and sell at competitive prices.

Marketers’ views
Speaking to Vanguard, the immediate past public relations officer of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, IPMAN, Chief Chinedu Ukadike, said the rise in petrol price is largely driven by the low value of the Naira to the Dollar.
Ukadike pointed out that while crude oil price has remained largely stable in the past one year, the Naira has continued to tumble against the dollar following the decision of President Tinubu to float the currency.

He explained that it is impossible for anyone to claim that the price of petrol has not changed significantly from when the exchange rate was N750/dollar when the subsidy was removed last year to now when the rate has moved to N1,600/dollar.
He explained: “Because NNPC is the sole importer of PMS in this country, it is very difficult for anyone to say for sure the actual cost of importing PMS into the country. Simple mathematics will tell you that the price cannot be the same when a dollar was exchanged for N750 and now that it is N1,600 to a dollar. What this means is that the price is above N1,000 per litre.

“So, the foreign exchange determines the price at the local market and if forex rate has increased, invariably, the landing price of petroleum products has also increased by same magnitude. I don’t know the magic through which they continue to sustain the price of PMS at the same level.”
He disclosed that while NNPC’s portal currently displays that ex-depot price was N566.7 per litre, independent marketers are not able to load at NNPC depots and have had to depend on private depots supplied by NNPC at the cost of N630 per litre.

Also speaking to Vanguard, a major marketer blamed foreign exchange rate for the huge gap existing between the actual market cost of petrol and the pump prices.
The marketer who didn’t wish to be named said government is certainly subsidising petrol at the current rate.
According to the marketer, “The landing cost is determined by the rate of the dollar to Naira. If you have US Dollar at N800, the price will be different if you’re buying at N1,600 for instance. So, it depends on the context. The government has told NNPC: don’t move the price.

“But for the rest of us, if you buy a vessel and you bring that vessel from the mother vessel to the port, it will cost you between $400,000 to $600,000 depending on where you are taking it to. If you are coming to Lagos it will cost about $400,000 but if you’re going to the east, it will cost $600,000. So, it cost about $30 per ton. So, if you are calculating this at N1,600/$ the amount is significantly different. And that informs the difference in pump price at NNPC outlets and the rest of us.
“You must also know that when your vessel gets to the port, NIMASA and NPA charge you in dollars. Everything amounts to $10 per ton. That dollar you cannot see in the banks. It is either you buy from the parallel market or you don’t operate.

“So, if NNPC has continued to sell at the old price, it means that the government has intervened. Which I will not call subsidies”, he explained.
Backing the positions of the marketers, oil and gas governance expert, Mr. Henry Adigun said government is paying over N400 per litre as subsidy.

Adigun explained that the easiest way to know the actual price of petrol “is to look at the price of diesel as both products were of the same value”.
He expressed dissatisfaction over non-release of data by NNPC Limited, adding the company remains publicly-owned and funded by the Nigerian people.
He pointed out that NNPC has become more opaque than it was a few years ago, adding that NNPC is likely paying for the subsidies with proceeds of crude oil sales as it did during the President Muhammadu Buhari’s government.

Analysts’ comments
Views across financial experts contradict FG’s position on existence of subsidy payment.
According to them, it is obvious that not only has subsidy regime returned, perhaps the amount spent on fuel subsidy is now far more than ever before.

They also believe that government may have decided to carry the subsidy burden for fear of a likely political and social backlash of transmitting the full cost of imported petrol onto the consumers.
But they also expressed worry over what they see as clear violation of the 2024 Appropriation Act which did not provide for subsidy funding.

Why FG was forced back to subsidy– Expert
Speaking to Vanguard on the subsidy controversy, Tunde Abidoye, Head, Equity Research, FBN Securities Limited, stated: “It is quite clear that petrol subsidies have been back for some time, considering: a) that the product is imported; b) there is a substantial import component in the product’s price and; c) the naira exchange rate has been devalued at least twice, first to around N760, and N1,500per USD.

“Industry experts will tell you that the landing cost of the product is already above the current pump price. Also, we can easily determine the real cost reflective price of petrol by bench-marking its price with those of other deregulated fuels like diesel and kerosene.

“According to the last NBS report, the average price of household kerosene was N1,329.5 as at January 2024. Diesel prices averaged N1,153 due in the same period. The real market price of petrol cannot be substantially lower than prices observed for these two other petroleum products. Consequently, it is clear that PMS prices are being subsidized.”

NNPC owes Nigerians transparency — Highcap Securities boss
Reacting, David Adonri, Executive Vice Chairman at Highcap Securities Limited, said: “There might be a merit in the claim by NNPCL that being a private company although a publicly sponsored enterprise, it is not under any obligation to publicly disclose its corporate information.
“However, it remains an entity with very substantial public interest which demands a high level of transparency. It ought to feed the public with necessary information if it does not have anything to hide.

“From the perspective of arithmetic, depreciation of the Naira and continued importation of petroleum products by NNPCL points in the direction of subsidy at current pump price. It is only when petroleum products are produced locally and sold at open market prices by private refiners that subsidy may no longer arise.”

Publish financial statement to bring everything clearer — Kurfi
In his comment, Mallam Garba Kurfi, Chief Executive Offer at ATP Securities & Funds Limited, said: “We are not having any doubt about subsidy existence in petroleum sector. What is the price of diesel now? There is no doubt about fuel subsidy especially when you compared it with the price of diesel which is about N1,300’per litre. As a public company, their financial statement will bring everything clearer when published.”

Subsidy has crept back into the price of petrol — Olayinka
Reacting as well, Tajudeen Olayinka , Analyst/ CEO, Wyoming Capital and Partners, said: “I believe every discerning individual should know that subsidy is back. So far exchange rate is no longer at the level we had it the last time further adjustment was made to petrol prices, it follows therefore that subsidy has crept back into the current price of petrol across the country. I believe government deliberately put further removal of subsidy on pause, to enable the administration address all the socio-economic costs associated with subsidy removal and economic reforms.”

Withholding information undermines public confidence — Egbomeade
In his response, Clifford Egbomeade, Communications experts /economy commentator, said: “Transparency is essential in ensuring public trust and accountability, particularly in a sector as vital as oil and gas. Withholding information on subsidies and fuel distribution costs can undermine public confidence and raise questions about the motives behind such actions.”

Regarding the existence of subsidies on petrol, he said: “The lack of transparency from NNPC makes it challenging to ascertain the current situation definitively. However, given Nigeria’s history of subsidizing fuel prices to stabilise domestic markets and support consumers, it is plausible that some form of subsidy still exists, albeit potentially obscured by the lack of disclosure.”

[Vanguard]

On February 27, 2024, Nigeria’s National Judicial Institute (NJI) in Abuja opened a continuing education course for judges. The opening featured an address by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Olukayode Ariwoola, who invited the participants to eschew “unethical conduct that could expose the judiciary to ridicule”. Beneath his text, it seemed as if the Chief Justice desired to warn the participants to stay away from interfering with a brief that he had chosen to make entirely his own. Under his watch, judicial appointments in Nigeria have become corruptly farcical.

The fortnight before this address, it emerged that the CJN’s daughter-in-law, Oluwakemi, was at the top of a list of 12 nominees to fill judicial vacancies in the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). In the preceding six months, he had also appointed his son, Kayode Jr., as a judge of the Federal High Court; elevated his nephew, Lateef, to become a Justice of the Court of Appeal; and made his blood brother, Adebayo, the auditor of the National Judicial Council (NJC), which he chairs in his capacity as the CJN. With this CJN’s retirement from office due on August 22, 2024, the concerted effort to anoint his daughter-in-law to the bench would presumably showcase his credentials for gender equity within his family. Let’s not digress though.

That these appointments occurred when they did is no coincidence. They are spoils of office for the CJN. Nor is it any coincidence that the same list that proposes the CJN’s daughter-in-law for appointment as a judge of the High Court of the FCT also contains the names of the daughters of the Chief Judge of the FCT, Hussaini Baba-Yusuf; and of Ariwoola’s predecessor in the office of the CJN, Ibrahim Muhammad Tanko.

As a federal institution, however, section 14(3) of Nigeria’s constitution requires that appointments to the High Court of the FCT “shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few State or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies.” If these nominations in favour of the children of the Chief Judge of the FCT and the CJN were to be implemented, then their respective states, Kogi and Oyo, would have three judges on the bench of the court while a state like Ebonyi would have none. 

It requires no original insight to understand that this kind of outcome is hardly compatible with the requirements of Federal Character. Sadly, the senior judges who are supposed to protect this high constitutional value are the people willfully endangering it. 

Last month, Azubuike Oko, a lawyer from Ebonyi State, sued accusing the CJN and the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court of unconscionable insider dealing in judicial appointments. In response to the suit, the CJN and his satrap in the FCT High Court did not bother to confront the serious allegations levelled against them. Instead, they sought to disqualify Mr. Oko from litigating the issue by arguing that he lacked the standing to sue, claiming, contrary to a long line of relevant jurisprudence, that he had not suffered any personal injury. 

On 15 March, the Federal High Court in Abuja presided over by Inyang Ekwo, upheld these shameful objections by the CJN and the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court. According to the judge, to establish standing to question this high racketeering in judicial office by the two officials responsible for stopping it, Mr Oko needed to show “how the appointment being considered by the defendants has affected him as a person…. This, he would have done, by showing that he applied to be considered by the defendants for appointment but he was ‘routinely excluded and marginalized.” How he was supposed to do this in a situation in which the CJN and the heads of courts who work under him will not allow a fair and credible process of judicial recruitment, only the judge can tell.

This is the latest in a line of cases in which senior judges use their offices to steal judicial appointments for their children or mistresses and then use lower court judges to make it legal. In 2020, the Justice Reform Project (JRP), an entity comprising several Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), sued to restrain former President, Muhammadu Buhari, from going forward with the appointment of 21 persons to the bench of the High Court of the FCT who, according to the JRP, “failed to meet the mandatory requirements under the NJC Procedural Rules.” That round of hires, like the latest, was a bounty for judicial insiders. On September 30, 2020, Okon Abang, then a judge of the Federal High Court, ruled that the “JRP lacked the legal right to challenge the NJC’s actions and that the National Industrial Court and not the Federal High Court was the proper court to approach as it was an employment-related case”. 

The appeal by the JRP against this judgment has been pending since November 24, 2020. Meanwhile, for his efforts, Okon Abang got elevated to the Court of Appeal in October 2023 along with the nephew of the Chief Justice. 

The JRP are not the only SANs openly scandalised by what the CJN and his colleagues are doing with judicial appointments. In January 2024, seven SANS from Kogi State sued the State Chief Judge, Josiah Majebi, and the Kogi State Judicial Service Commission, alleging egregious perversions in the nominations into high court vacancies in the state, including the nomination of a wife of the then outgoing governor of the state, Amina, whose only claim to the nomination appeared to be her marital relationship with the then incumbent in the office of the Governor. The SANs effectively claimed that the effort by the Chief Judge of Kogi state and the Judicial Service which he chairs, to nominate Amina Bello as a judge of the Kogi High Court was meant as a parting gift to the state governor, who was term-limited, making it clear that this was not a lawful or relevant factor in the exercise of powers of judicial appointment.

While this case is pending, the NJC has suspended the process of appointment of new judges in Kogi State. In neighbouring Edo State, however, the appointment of new judges is suspended by the ego of Governor Godwin Obaseki. In June 2023, the NJC approved the appointment of eight new judges to the High Court of Edo state. Over eight months later, the governor has refused to consent to their appointment or to swear them in. Adaze Emwanta, a former commissioner in Governor Obaseki’s cabinet, sued late last year seeking to compel the governor to formalise these appointments. 

A manifestly unwilling Governor Obaseki has chosen instead to use the case as his excuse for refusing to appoint them. While the case pends, these judicial nominees waste. Because they have been nominated as judges, they can no longer undertake legal work to subsist or earn. But because they have not yet been formally appointed as judges, they cannot be paid in that role. In effect, Governor Obaseki does more than merely choose not to appoint them as judges. He has chosen to destitute them and ruin their lives.

While all these scandals unfold, the leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), under the presidency of Yakubu Maikyau, SAN, has chosen to the path of eloquent silence. The president of the NBA is a member of the National Judicial Council and he is entitled to nominate three other representatives of the association into that body. For the record, the stated motto of the NBA supposedly is “promoting the rule of law”. 

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu 

President Vladimir Putin is leading the 2024 Russian presidential election with a landslide.

According to Reuters, exit polls showed that Putin is leading with 88 percent of the votes to trounce Nikolai Kharitonov of the Communist Party, who trails with four per cent.

Vladislav Davankov, candidate of the New People’s Party, scored 3.85 percent, while Leonid Slutsky of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) trailed with just 3.1 percent.

Putin, who has been in power since 2000, is set to secure another six-year term that would enable him to become Russia’s longest-serving leader for more than 200 years.

After his second tenure ended in 2008, he served as prime minister for another four years before becoming president again in 2012. 

Subsequently, the president drafted a constitutional amendment that extended the presidential term from four to six years in Russia.

[TheCable]

Although the appointment of Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede as the Board Chairman of Access Holdings last week was a highly anticipated event, the announcement still came with elements of surprise and psychology. With the tragic death of Dr. Herbert Wigwe in February, it was clear to well-informed analysts that his friend and partner, Aigboje, would have to step in to fill the void. ‘’I am not surprised at the appointment. From the perspectives of the sudden and painful death of Herbert, it was clear that the institution would require a leader of immense status and credibility to step in and provide a strong leadership to the institution which has grown rapidly in the last two decades; and with all due respects to all the other professionals in the company, Aigboje has the requisite calibre, influence and institutional memory to play that role’’, says Dr. Henry Essien Nelson, a financial consultant, and former executive director of Eco Bank Plc.

He added, ‘’Don’t forget, it is possible that some important shareholders and analysts might have been unnerved by Herbert’s death and were worried about the direction the bank might take; and so, by Aigboje coming out of retirement to take up the leadership of the institution, some frayed nerves have been calmed’’. A statement from Access Holdings that announced the appointment described Aigboje as a visionary and accomplished leader who ‘’is bringing an outstanding record of accomplishments, wealth of expertise and leadership to guide the group to a new era of success’’. Foreign financial analysts, international partners and the regulatory authorities have also welcomed the selection, not the least because the bank is a systemically significant player in the industry.

The appointment also offers a psychological balm, some sort of solace to the 28,000 employees of the Access Nation (as they sometimes call themselves) who have been severely hurt by the tragedy. Aigboje had led the bank as chief executive from 2002 when he and Herbert acquired it, and together they built it into one of the five biggest banks by the time he retired in 2013. Herbert took over and continued in the same trajectory, taking it to the top spot in the country by assets and expanding to many African countries and other parts of the world.

When the tragedy struck, Aigboje rose to the challenge admirably well, managing every aspect admirably well. From the night of Friday, February 9 (Los Angeles time) when the chopper came down to Saturday March 9 (Nigerian time) when Herbert, his wife and son were buried in his village, Aigboje served as the chief mourner and key planner of the funeral events. ‘’It is quite consoling and uplifting to see Aig come back. He’s been and will continue to be an important part of Access Family’’, says a senior management official who declined to be mentioned in this article.

Many had however expected that Aigboje would return as the Group Chief Executive, the exact same position Herbert held. That was out of the question. As he told this writer in his office in Lagos last week, he would no longer be leading a management team of any of his businesses. ‘’I am no longer interested in being owner-manager. I prefer to spend my time now in philanthropy, sit back and play advisory roles to guide the men and women I have mentored over the years’’, he said. Those who expect that his new role will force him to shed his low-key lifestyle will also be disappointed. He will continue to stay away from the limelight and the headlines and operate from the background.

One of Aigboje’s role models is John Davison Rockefeller Sr; the late American business magnate and philanthropist. Just like the American, Aigboje has built substantial wealth in many areas, including financial services and oil exploration. Following his retirement from banking in December 2013, Aigboje was inspired by the Rockefeller Family Office to establish the Tengen Family Office as a platform to achieve his shared goal (along with Herbert Wigwe) of a multi-generational legacy of wealth transfer and business succession. The Family Office is responsible for managing the wealth of the Aig-Imoukhuede and Wigwe families.

In retirement, he focuses his attention and resources on philanthropy. Through the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation, he and his wife, Ofovwe, a development specialist, oversee their $100 million philanthropic commitments in building Nigeria’s next generation of government leaders, transforming public sector effectiveness, and improving access to quality primary health care. Aigboje believes that the capacity of the public sector workforce is a key determinant of a nation’s success, therefore the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation aims to build the capacity of junior, middle and senior level African public servants. The foundation provides scholarships for mid-career public servants to undergo postgraduate degrees at Oxford University in England. Annually, the Foundation also convenes the AIG Public Leaders Programme in partnership with University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government. This much sought after two-month learning opportunity is funded by the Foundation, thus enabling thousands of Nigerian civil servants and their contemporaries from other African nations to obtain the skills required to meet the challenges of a complex and rapidly changing continent.

Aigboje’s return is coming just in time for the 35th Annual General Meeting of Access Holdings in late April. The shareholders will be pleased to note that their bank is indeed in safe hands despite the sad event that occurred in that chilly California night.

On Saturday morning, the Nigerian people and I woke up to the dreadful news of the unprovoked killing of our brave military personnel during a rescue mission in Okuama Community in Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State.

The incident occurred on Thursday, March 14, 2024, when our troops, responding to a crisis between Okuama and Okoloba communities in Delta State, were ambushed. A Commanding Officer, two Majors, one Captain, and twelve soldiers sadly lost their lives. One civilian was also killed.
As the Commander-in-Chief, I join all well-meaning Nigerians and the men and women of our armed forces to mourn and express my profound grief over the needless death of our gallant soldiers.

I extend my profound condolences to the families of these fallen soldiers, their colleagues, and their loved ones. The military high command is already responding to this incident. The cowardly offenders responsible for this heinous crime will not go unpunished.

This incident, once again, demonstrates the dangers faced by our servicemen and women in the line of duty. I salute their heroism, courage, and uncommon grit and patriotism.
Asa nation, we must constantly remember and honour all those who have paid the ultimate price to keep our nation safe, strong, and united. The officers and men who died in Okuama community have joined the pantheon of great men and women who gave their all, with honour, in the service of our fatherland.

Members of our armed forces are at the heart and core of our nationhood. Any attack on them is a direct attack on our nation. We will not accept this wicked act.
The Defence Headquarters and Chief of Defence Staff have been granted full authority to bring to justice anybody found to have been responsible for this unconscionable crime against the Nigerian people.

My government will not relent until we achieve peace and tranquillity in every part of Nigeria.

May God continue to bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria and keep members of our armed forces safe.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu                                                                                                                                                    President & Commander-in-Chief of the                                                                                                              Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria                                                                                                      17th March 2024

In Nigeria’s complex socio-political landscape, there exists a phenomenon often overshadowed by the glitz and glamour of political power and fame—the plight of the forgotten men. These individuals, once wielders of influence and authority, find themselves relegated to the sidelines of society’s collective memory once their time in the spotlight fades. This essay explores the fallacy of power, politics, and fame in Nigeria, emphasizing the transient nature of these constructs and the tendency of Nigerian politicians to fade into obscurity once they lose their grip on power.

Power, in its various manifestations, is often perceived as the ultimate prize in Nigeria’s political arena. Let me explain briefly and with a smile…I say if you don’t know you can know. In Nigeria, a governor is entitled to some mysterious humongous amount of money called security votes, sadly in most states no one is secure. That same governor amongst the humble ones are those that are privileged to have at least 20 advisors, some have been known to have as much as 500 advisors with designation ranging from Special Advisers to Senior Special Advisers, this is for offices that have commissioners already, and in cases also personal assistants and advisers.

I have excluded the retinue of security aparachik, the Nigerian politician while in office does not do any work, and pays literally for nothing. I am not discussing the cost of governance but the opulence of governance.

Politicians invest significant resources and effort into acquiring and maintaining power, viewing it as a means to attain wealth, prestige, and influence. However, the reality is that power is ephemeral, subject to the whims of electoral cycles, shifting political alliances, and the unpredictable tides of public opinion. Nigerian history is replete with examples of once-powerful politicians who have fallen from grace, their names consigned to the annals of history as mere footnotes in the country’s political narrative. I will come back to this before I drop my pen!

Politics, too, is characterized by its transient nature in Nigeria. The pursuit of political office is often driven by personal ambition rather than a genuine desire to serve the public good. Nigerian politicians engage in cutthroat tactics to ascend the political ladder, forming alliances of convenience and betraying erstwhile allies to achieve their goals. The AD-PDP-ANPP-CPC-AA-APC phenomenon where a politician has belonged to all these political parties in barely two decades of power.

However, once in power, many politicians prioritize self-interest over the welfare of the people, using their positions to amass wealth and consolidate their grip on power. Consequently, when their tenure ends, they are swiftly cast aside by the electorate, their promises forgotten and their legacies tarnished by allegations of corruption and malfeasance.

Similarly, fame in Nigeria’s political arena is fleeting. Politicians bask in the adulation of the masses during their time in office, enjoying the trappings of power and the privileges afforded to them by their positions. However, once their tenure ends, they find themselves relegated to the margins of society, their once-glittering reputations tarnished by scandals and controversies. The Nigerian public, ever fickle in its affections, quickly moves on to the next political sensation, consigning yesterday’s heroes to the dustbin of history.

So, do we remember that governor that fought with his deputy, finally impeaching him for owning a poultry, I mean it, for owning a poultry. How about that governor that became a governor because the owner of the seat went on to become a Vice President that has been trying every electoral circle to get the big prize. The last I heard of him, he was the leader of the Association of Former PDP Ex-Governors.

There is another one I know, infact a woman, and trust me in Nigeria forget all that noise of gender equality, I tell you, our women have not done badly, I know that was a councillor in the 70s, Commissioner in the 80s, Minister in the 90s, 20s, and even doubled as a deputy governor, and was still a minister a year ago. I don’t recall where she is now.

There is one, a big masquerade, he was all over the place, he always gifted you a statue of yourself if he was pleased with you, his home-state has been unfortunate in governance, from a palm wine tapper to the current one lovingly called in the past, the Supreme Court Governor.

There was this other one in a state in the North, at some point he was in the senate, and his wife was equally in the House of Rep, he had been governor, and at some point the wife was a minister of state for foreign affairs. This is just a little click of a mouse between “me and my family group of big political office holders”, a conglomerate of father in power, wife in power, and family members in power simultaneously.

They come with all kinds of slogans from engineering to re-engineering, redemption, to redeemer, they had their caps like the kwankwansia, in all colours but they all faded with time, in many cases no legacy. I was talking the other day about Mallam Kachalla, and someone asked me who he was…the one-time governor of Borno, now a man from yesterday.

Another was and is the man who was popularly called SAS, he was party chairmen of two different parties, and has belonged to four at my last count. These days a whole six months and no mention of his name in the papers.

Where is Adamu Mauzu…where is Ambode George, I am not sure where our one time VP under Jonathan is, very nice man, but nowhere to be found, where is Rochas Okorocha, Achike Udenwa, what does Babagida Aliyu do these days, Boni Haruna, or Mimiko…I remember the most handsome governor in that class, that Cross River dude, very nice guy with his Saxophone. My friend who left his state better than he met it…

Where is Suswan, and these days one hardly hears from his successor Ortom… What does Imoke do, and even a handful of the most current of them are fading, where is the professor of big sounding budget names Ben Ayade, Rotimi Amaechi is now a Barrister, I hopefully will drop by his chambers one of these days.

My dear friends Isa Yuguda, Danjuma Goje, Hashidu, and Orji Theodore, and Ipeazu, are all silent these days, and indeed the silence is loud, extremely loud as their times are fading away. Life is in time and phases, whether minister, legislator, head of some important parastatal, slowly we forget you all…

In conclusion, Nigeria’s forgotten men serve as a poignant reminder of the fallacy of power, politics, and fame in the country’s socio-political landscape. While politicians may wield considerable influence during their time in office, their power is transient, and their legacies ephemeral. The true measure of a leader lies not in the pomp and circumstance of political office but in the enduring impact they have on the lives of the people they serve. As Nigeria continues its quest for democratic consolidation and socio-economic development, it is imperative that its leaders prioritize the public good over personal gain, lest they too be consigned to the ranks of the forgotten men—May Nigeria win!