In Biblical times, the “City of Refuge” was a sacred place, a safe haven designated for those who had unintentionally committed manslaughter. These cities amalgamated into one, and known as City of Refuge were not established to protect the guilty, but to preserve justice and prevent mob vengeance before due process.

For the sake of clarity, it is germane to explain that as recorded in the Old Testament that the six designated cities of refuge were Golan, Ramoth, Bezer, Kedesh, Shechem, and Hebron. As earlier elucidated, these cities served as places of asylum for someone who had unintentionally killed another, allowing them to escape the avenger of blood.

They were temporary shelters, pending fair trial, not permanent hideouts from consequences. To buttress this view, kindly read Numbers 35:10-11 (NIV) which says, “When you cross the Jordan into Canaan, select some towns to be your cities of refuge, to which a person who has killed someone accidentally may flee.”

In Nigeria’s modern political theatre, however, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is increasingly being viewed by the public as a contemporary version of such cities, not for the innocent, but for political heavyweights with tainted records or waning relevance in their original parties.

When a politician’s sins begin to stink, whether through corruption allegations, electoral fraud, abuse of office, or public backlash, many find their way to the APC. And, like clockwork, the ruling party offers not only refuge but rehabilitation, often handing these political transgressors a microphone and a ministerial portfolio.

Aptly put, it is like the transformation of politicians found wanton from sinners to saints by mere party switch. It is not surprising as the former governor of Edo State and former APC national chairman, Senator Adams Oshiomhole once famously said; “Once you join APC, your sins are forgiven.”Though uttered half-jokingly, this comment reflects the dangerous truth that switching to the APC has become an unofficial ritual of absolution in Nigerian politics. Politicians who were previously roasted in the court of public opinion, or even formally charged, suddenly reappear in the limelight, rebranded, and praised, their pasts washed away under the banner of the party in power.

Take the case of former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, who was convicted of N7.65 billion fraud in 2019 and sentenced to 12 years in prison. Though his conviction was later nullified by the Supreme Court on technical grounds (not acquittal), Kalu not only retained his Senate seat but continues to enjoy prominence within the APC. Similarly, the list of political figures with EFCC or ICPC cases who defected to APC and saw those investigations slow down or vanish is lengthy and deeply troubling.

And now, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, once a fiery opposition figure, is comfortably serving as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the APC-led government. The same Wike who vowed never to join the APC has become its most visible figure in Abuja. To crown it all, he recently praised his once-sworn political rival, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, the former PDP governor of Delta State, for allegedly “doing the needful” by aligning with APC interests.

The message this sends to the Nigerian public is stark: to escape judgment, switch jerseys. Integrity is negotiable; relevance is currency.

In fact, the unarguably retrogressive trend is nothing but politics without principles. This is as the wave of defections from opposition parties into the APC is not fueled by ideological realignment. Rather, it is driven by opportunism, survival instincts, and fear of retribution. Once a politician begins to lose grip on their political base, or when the EFCC knocks, they simply cross over to where power resides. In return, they are rewarded, not reprimanded.

Unfortunately, the APC leadership has embraced this trend. Instead of subjecting new members to a vetting process or insisting on internal reform, the party often celebrates these defectors with elaborate ceremonies, parading them as trophies. The moral implication of such open arms is damning as it puts Nigeria’s democracy at risk.

In fact, when political parties cease to function as vehicles for policy development and nation-building, and instead operate as shelters for the politically endangered, democracy loses its meaning. The electorate becomes confused. Young Nigerians, already disillusioned by the blatant hypocrisy in politics, withdraw further from civic engagement. Voter apathy grows. Trust in governance collapses.

Without a doubt, a political party should be a platform for service, not a safe house for the compromised. Ironically, the APC came to power on the promise of “change.” It accused the PDP of being corrupt and rudderless. But today, the very individuals it condemned have found a second home under its roof. In fact, many of those now leading the APC were once PDP stalwarts. The lines have blurred so completely that Nigerians no longer differentiate between the two parties, only between who is in power and who wants to be in power.

In fact, the concept of a “City of Refuge” was grounded in justice. But APC, as it stands, offers sanctuary without accountability. No repentance, no trial, no reform. Just a change of uniform. The result is a political culture where wrongdoing is recycled, not rejected.

Without any scintilla of hyperbole, this climate emboldens corruption. It demoralizes honest politicians. And it leaves Nigerians at the mercy of leaders whose only qualification is their willingness to serve the interests of the ruling class, not the people.

On the way forward, it is germane to opine that if the APC wants to salvage its image, it must begin to apply the same anti-corruption rhetoric it used to ride to power internally. Defection should not automatically confer political sainthood. The party must establish a mechanism for screening incoming members, particularly those with pending cases or a history of misconduct.

More broadly, Nigeria must reform its political structure to make defections less attractive. The National Assembly should revisit the laws around floor-crossing, party loyalty, and the role of ethics in public office. Political Education must also be prioritized, so that future leaders are guided by values, not vengeance.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people must become the ultimate “city of judgment.” Through civic activism, the ballot box, and constant public scrutiny, they must hold leaders accountable, no matter the party they belong to.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is APC a City of Refuge for Nigerian politicians?” Right now, the answer seems to be yes, but not in the redemptive sense. Instead, it has become a shelter from justice, a comfort zone for the compromised, and a political hospice for those fleeing relevance and repercussions. Yet, no matter how long politicians hide behind party affiliations, the truth remains: “Be sure your sin will find you out.” Numbers 32:23 (KJV). And when that day of reckoning comes, no party flag will be strong enough to shield them from the judgment of history.

In what now seems like an absurd but strangely structured practice, attacking Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, has morphed into more than political opposition. It has become a specialized, almost institutionalized field. Let us call it Obilogy, the systematic study and targeted deconstruction of Peter Obi’s every word, action, and silence.

Just like a university course, Obilogy appears to have its curriculum, its faculty of self-appointed professors, and areas of specialization. From his time as governor of Anambra to how he made his money and even how he talks, traducers now claim mastery in various modules of this unofficial discipline.

Just like any academic field, Obilogy has clearly defined branches: Governance Historians specialize in analyzing Obi’s tenure as Anambra governor. They downplay his achievements, question his savings records, and reframe his governance as mediocrity wrapped in hype. They claim to know what boreholes he did not drill and what potholes he ignored, even more than 10 years after his exit.

Data Discreditors exist solely to counter every figure he presents. When Obi says “33% unemployment,” they respond with “fake news.” When he says “Nigerians are getting poorer,” they ask for peer-reviewed citations, but never request the same from politicians in power. These traducers behave like glorified statisticians trained to poke holes in Obi’s data regardless of its source.

Academic & Economic Forensics Experts dig into his education and wealth like forensic auditors. They question the source of his wealth, his degrees, and his business dealings. Meanwhile, the opaque riches of others in Nigeria’s political space never receive such “rigorous” inquiry.

Speech and Behavior Analysts assess his mannerisms, word choice, and pauses. His now-famous phrase “Go and verify” is often mocked. His simplicity is misinterpreted as dullness. For a man who is among the few that actually speaks to issues in a country of theatrical politicians, his critics focus more on his tone than the truth in his message.

In every academic field, there are giants. In Obilogy, two names dominate the space; Charles Soludo and Reno Omokri.

Charles Soludo, the current Anambra State governor and former CBN boss, seems hell-bent on undoing the glowing reputation Obi earned in the same state. He has dismissed Obi’s famed savings, belittled his governance legacy, and written essays that seem more emotionally driven than data-based.

Rather than carve a legacy of his own, Soludo appears trapped in an unending comparison with his predecessor. But leadership is not about tearing down the last man; it is about doing better. If Obi’s records were exaggerated, Soludo has every opportunity to surpass him, not compete in bitterness.

In a similar vein, Reno Omokri has turned Obi criticism into a full-time gig. A former presidential aide who once championed good governance, he now obsessively attacks Obi, from religion to region to resume. His Twitter page reads like an anti-Obi digest, constantly updated with spin, sarcasm, and selective memory.

Ironically, Reno never subjects other politicians, especially those in his preferred camp, to the same level of scrutiny. His attacks raise questions about motive and consistency more than they undermine Obi’s credibility.

Given the backdrop of the foregoing viewpoints, it is expedient to ask, “Why the Obsession?” and “What exactly is Obi’s sin? It seems his crime is being too clean in a dirty game”. He flies economy while others charter jets. He governed with prudence, saved public funds, and resisted the temptation to loot. He inspired millions of Nigerians, especially youths, without handing out cash or wrappers. This makes him a threat to the political establishment. Obi is not just a man, he represents disruption, a rejection of politics-as-usual. He calls out waste. He demands accountability. He exposes the rot. And for this, the system must find ways to discredit him.

It is not about whether he is lying or not. It is about making him appear like a liar. It is not about whether his achievements are real, but whether people can be confused enough to doubt them.

Let us be clear: Obi, like any public figure, must be scrutinized. But what he faces is far beyond scrutiny, it is obsession. It is a sustained attempt to drain his relevance, discredit his message, and exhaust his supporters with endless rebuttals.

And herein lies the danger: while the “professors” of Obilogy keep teaching their bitter syllabus, Nigeria keeps bleeding, inflation surges, insecurity spreads, poverty deepens, and institutions collapse. While they fact-check Obi’s inflation figures, fuel prices jump beyond N700 per litre and food becomes a luxury for the average Nigerian.

In this climate, Obilogy is not just ridiculous, it is dangerous. It diverts attention from the real issues. It forces national discourse to orbit around one man while those truly in power escape scrutiny.

Instead of destructive criticism, Nigeria needs a breed of thinkers committed to constructive opposition, those who will engage Obi’s ideas with intellectual honesty, challenge his proposals with alternative facts, and build counter-narratives rooted in truth, not tribalism or envy.

If Obilogy continues unchecked, it will not only damage Obi, it will damage the culture of dissent itself. Because if a politician as transparent as Obi becomes the most scrutinized, then the message is clear: honesty is a liability in Nigerian politics.

Despite the noise, Obi’s message remains alive. His relevance continues to grow. His movement is more than a moment, it is a generational awakening. Millions now believe they can demand better. They are not waiting for handouts; they are organizing, registering to vote, and asking hard questions.

Obi may not have won in 2023, but he redefined what political engagement means in Nigeria. He reminded us that campaigns can be issue-driven. He proved that youth participation matters. He inspired people to care.

Let Soludo write, let Reno tweet, let others speak in their echo chambers. The real exam will not be marked by Obilogy professors, it will be set and graded by Nigerians at the ballot box.

In fact, it is high time the duo are reminded that Obilogy cannot kill an idea whose time has come.

Without a doubt, the obsession with Peter Obi reveals more about Nigeria’s political insecurity than about Obi himself. His traducers may continue their coordinated attack, but they forget one thing: ideas do not die easily. Peter Obi has become an idea. And no matter how many professors lecture in the department of Obilogy, that idea will outlive the noise.

The University of Ibadan has achieved a remarkable milestone as two of its students emerged winners in the “Get Creative with Plastic” Challenge, a part of the French Embassy’s Plastic Free Campus Awareness Initiative. 

UI was one of the ten Nigerian universities selected to participate in the initiative which is funded by the French Embassy Fund (FEF) Project.

The initiative was championed by the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Kayode Adebowale and coordinated through the Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Research, Innovation and Strategic Partnerships), Prof. Oluyemisi Bamgbose, with support from Prof. P. Olapegba (DVC Administration), Prof. Aderonke Baiyeroju (DVC Academics), and the Registrar, Mr. Ganiyi Saliu.

Prof. Aina Adeogun of the Department of Zoology served as the focal person for the UI-FEF Campus Wide Initiative. 

Working closely with the Students’ Union Executive Committee, Directirate of Public Communication, and Informatiom Technology and Media Services Unit, the team ensured robust student engagement and wide participation across the university community.

The University of Ibadan’s contribution stood out significantly with over 300 students actively participating and more than 100 creative submissions in the Challenge. UI recorded the highest level of engagement among all participating campuses, a feat that can only be from UI as the “First and the Best”.

Due to this extraordinary commitment, the university became the only university among the ten to have two winners in the Challenge:

The winners are: Paul Debbie – a 300 level student of the Department of Environmental Health Science, Faculty of Public Health – Music Category and Adekunle Julius Akorede – a 300 level student of the Department of Physiology, Faculty of Basic Medical Sciences – Writing Category.

This recognition confirms UI’s leadership and sustained excellence in addressing plastic pollution and environmental sustainability in Nigeria.

[TheNation]

Patrick Okedinachi Utomi, born in Kaduna but of Delta state extraction, is passionate about Nigeria. Perhaps the only other Nigerian whose passion for Nigeria rivals that of Utomi was another Kaduna-born Delta Nigerian nationalist, Chukwuma Nzeogwu, whose effort to rid Nigeria of “ten percenters and others that make us ashamed of being called Nigerians” was betrayed by some of his military colleagues including Ifeajuna, Ironsi and Ojukwu who sabotaged Nzeogwu’s revolution in Lagos, Enugu and Kano.

Prof. Pat Utomi, like Nzeogwu, has a vision of good society which became more elusive the closer they came towards it despite deploying all his talents and energy towards securing a better Nigeria for Nigerians since he started his crusade in the early eighties.

He first bewitched the Shehu Shagari administration with his in-depth newspaper analysis of the state of the economy, an endeavour that earned him a place in Shagari’s cabinet. Even after the collapse of the administration, he was given a chance to put into practice all his theoretical postulations at V/ Wagon Nigeria Limited which, under his control, suffered the same fate as other assembly plants of the period.

Utomi, a resourceful professor of political economy, is perhaps the face of Nigeria’s public intellectual home and abroad. He belongs to many professional bodies, including the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, (NIPR), Institute of Directors (IOD), Nigeria Economic Summit Group and Nigeria Economic Society. He has served in various private-sector associations, including the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), the National Council of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria, and the Nigeria Employers Consultative Association (NECA).

He has carried the crusade for a better Nigeria through intellectual debate beyond the shores of Nigeria, especially at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, and Chatham House in the UK. 

He has to his credit several books and journal articles on economic underdevelopment, including, ‘Nigeria as an Economic Power House,’ ‘Crafting the New Nigeria – Confronting the Challenges,’ Nigeria ‘Changes as Prospects,’ ‘Values and Economic Stagnation in Africa: A Paradox of Poverty in Nigeria,’ ‘Managing Uncertainty: Competition and Strategy in Emerging Economies,’ ‘Critical Perspectives in Political Economy and Management’ etc.

The labour of Utomi has not gone unacknowledged.  For his pains, it has been honours without end.  Numerous awards. He has been nominated and voted for by the public as one of Nigeria’s top ten Living Legends in the Vanguard/Silverbird Television Awards, Great Nigeria Lives of the 20th Century and Who is who in Africa.

Unfortunately, Utomi’s theories have not reflected positively on the state of our economy.

The record of his intervention in politics has, however, not been any less dismal. But this has not diminished his enthusiasm for a vision of a better society. Thus, he last week once again came up with his “Big Tent Coalition Shadow Government,” over which he declared himself ‘Leader of Opposition.’ The initiative, which is to serve as critique of the President Bola Tinubu’s administration, was, according to him, dictated by his desire to save Nigeria’s democracy following his inability to stop the gale of defections from Labour and PDP, where membership of his new coalition was selected.

The task before the group would be to regularly scrutinise government actions, identify policy failures, and propose alternative solutions in key areas- economy, education, healthcare, infrastructure, law and order, and constitutional reforms of the present government.

These are no doubt noble objectives except that the Information Minister, Mohammed Idris, has said, the idea of a so-called ‘shadow government’ is an aberration as “Nigeria is not a parliamentary system where such a system is practiced.” Many seem to agree with the minister that “Our bicameral legislature amply features members of the opposition, and it should be the right place to contest meaningful ideas for nation-building.”

Besides government opposition, Utomi’s current search for a vision of good society seems threatened by the choice of his crusading team drawn from opposition PDP democrats without democratic ethos and the ‘obidients,’ an unthinking mob Obi, as the falconer, cannot control.

For instance, Dele Farotimi, who will lead the Ombudsman and Good Governance portfolio, is a man many of his critics believe talks more than he thinks in order to prove his valour. Not too long ago, he was ready to publicly disrobe Chief Afe Babalola, an elder statesman, over unproven allegations, just as he, on account of some bad eggs, didn’t mind pulling down his own noble profession without which we all return to a state of nature where life is ’nasty, brutish, and short.’ And this was a self-confessed ‘obidient’ who, in search of ‘Obi’s imaginary ‘stolen mandate,’ recklessly declared without proof before his American audience, “in a few days’ time a convicted drug baron will be sworn in as the president of my country.”

Before Prof. Utomi’s latest gamble, most of his past efforts at building a coalition in pursuit of a new vision of good society failed. He contested the 2007 presidential election on the platform of the obscure African Democratic Party and failed. Following his initial setback, he formed another party, the Social Democratic Mega Party, on which platform he tried to contest the 2011 presidential elections before withdrawing at the last minute.

But in 2012, he joined the opposition Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) “because the progressive opposition in Nigeria has been unable to bring itself under one umbrella while the enemies of the progressive struggle are disciplined enough to coalesce under the conservative/retrogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).”

Utomi is a rolling stone. His attempt at contesting a senatorial seat in Delta under PDP failed. I have heard him declare publicly that the APC manifesto was drafted on the dining table in his house. Indeed, Utomi was declared as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress for the 2019 general election in Delta State by a faction of the party until it was overturned by the national working committee of the party.

In January 2018, Utomi floated the Nigeria Intervention Movement (NIM), with former Cross River State governor, Donald Duke, former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Charles Soludo, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Olisa Agbakoba, Tafawa Balewa, former Education minister, Oby Ezekwesili, former Information minister, Frank Nweke Jnr, Col. Abubakar Umar (retd), Ayo Obe, Rabiu Ishyaku Rabiu, former presidential adviser, Akin Osuntokun as members.

The group described itself as a pro-democracy movement and pressure group of like-minded Nigerians, “Concerned that left to their schemes and antics, a class of entrenched leaders will lead Nigeria into a state of indescribable human misery, characterised by death, hunger, disease, illiteracy and manipulation.” They decided to create a third political force, a platform to mobilise all citizens of goodwill and conscience towards engendering a new political system and culture in Nigeria. The intervention movement brought no relief to Nigerians.

Restless Utomi in 2020 and Naaba formed a group to lead mass action against corruption and insecurity in Nigeria. They wanted Nigerians to rise up and put an end to the situation where the president was being caged and his office being run by some unelected proxies and power

traders operating without any form of mandate from the Nigerian people. Chasing out that clique of ruinous political cartels ravaging our commonwealth enabled by their self- serving capture of our Government and State. The result was not different.

Then ahead of the 2023 general elections, Utomi was among prominent Nigerians that established a third force, Rescue Nigeria Project (RNP), ostensibly to give Nigerians an alternative platform, other than the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic

Party (PDP). Other founding members of RNP included former governor of Kwara State, Ahmed Abdulfatai, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, former Governor of Cross River State, Donald Duke, Senator Lee Maeba, Usman Bugaje, Prof. Attahiru Jega, Amb. Nkoyo Toyo, Yomi Awoniyi, Dr. Rose Idi Danladi, Dr. Sadiq Gombe, among others. They set out to fight “the high level of nepotism and lack of inclusiveness” which had given rise to agitations by different ethnic groups.

“We want to salvage this country and see how we can fix the mess. We want to set a template and key criteria leaders must have before they can attain any political position.” Abdulfatai had hardly finished delivering this keynote address when Utomi was discovered to be gunning for the presidential ticket of the Labour Party, which he later ceded to Peter Obi.

While the closer we came towards Utomi’s vision of a good society, the more elusive it became, it has not been all doom for Nigeria’s foremost professor of political economy and management at a personal level. He is the chairman of close to two dozen Nigerian companies and a shareholder in many others.

President Bola Tinubu has eight-point priority areas as enunciated in his 80-page Renewed Hope Agenda. They are reforming the economy for sustained inclusive growth; strengthening national security for peace and prosperity; boosting agriculture to achieve food security; unlocking energy and natural resources for sustainable development; and enhancing infrastructure and transportation as enablers of growth. Others include a focus on education, health, and social investment as essential pillars of development; accelerate diversification through industrialisation, digitisation, creative arts, manufacturing & innovation and improve governance for effective service delivery. From the aforementioned, it is obvious that the President has a bias for the economy. Little wonder he prioritised what he called economic restructuring in the last two years. I call that ‘Tinubunomics’.

From the day of his inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu left no one in doubt about the direction his government would go when he said, “Petrol subsidy is gone!”. He later followed that up with the floating of the naira, our national currency. To the best of my knowledge, Nigeria never had a cabinet that is as large as that of the incumbent President with about 50 ministers and the establishment of new ministries, departments and agencies some of which include the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Ministry of Livestock Development, Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy and Ministry of Steel Development.

President Tinubu has recorded a lot of achievements in the area of the economy in the last two years. In terms of brick and mortar, there have been several completed roads and bridges, especially in the Federal Capital Territory and Lagos. Nairametrics, in its March 31, 2025, edition, reported that Tinubu’s administration had prioritised road infrastructure, accelerating existing projects and initiating new ones to enhance connectivity, trade, and regional development. Summary of 13 key road projects: Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano Road: Originally awarded in 2017, now revitalised with N740.79bn in funding. Completion set for 2026; Ninth Mile-Oturkpo-Makurdi Road; Sokoto-Badagry Highway: A 1,068km north-south link with a rail line in the median; construction began in October 2024; Abuja-Lokoja-Benin Road: Undergoing dualisation with concrete technology, re-awarded in 2024 with N305bn funding and Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway (Phase 1): A 47.7km section started in March 2024, integrating rail transport; the full highway spans 700km.

Others include Enugu-Onitsha Expressway being reconstructed under MTN’s Tax Credit Scheme; 50-70 per cent complete, with a May 2026 deadline; Benin-Asaba Superhighway: A PPP-funded 125km highway with solar lighting, launched in March 2025, with a 30-month timeline; Oyo-Ogbomoso Road: Re-awarded in February 2025 to JRB Construction for N147.89bn to boost regional connectivity; Bode Saadu-Kaima-Kosubosu Road: A 130km project in Kwara, funded by BUA Group, designed for long-term durability; Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway: Ongoing work on the 56.1km Umuahia-Aba section, with completion targeted for June 2025; Second Niger Bridge Access Road: A 17.55km road linking the bridge to key transport corridors, started in March 2025; Lagos-Ibadan Expressway nearing completion, with tolling planned after Phase 1 to ensure maintenance funding and Bodo-Bonny Road: Includes 13 bridges; cost revised to N280bn, now scheduled for completion.

Under this administration, all six geopolitical zones now have development commissions that are aimed at making development initiatives percolate to the grassroots through pro-people and pro-poor projects and programmes. Tinubu’s game changer is the four tax reform bills sent to the National Assembly in October 2024. They are the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill and the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill. The Senate passed the bill last week, and a conference committee to harmonise the versions passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives has been set up. I am sure a clean copy may be sent to the President for assent before May 29. There are said to be a lot of benefits inherent in the new tax laws.

It is reported that the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment, has established three funds totalling N200bn to support businesses across Nigeria: The Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme, The FGN MSME Intervention Fund, and the FGN Manufacturing Sector Fund. The Bank of Industry has been appointed as the executing agency of the funds, vested with responsibility for its day-to-day administration. An online source said BoI has disbursed N22bn of the N200bn support fund to MSMEs. The restreaming of Port Harcourt and Warri refineries in December 2024, as well as the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas, are some of Tinubu’s economic achievements in the last two years. It is noteworthy that the national minimum wage has increased from N30,000 to N70,000 since July 2024.

On the flip side, much as the economic handlers of the country will want the citizens to laud them for the purported economic growth, it is noteworthy that the lives of average Nigerians have worsened under this government. Nigerians are experiencing a higher cost of living rather than a higher standard of living.

Inflation, unemployment and poverty are on the increase. Headline inflation in March 2025 is 24.23 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.

This newspaper, in its May 4, 2025 (online edition), reported that the World Bank had disclosed that the poverty rate among Nigeria’s rural population had reached an alarming 75.5 per cent, highlighting deepening inequality and widespread economic hardship across the country. According to the World Bank’s latest April 2025 Poverty and Equity Brief for Nigeria, rural dwellers are overwhelmingly bearing the brunt of economic stagnation, inflation, and structural challenges that have characterised the country’s growth trajectory in recent years. The data, derived from Nigeria’s most recent nationally representative surveys, shows that while 41.3 per cent of the urban population lives below the poverty line, the figure for rural Nigeria is almost double.

According to a development economist, Prof. Dudley Seers, in any country where poverty, unemployment and inflation are on the increase, there is no development. Imagine the cost of living crisis many Nigerians now face. Many of us are heavily indebted and find it extremely difficult to pay our bills.  Energy costs have hit the roof with petrol and electricity price hikes, as well as the recent increase in the telecommunications tariff. These price increases, coupled with over 40 per cent devaluation of the value of the naira, have made life unbearable for most Nigerians. This spike in the cost of living has made the new minimum wage of N70,00 worthless. It, therefore, behoves President Tinubu to find creative ways of ameliorating the suffering of the Nigerian masses.

Tennis fan Pope Leo XIV received men’s world number one Jannik Sinner, who is currently competing in the Italian Open in Rome, the Vatican said Wednesday.

“The Pope’s passion for tennis is well known,” the head of the Vatican’s press office said in a short statement.

Sinner was accompanied by members of his family and the president of the Italian Tennis Federation, Angelo Binaghi, during the visit, he said.

The 69-year-old Chicago-born pope likes not just to watch but also to play, according to reports.

In an interview after being made cardinal in 2023, the former missionary in Peru said, “I consider myself an amateur tennis player.

“Since I left Peru, I haven’t had many opportunities to play, but I can’t wait to get back on the court.”

Italian sports daily La Gazzetta dello Sport said that according to his friends, the Augustinian “has an excellent backhand and is a formidable competitor”.

On Monday during an audience with the international press, the pope was asked by a journalist to take part in a charity tennis tournament.

“Certainly,” replied the pope. “I’ll come with (Andre) Agassi,” he said.

“As long as it’s not Sinner,” he joked.

At a tournament press conference Monday following Sinner’s third round victory over Dutchman Jesper de Jong, journalists asked Sinner what he thought about having a tennis-loving pope.

“It’s great for tennis players to have a pope who follows us and who has played.” said Sinner.

Among one of the Vatican’s many amenities is an outdoor clay tennis court.

AFP

The goal of Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is always to win with his solutions. Soludo wisely took advantage of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s state visit to Anambra State on May 8 to address the pressing issues of the south-east geopolitical zone’s marginalisation.

President Tinubu, who referred to Governor Soludo as a friend, made a solid commitment to resolve all of the marginalisation issues brought up by the governor.

Governor Soludo praised President Tinubu for his Pan-Nigerian disposition, which was demonstrated when he appointed Ben Akabueze, an Anambra son, as Commissioner for Budget and Planning while serving as Governor of Lagos. He also thanked Tinubu for appointing numerous Ndị Anambra to his administration, particularly the appointment of Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu as minister of state for foreign affairs and Mark Okoye, as MD, South-East Development Commission. In line with what Tinubu did in Lagos, Soludo said: “Similarly, here in Anambra, one of my new permanent secretaries is from Osun State – Bayo Ojeyinka.”

Mr Governor lauded Mr President thusly: “We are deeply grateful for several road projects currently being executed by your administration that benefit Anambra State, running into hundreds of billions of naira, especially the Enugu-Onitsha Road, rehabilitation of Onitsha-Owerri Road, Phase 2b access road to Second Niger Bridge, rehabilitation of Oba-Nnewi Road Section II in Anambra, etc. When completed, they will be important game-changers for our people.”

Governor Soludo put forward the following ask-list on the table of President Tinubu: “Anambra remains, possibly, the gully erosion capital of the world, with one-third of our land mass under persistent threat, and the resource requirements to deal with this are far beyond the capacity of a state government. We are already spending tens of billions of naira on this, but much more is urgently needed. The Southeast and Anambra in particular are bypassed by the national gas masterplan despite abundant reserves of natural gas. We are not part of the national rail system. The Onitsha River Port, commissioned by President Shehu Shagari in 1982, remains a proposal, ostensibly because the federal government has been unable to undertake the required dredging. Only Asiwaju, the man who tamed the Atlantic, can break this 43-year-old jinx so that badges from Onne and other seaports can easily discharge at Onitsha. There is an abandoned strategic federal road project that links Anambra with Kogi State. Upon completion, the journey between Anambra/Southeast and Abuja might be shortened to about three hours — down from the current nine hours! The list is long, and we are convinced that systematically, these issues will be addressed.”

President Tinubu, who was bestowed with the chieftaincy title of Dikesimba of Anambra by Ndi Igwe of 179 communities in the state after having commissioned two landmark projects – the Solution Fun City and the Government House Mini-City as part of the initial steps on the path towards your audacious vision of Anambra as African-Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley (ADTS) – made the firm promise to include Anambra State and the South-East in the National Railway Masterplan, a bold step that promises to open new corridors of mobility, trade, and interconnectivity for the South-East, the South-South, and the rest of the federation.

To promote the budding manufacturing and technological sectors, the president also promised to include Anambra State and the South-East in the country’s Gas Pipeline Masterplan, which is a vital tool for industrialisation and energy access.

In order to promote trade, mobility, and national unity, President Tinubu approved the completion of the federal highway that connects Anambra and Kogi State. This groundbreaking project would cut the trip time from Anambra to Abuja by roughly four hours.

Under President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Governor Soludo also received assurances that reconstruction work will soon begin on the damaged sections of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, a long-standing infrastructure issue that is now at last to receive decisive federal attention.

President Tinubu added a fitting crown to his newly placed hat by promising federal support for ecological investments to address erosion in Anambra State. This is a very appropriate intervention, given that environmental issues of this kind continue to be the state’s top existential threat and are beyond any state’s means.

It is anticipated that Mr. President’s commitment to a sustained strategic cooperation with Anambra State and the South-East for complete security restoration will include Governor Soludo’s other crucial request, which is for the federal government to start operating the Onitsha River Port.

For Ndi Anambra and all Ndigbo, President Tinubu’s State Visit is a huge victory for justice, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. It also serves as a testament to the strength of the strategic partnership between Anambra and the federal government, constructive engagement, the Soludo administration’s purposeful governance, and the governor’s dedication to progressivism and welfarism.

A worthy display of friendship, one that goes beyond politics and is based on the common goal of a more united, progressive Nigeria and the unmistakable proof of progressives working together, is President Tinubu’s affirmative response to Governor Soludo’s ask-list to end the marginalisation of the South-East.

What is more noteworthy than President Tinubu jocularly requesting a piece of land in Anambra State to construct a retirement home after his term as Nigeria’s president?

With Asiwaju, a brand-new, prosperous, and united Nigeria is undoubtedly approaching, one in which justice and peace will rule.

Law Mefor, PhD, is the information commissioner, Anambra state. He can be contacted via drlawmefor@gmail.com and on X:@DrLaw_Mefor.

The complexities of climate change and its associated jargon can prove difficult to digest.

TheCable’s quick climate facts will help demystify these concepts through easy-to-understand and straight-to-the-point explanations.

Here are some to keep at the tip of your fingers:

• A recent study by Nature Climate Change says the world’s wealthiest 10 percent are responsible for two-thirds of global warming since 1990.

• The report said extreme climate impacts are directly linked to lifestyle and investment choices and not just the result of abstract global emissions.

• The United Nations (UN) says an estimated 5 to 12 million metric tonnes of plastic enter the ocean annually.

• The organisation noted that about 89 percent of plastic litter found on the ocean floor are single-use items like plastic bags.

• UN says up to 733 million people do not have access to electricity — about one in ten people globally.

• The European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S) says April 2025 was the second-hottest April on record globally.

• C3S said April 2025 was 0.07°C cooler than the warmest April in 2024, and 0.07°C hotter than the third warmest in 2016.

[TheCable]