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[OPINION] Buhari: A Promise Kept! - Olusegun Adeniyi
On 29th August 2015, just three months after he was sworn-in, President Muhammadu Buhari disowned two ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign documents containing promises of the achievements he would make during his first 100 days in office. A statement from Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mallam Garba Shehu said Buhari had no knowledge of most of the promises being ascribed to him which he said emanated from the party’s “many centres of public communication which, for whatever reason, were on the loose.”
However, Garba Shehu also added that even within three months, Nigerians could see the difference between Buhari and predecessors. “In the area of economic management, Nigerians are already seeing things happen that they thought were not possible in so short a time”, Shehu stated. “He didn’t put a Kobo to finance the power sector. Yet, reading his body language alone and knowing that there are things you cannot do and get away with under Buhari, electricity supply all over the country has risen to unprecedented heights.”
After highlighting the administration’s achievements in less than 100 days at the time, Garba Shehu concluded: “President Buhari will turn out to be a leader in the tradition of Lee Kuan Yew and India’s current reform-minded Prime Minister Modi with strong and clear emphasis on detail and execution. He may, however, differ with them by not micro-managing things.”
With just about 25 days to the end of his tenure, it is left to be seen whether the president will be remembered like the late Singaporean leader. Incidentally, there were indeed many promises ascribed to Buhari before he came to power in 2015. We were for instance told that Buhari would conjure a Naira to command the same value as a dollar, sell all the aircraft in the presidential fleet, ban public officials from seeking medical treatment abroad, publicly declare his assets etc. Of course, none of that happened.
As Nigerians reflect on what has transpired in the past eight years, the president has also been doing his own introspection. Receiving visitors on what would be his last Eid-el-Fitr ceremony as president two weeks ago, Buhari thanked Nigerians for the honour to serve them for two terms between 2015 and 2023. He also sought forgiveness from those he might have offended while discharging his duties. “I can’t wait to go home to Daura,” said Buhari in the remark that has since drawn flak. “If they make any noise to disturb me in Daura, I will leave for the Niger Republic. I deliberately arranged to be as far away as possible. I got what I wanted and will quietly retire to my hometown.”
There can be no doubt that the president has got all he ever wanted out of Nigeria. The question is whether Nigerians have fulfilled their aspirations under his leadership. If one gauges responses to Buhari’s ‘apology plea’, the conclusion would be that the president has failed on his campaign promises to the country. But I beg to disagree with that. Since presidential handlers told us from the outset that most of the pre-election promises in 2015 were “audio” to borrow a famous slang, we can only hold Buhari accountable for the promises he made personally. And in that regard, there is no better place to look than his inaugural speech.
While the president may have made several promises at his inauguration on 29th May 2015, one stands out, even though it was plagiarized from a 1958 speech of the late Charles de Gaulle of France without taking account of the context: “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.”
That famous line has been the guiding philosophy of the Buhari administration in the past eight years. For instance, three key areas that Buhari promised to focus on are: fighting corruption; revamping the economy; and tackling insecurity. A lot has been done by this administration, especially in infrastructure. I am sure fair-minded Nigerians will agree with some of the achievements listed in the 90-page ‘factsheet’ released by the presidential media team. But not a few will also remember that in a rare interview in 2014, a year before he came to power, Buhari dismissed the subsidy regime in the downstream sector of the Petroleum industry as a scam. ‘Who is subsidising who?’ he had asked.
In January, Reuters reported that Nigeria spent $9.7 billion (N4.39 trillion at official rate) on fuel subsidy in 2022. If we extrapolate from that, we can imagine how many trillions of Naira we have wasted on subsidy in the past eight years. Buhari of course has signed off on its removal. But that is scheduled to happen two days after he must have left office and relocated to Daura! That’s the hallmark of a man who is for everybody and for nobody. The same can be said regarding the management of other critical sectors, which explains the crisis of mission dogging Buhari’s administration. Meanwhile, a leader that is for everybody and nobody is basically telling us that he is only for himself!
In my 19th April 2018 column, ‘A National Security Endangered’, I summed up the indifference of Buhari when it comes to dealing with the security sector. Because the tragic fallouts of that episode remain unresolved, I crave the indulgence of readers to rehash parts of what I wrote five years ago so we can see how being for everybody and for nobody accounts for the insecurity that defines our country today.
Inter-agency frictions have long been apparent under the current dispensation, especially following what transpired in the Senate during the confirmation hearing of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFFC) Acting Chairman, Mr Ibrahim Magu. The Directorate of State Security (DSS) wrote a damning report, depicting Magu unworthy of the office for which he was nominated by the president.
Last weekend, there were reports in some online media quoting both the DSS Director General, Mr Lawal Daura, and the National Security Adviser (NSA), Major General Babagana M. Monguno (rtd), as trading damaging allegations. The media stories were based on the Senate ‘Report of the Ad Hoc committee on investigation of the arrest episodes of Tuesday 21st November 2017 among officers of EFCC, NIA and DSSS’, a copy of which I obtained yesterday.
Since President Buhari came to power with the promise to restore the economy, fight corruption and tackle general insecurity in the country, it is hard to believe that those who head the agencies expected to deliver on two of those main planks are not only bitter enemies but are fighting openly to subvert one another, and in the process, the system. That is the only conclusion to draw from the Senate report which then explains why the country has practically been reduced to a killing field where entrepreneurs of violence ply their nefarious trade everywhere, almost unchallenged by the state.
The story started on 22nd November 2017 when the attention of the Senate was drawn to a botched arrest drama involving EFCC officials and operatives of the Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA) and DSS. After taking both oral and written testimonies from all the principal actors, the Senate concluded that the acrimonious relationship between and among those manning our security agencies “was noticed from the outset of the investigation, leading the committee to conduct the hearings in camera as well as holding separate meetings with the security agencies. This lack of cooperation and cohesion is reflected at a secondary level with the EFCC and the NSA belonging to one group and the NIA and DSS belonging to another group.”
When he appeared before the Senate committee, Magu submitted a memorandum and gave oral testimony. According to the report, the highlights of his submissions were that the EFCC operatives were on a legitimate mission before they were obstructed by heavily armed operatives from the two security agencies: DSS and NIA. “Upon arrival at the aforementioned address, the Commission’s operatives met heavily armed personnel of the DSS numbering about thirty (30) with three (3) operational vehicles. In a bid to carry out our legitimate duty, the (EFCC) operatives approached the DSS personnel at the gate, introduced themselves and requested to see the former Director-General, Mr. Ita E. Ekpenyong. Their response to the operatives was ‘No’. Upon further inquiry and presentation of Warrant of Arrest, they responded as follows: ‘We are under instruction from the Headquarters’.” A similar situation, according to Magu, occurred at the residence of Oke whose official residence was also defended by heavily armed NIA officials.
Meanwhile, Daura, who also submitted a memorandum and appeared before the committee contradicted the claims by Magu. He traced the standoff between the agencies to the events that occurred in July 2016, “in the aftermath of the inauguration of the probe panel set up by the NSA, upon the approval of the President to investigate Defence procurement from 2014 to 2015.” According to Daura, shortly after the commencement of investigation, “operatives of the DSS serving on the panel were removed by the NSA, leaving members from the Military, NIA and EFCC to continue the investigation. Thereafter, the DSS acting on intelligence discovered that some Ad-Hoc members were brought in by the NSA to serve on the committee. These Ad-Hoc members were later found to be involved in some shady deals, which bordered on corrupt practices. The Service subsequently arrested Mohammed Umar (Air Commodore/Rtd), the arrowhead of the members involved in extorting money from suspects under investigation to give them soft landing. At the end of investigation, he (Umar) was arraigned in court and is presently being prosecuted at the Federal High Court, Abuja.”
Daura argued that because both Monguno and Magu were unhappy about the arrest and prosecution of Umar, “they decided to embark on a vendetta to investigate the Service on some trumped-up charges, including corrupt practices. The starting point of this was the invitation sent to Ita Ekpenyong and Kunle Kadiri, former Director-General State Services (DGSS) and Head of Account of the DSS, respectively.”
The investigation, Daura contends “was actually a voyage of discovery to fish out incriminating evidence against the Service with a view to depict it and the Management as being corrupt…The Service discovered that this effort by the Commission was part of a clandestine investigation of DSS accounts by a team set up by the NSA in collaboration with the EFCC Acting Chairman in complete violation of extant laws pertaining to financial regulations of the Service.”
Daura quoted the extant laws which he said forbid what Monguno and Magu were trying to do except with the express permission of the president or the EFCC Board (of which he is statutorily a member along with the CBN Governor, Attorney General of the Federation and 15 other stakeholders). He then declared: “The method (brawn instead of brain) deployed by the current EFCC under Magu is a Gestapo style that belongs to dictatorial regimes. The Acting Chairman runs the agency based on public rumours, maneouvers, gossips, political interferences from certain quarters and Marabouts.”
In his written and oral testimonies, the then Acting NIA Director General, Ambassador Mohammed Dauda (who has since been replaced) said there was no official communication to the agency from the EFCC on the exact mission of its operatives to the official residence of his predecessor, Oke and that he got wind of it only from the media. “It was the expectation of the DG NIA that a prior notice would be served on the Agency by the EFCC, particularly against the backdrop of the fact that the former DG NIA was still resident in the Command House (official residence of a serving DGNIA), while in the process of handing-over in line with extant practice. By virtue of its status, the Command House is a critical National Security Asset with sensitive documents and equipment. Accordingly, the attempt to storm the Command House to effect an arrest had far-reaching national security implications”, according to the report.
The report added: “Resistance against the EFCC by operatives of the NIA consequently served a larger national interest, to maintain the sanctity of the Agency, its operatives and sensitive security assets in the Flag House. The NIA is a Secret Service, whose operations are clandestine and highly classified. Accordingly, it is imperative to shield the Agency from further negative publicity. He regretted that the EFCC under Magu has been hostile to and uncooperative with the NIA leading to the massive withdrawal of NIA operatives from the services of the EFCC.”
The last to give evidence was Monguno who admitted knowledge of the letter submitted to his office by Daura but disregarded it because “it was written in a distasteful and impolite tone.” Monguno, according to the report, traced the “ongoing investigation by the EFCC as an outcome of the Vice-President’s Panel which discovered the misappropriation of $289 Million Intervention which was released by the CBN to some Security Agencies around 2015”, although he also added that “he was not aware of the EFCC Chairman’s plan to arrest any of the persons until after the media frenzy and that the resistance made by the Security Agencies during the arrest episode cast some aspersions.”
Monguno expressed concerns about the apparent lack of unity and cooperation which has led to the current state of disharmony amongst the sister agencies. “He said that this resulted due to the National Security Agencies Decree 1986 which has stripped the NSA of the power to check the other security agencies that have now become independent of his office due to their now ‘easy’ access to the President. Thus, there is a desperate need to streamline the Agencies and make them answerable to the NSA.”
The most critical part of the report is the claim that Monguno “informed the Senators during the meeting that the President is evidence of the state of things as he has informed him of the situation and also presented evidences of some instances in which his duties were usurped due to the lack of discipline exhibited by the Security Agencies…He harped on the fact that failure to arrest this situation would have transnational implications as the hierarchical structure for command has been compromised.”
What is baffling to most observers is how President Buhari has allowed the institutions of national security to be freely carved up into clashing and competing private fiefdoms of ambitious and lawless chieftains who have carried their fights into the public arena. Tragically, it is this dysfunction between the security agencies and the unhealthy rivalry among their heads that has led to the current state of general insecurity in the country.
ENDNOTE:
In 2016, two years before I wrote the foregoing, Special Adviser to the president on Media and Publicity, Mr Femi Adesina authored a controversial piece, ‘President Muhammadu Buhari and the descendants of Shimei’, where he likened his principal to King David, easily one of the most important Bible characters; and his critics to “descendants of Shimei’’, a member of the family of the displaced King Saul who once publicly humiliated King David. In response a few months later, I wrote ‘Of President Buhari and King David’. The conclusion I drew more than five years ago is still as apt today as it was then: Ordinarily, the president of a republic sees himself in the least of his citizens; their joy is his uplift; their sorrow is his personal anguish. In times of travail, he goes to places where people are hurting and empathises with them. His visit is not ceremonial; it is in the line of active duty. In a monarchy, the leader is king. He is above the people and sees gestures of empathy even in dire circumstances as condescension. The fracture in the polity is somehow traceable to this very disconnect.
In case the president and his handlers have forgotten, let me remind them. Even though he proposed no set of values beyond a ‘body language’ that, on the face of recent developments, might have been wrongly interpreted by many Nigerians, Buhari was elected president to serve as a moral compass—a leader who would need no prompting before choosing between right and wrong in the conduct of public affairs. Unfortunately, that is not what has transpired under his stewardship. And since moral authority, according to Ken Robinson, is intertwined with legitimacy, “once the confidence and trust in a leader’s moral authority is seriously questioned, once it becomes obvious that their moral compass is off, their ability to lead is undermined and challenged.”
In 25 days, President Buhari will be out of office. In a way, he has already written the epitaph for his administration. He promised to be for everybody and for nobody. Against the background of what has happened in Nigeria in the past eight years, it will be difficult to argue that Buhari has not fulfilled that promise. And one final point: In case President Buhari feels offended by this column or any that I have written in the past eight years about him or his administration, I also seek his forgiveness!
[OPINION] Nigerian universities in search of morality - Abimbola Adelakun
Nigerian universities come up in the news these days to announce either the inauguration of new dress codes or the revival of dormant rules. Fixating on appearance is not new in Nigeria, but the frequency—especially by academic institutions—in the past months is head-scratching. Hardly a month passes these days without some university or polytechnic issuing a sartorial decree.
One can trace this mania to several factors. First, we are a culture that insistently regulates every sphere of life, and we cannot but extend that attitude to other people’s virtues. The orientation stems from our political history when our consciousness was militarised to the point that we are now a country of few producers but many regulators. You can detect the dictatorial bent in the language of the university bulletins where they announce they are “banning” certain sartorial items “with immediate effect.” Second, the rise of faith-based universities, similarly preoccupied with squeezing out virtue from students by any means necessary, puts some pressure on public universities to join in and play a lead role in this unfolding morality play.
Third is the painful fact that our tertiary institutions are just not busy enough. Industrialisation potentials in Nigeria have whittled due to serial poor leadership, and universities do not have research and development goals set for them. When an academic institution thus cannot produce knowledge for society, its energies get recalibrated towards administration and not much else. Chasing after students over their appearance or, in some cases, inaugurating a task force to do so gives these schools a sense of motion and mission. Since they cannot impact their immediate world meaningfully through their research and maybe even teaching, they turn to the Hisbah. The result of their preoccupation is that hardly a month goes by without one or more of these schools, in the bid to outdo each other in this ostentatious expression of their moral bona fides, announce which adornment they would be banning.
Time and space will not allow me to catalogue all the examples, but I will share enough to demonstrate the ridiculous extent these schools have gone to prove their virtues. Niger Delta University Vice Chancellor, Samuel Edoumiekumo, announced that students would wear uniforms. For a sum ranging between N20,000 and N30,000, the school would, of course, supply the uniforms. Students protested the directive and the university backed down. The compromise was to “ban” indecent dressing and enforce dress codes. Rivers State University similarly “banned” students from “wearing miniskirts, ankle chains (anklets or ankle bracelets), false eyelashes, tattoos, and any item of clothing that might be considered indecent.” The Vice-chancellor of Godfrey Okoye University, Christian Anieke, similarly “banned” indecent dressing for staff and students. Anieke lamented that most students and staff wear t-shirts with “unauthorised” inscriptions and “ordered” male students to comb or shave their hair properly.
Lagos State University did not stop at proclaiming a ban on “indecent” clothing such as miniskirts, face caps, rolled sleeves, etc., the Vice Chancellor, Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, also asked lecturers to deny students that flout the rules access to lecture halls. So, as a LASU lecturer, you are not only to teach and research, but your range of skills must also include leering at female students wearing clothes “revealing sensitive parts of the body” to chase them out of class. Before teaching students, you must take some time to spot the ones with “lousy, unkempt, extremely bogus hair or coloured artificial hair, brightly tinted hair/eyelashes/brown, fixing of long eyelashes, nails and artificial dreadlock” to deny classroom access. If a male student wears jewellery, plaits his hair, they cannot possibly learn and must be chased out of class too. The LASU circular also noted a ban on “tattered,” “tight fighting clothes,” and “unkempt hair.” That makes you wonder if those who write these rules give a thought to their classism. What if some students wear tattered/tight clothes or unkempt hair simply because they are poor?
The University of Ilorin has a Dress Code Committee and Ahmadu Bello University’s dress codes even extend to the university staff and visitors. The Polytechnic Ibadan did not stop at hounding “indecent” dressers, certain acts such as hugging a fellow student, wearing nose rings (or an additional earring) and wearing face caps “unconventionally” (?) are all major sins that will attract a semester suspension. I could keep going on relating the absurd obsession with regulating appearance by giving examples from schools such as Kwara State University; the University of Maiduguri; Federal Polytechnic, Anambra; University of Calabar; Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University; University of Ibadan; Abia State University, and many others, but you already get the point by now.
This hyperfocus on the dress by Nigerian public universities trying too hard to reform moral decline is not limited to the administrative cadre. On Google scholar, there are several articles written by academics in these schools to support one “ban” or the other on appearance. These allegedly academic articles first pontificate about the “moral crisis” engendered in society through the loss of cultural values and now being heightened by dressing. Some of these pieces even round off their poorly conceived thoughts with clichés such as “the way you are dressed is the way you are addressed.” Addressing people merely based on their dress is an error of judgment. It means those who lack virtue but can afford to dress well deserve more reverence than their less privileged counterparts who might be truly virtuous. If what people wear determines their morality, does that mean that the pre-modern societies where people did not wear clothes lacked virtue? If clothes are truly a mark of one’s morality, does that mean that the virtues of the Nigerian political class—almost always resplendently dressed in massive agbadas—is given?
The thing is, when a society is going through a phase where there is such anxiety about values and emphasis on regulating conduct (especially of its younger generation) such as this, at least two things are likely to be ongoing: first is that the crisis of morality that people are sensing and reacting to by instituting codes of conduct must be real. Those people might not be able to put their finger on it, but their intuition is correct that something is very rotten in the state. You only need to look at our society to agree that their sense of moral crisis is accurate. So, yes, people are justifiably disgusted by the putrefying odour wafting through their nostrils and sincerely anxious to trace its source.
Second, it is also likely that those who try their hardest to find out where things are wrong embody that rottenness. Traditionally, institutions like universities are a moral force within society because they are spaces where ideas of its value systems are formed and reformed. Through the power of thought, the university informs and impresses a culture of conscience to advance society’s understanding of itself. Their responsibility of moral preparation goes in tandem with similar institutions such as the family, religious and social organisations, and even the media. Wherever the values these institutions jointly uphold are strong, the society gains commensurate ethical strength. When they are weak, the rot is palpable.
Students’ dressing “indecently” to school is therefore not the evidence of moral decline as those making and enforcing dress codes imagine. No, the rottenness is symbolised in a university that no longer represents a space of intellectual and moral learning. Rather than reckon with the ethical decline within society and the overall institutional degradation that stymies serious ideological responses to these issues, university administrators respond in the most superficial ways by banning the least of all culprits – dress.
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[OPINION] Return of the native - Sam Omatseye
President-elect Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s plane erupted into the sultry sky and left France, whose beauty Hitler envied and where Charles de Gaulle tenanted his genius. Destination: Abuja. His return was awaited, to some for good, to others for ill. But when he came out of the aircraft, he blew a boyhood kiss and his hand transported it in a wave to the cheering crowd.
He unveiled his soul in a smile as he walked down the aircraft, followed by the incoming first lady, Oluremi Tinubu. The video seemed deceptive, a touch post-modern. Behind him were vice-president-elect Kashim Shettima. Other dignitaries in tow, including Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila and Plateau State Governor Simon Lalong. Did they come with him? No, they entered the plane to welcome him before he led them out. So, he stepped onto the tarmac in the firelight of a pageant.
Some expected him to limp. He strode. Some expected him to be lean. He was robust. For those who wanted him to look pale, he was ruddy. Some anticipated a triumphal swagger. He was folksy. While a picture of virility, some eyed infirmity. So, to many, it was an applause for a homecoming. Cynics homed in on something else. Hence, they saw a patch instead of a wave, gloom in place of a visceral cheer.
To quote Shakespeare, “Are not some whole that we must make them sick?”
Like Thomas Hardy’s novel, The Return of the Native, a homecoming is about going back to root. That was what Tinubu did. It was a return to Abuja, where he heard INEC chief Mahmood Yakubu’s aplomb voice announce him president-elect, where he had his situation room under Trojan of works Babatunde Raji Fashola SAN, where he slept at 4 am or not at all in the combustions of campaigns before victory’s champagnes popped, where he hoped and steeled himself against despair, where many pelted accusations and clerics swore.
The return of the native is not always, as Hardy’s tale shows, to a setting of unity. But it challenges the cooperative instinct of the native. The Nigerian native, that is. He who must rise above cant and cannot be a tribalist or fanatic but a fan of all. He returns as a native, not a nativist.
Hence, the first matter on the burner has been who heads the National Assembly. All kinds of views rend the air. He belongs to the executive, not the legislative branch. But once you win the election, you become not just the head of the country, but also of the party. That is the presidential way. He wears shifting hats. When some say the senate president must come from southeast or south-south, he must ruminate what is good for the country, and good for the times. He must not forget what is good for him to work as a party man, and more especially a partner as president. It is time to dispense with Rudyard Kipling manifesto, “East is east, west is west and never the twain shall meet.” That is, he is not thinking Igbo or Yoruba, but Nigerian native.
Time to rise above LP or PDP, but clutch Nigeria in the sky. He knows, as a past master, that no single formula works. He will not succumb to the semantics and polemic of a sectional intelligentsia raving without logic except those cooked to discredit their own people. Hence, he said as he arrived, that he has to consult. That is the impulse of the native just like his kiss – it blows into the air without borders.
He knows that this is a nation divided. This is where the tribe and tongues differed. Where the cleric went to church and made the pulpit a shotgun. Where phone calls about religious war belied pieties of holy men and exposed the shenanigans of men of power who wanted their black shirts to transfigure into cassocks in the credulity of their followers.
He knows that the PDP gave away its endowment in an orgy of self-fragmentation. They broke apart to break down. It was like the United States under George Bush where the Cold War lost its frostbite when the Soviet Union collapsed without a shot. It broke into many nations, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, et al. Putin looked with wistful disdain as his nation and empire kneeled on the world stage. No surprise over the war today.
So, too, Tinubu understands the hysteria over NDLEA and passports and Abuja status. A native must understand the rage of cousins, however blind. They know they are broken. They came apart to come apart. They split to be conquered. They were warned of the endgame. It is how a literary critic named G.D. Killam described such self-confidence. He called it “insistent fatality” in reference to Okonkwo in Achebe’s Things fall Apart. The ancestor was king Oedipus, who knew the fatal end but would not change course. Even the devil in the Bible knows his end but he would not repent. Ditto Judas Iscariot.
The nativist is not welcome. Hence, he arrives as the native. The native does not chew up his nativity, but eschews nativism. In a multi-ethnic society, the definition of native happens in context. If he is Afemai, he is not to deny he is an Afemain native. That is clutching his nativity. But when he is dealing with the Ijaw, he looks at him as a human first and Nigerian second, and that makes cooperative living possible.
If he is in Jos and wants to run as governor, he is nativist if he must first run as Berom or Jukun or Angas. But if he runs as a plateau person first, there will be no need to look at the tribe, but ideas and character. However, if he gathers his ethnic group as his first strength, he generates suspicion and others will do same. That is what engenders nativism. Hence, when Sunak presented himself for prime minister in the United Kingdom, he did not invoke Asia. He ran as a Brit. He was picked as a Brit. No Indian or Pakistani or Bangladeshi held a meeting in the party to say this is our son.
That is the root of the indigene currents in the last election. Don’t wake up nativist embers in others who only said, you are a member. The London mayor never had a majority of Indians. Neither did Obama win with a majority of blacks.
This is the lesson to learn from Lagos. Anyone should be governor anywhere if he is a Nigerian by heart, and not a face of a foreign sentiment in their own nation. The indigenes will roar and that is where we give birth to indigene-settler tension, not only in Lagos but also in a place like Plateau.
The same applies to faith. You cannot win by turning the church into a party machine. We hope Christians learned from the last election. We have to learn to make other things native to us. Be a native to ideas of 21st century, a native to infrastructure and anti-corruption, a native to the rule of law, a native to justice and good education.
The native must embrace the power of technology, with its disdain for old thinking. Software is now gradually succumbing to artificial intelligence. It is a brave new world where new jobs, new configurations of economy open new vistas for a nation as raw as Nigeria. For instance, a new job known as prompt engineer will privilege the arts, and English majors, in writing prompts that will change the face of communications. A new Nigerian native is home to this disruption of thinking.
With such thinking, we focus less on blood ties but the spirit of living together. Just as Shakespeare wrote, “In the spirit of men, there is not blood.” That encapsulates the return of the native.
[OPINION] Nigeria: Stranded in Sudan - Reuben Abati
Sudan, Africa’s third largest country is at the brink of disintegration, because two belligerent Generals _ Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan of the Sudanese Army and General Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, head of a paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are determined to destroy their own country for selfish reasons. They were allies previously when they worked together to oust Omar al-Bashir, the dictator and butcher of Sudan, but now the two Generals have turned against each other. They are fighting over power and position, backed on both sides by powerful outside interests whose main target is access to the rich resources of Sudan – gold, oil reserves, and gum Arabic. Sudan is the confluence for the White and Blue Nile to form the Nile. Egypt and Ethiopia have serious need of the Nile. About 10% of global trade passes through the Red Sea, around which Sudan is also strategically located. In the international community, there has been a scramble for the rich resources of Africa, since the colonial times, leading to the partition of Africa, slave trade, and the reduction of Africa to a source of raw materials to be exploited at cheap rates by Western and Eastern powers for their own gain.
The international community, for more than 100 years has talked about a global community of values, the equality and sovereignty of states, globalization, human rights and the common heritage of mankind but the same people who mouth those ideas the most are the most hypocritical. Africa is their convenient play-ground. Russia is seeking to control more of Sudan’s gold. It is backing the RSF in Sudan through the Wagner mercenaries. China also has its eyes on Sudan. Egypt is backing al-Burhan. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is pro-RSF. This is part of the drama playing out in Sudan: the hidden hands of hypocrites. But this has been possible before now in Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Mali, Cote D’Ivoire and elsewhere because Africa has an unlucky supply of bad leaders. General Omar al Bashir brought Sudan to its knees, instigated a civil war in Darfur. He ended up as an international felon and left behind a deluge. His country has not known peace since he was ousted in a coup in 2019. The same people who got him out of power are not better either: Generals Burhan and Dagalo have frustrated Sudan’s transition programme and now that country is practically in a war situation. Sudan is an apt illustration of the saying that “when two elephants fight, the grass suffers.” Indeed the people of Sudan are suffering. Hundreds of them have been killed, thousands have been displaced, artillery guns are booming on the streets of Khartoum. Normal life is impossible.
As Sudan slips into chaos, and a humanitarian crisis explodes, the international community, apart from urging peace and a ceasefire, has embarked on the evacuation of their nationals in Sudan. Every country has a responsibility to protect and secure the lives of its citizens whenever they are in distress in any part of the world. We have seen that happen during the war in Ukraine, the crisis in Somalia, and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Nothing inspires patriotism and nationalism more than the feeling that your country truly considers you important. It is in this sense that we have seen many countries rushing to Sudan and getting their people out of harm’s way before the imminent blow-out. By Sunday, April 30, Britain had airlifted about 2, 122 people on 23 flights from Sudan through the Wadi Saeedna airfield near Khartoum. Yesterday, Britain further told UK citizens to head towards Port Sudan for an extra flight out of Sudan. Initially, the British government had said that NHS doctors without passports would not be airlifted, and that priorities would be given to British citizens and their families. James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary who had initially complained about complexity has since said that those without passports have now been included in the flight to Cyprus, before the final journey home. The Royal Airforce and the Navy led the evacuation exercise. They went right inside Sudan and got their people out.
Similarly, the United States has dispatched its special operations forces to Sudan, aerial surveillance assets and unmanned but combat-ready drones. A Naval ship – UNS Brunswick, a fast-transport vessel was deployed by the Pentagon to the Port of Sudan. Two other ships are on the ground – the USS Truxtun, an Arleigh-Burke class destroyer and the USS Puller. The US Africa Command (AFRICOM) based in Stuttgart is co-ordinating the evacuation. On Saturday, the US evacuated all its embassy staff out of Khartoum. Other US citizens have been ferried out of Khartoum in buses, guided by drones and other aerial assets. With China and Russia involved in the Sudanese crisis, and given the strategic regional importance of the country, America’s interest in Sudan is understandable. Part of its present mission is to ensure “Red Sea Security”. The US is a partner of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Our key point is that the US, like 10 other countries, has moved swiftly to protect its citizens, and chosen to be strongly on standby off the coast of Sudan in case the situation further deteriorates. China has also sent a military vessel to the Sudan to evacuate Chinese personnel. India over the weekend also dispatched a patrol vessel, INS Sumedha to the Port of Sudan with two Indian Air Force aircraft – the C-130J transport aircraft stationed in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. India has so far evacuated 3, 000 of its nationals from Sudan. Other countries that have acted pro-actively include Germany, Canada, Italy, Turkey, Belgium, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Africa, France and the Netherlands. It is not an easy operation. On Sunday, a convoy trying to take French embassy staff in Khartoum to safety ran into a hail of gunfire. France has shut down its embassy in Khartoum. There is a race out of Sudan, as a 72-hour negotiated ceasefire and a further extension have failed, and bodies litter the streets, aerial bombardments continue, and Sudan begins to look like a convenient ground for geo-political war.
The foregoing picture leads us inexorably to one question: what is Nigeria doing to rescue its own nationals, about 5, 500 of them, and more who are mostly students who are stranded in Sudan. The figure is probably higher. Data from official sources in Nigeria are never reliable. Nigerians have been going to Sudan since the era of trans-Saharan Caravan trade, ad there may well be millions of us in that place. As the conflict in Sudan enters its third week, it is a crying shame that all that we have been getting from the Federal Government are excuses and such funny explanations that no serious country should offer. We have seen videos of Nigerians that are stranded in Sudan, most of them students, complaining about how they have been neglected by their government. We have seen families crying out for help. Nigerian youths are so aggrieved they have threatened to attack family members of Nigerian Embassy officials in Sudan. They say our Embassy officials are charging them $250 to be put on the evacuation list, Sudan is charging $8 per person, and those who have managed to get to the border of Egypt are being asked to cough out $25. While the Sudanese are fighting, Nigerians are staging a backward drama of their own. Nigeria’s Ambassador to Sudan, Safiu Olaniyan has had cause to cry out in a voice note, appealing to Nigerians in Sudan not to attack Embassy officials. He made it clear that they, the Embassy officials, are as vulnerable as other Nigerians in Sudan, and that nobody should attack them. According to him, the responsibility for managing the evacuation of stranded Nigerians is with the Ministry of Disaster and Humanitarian Affairs and the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) back home in Nigeria, but that he and his team would continue to liaise with the Nigerian authorities. Can you imagine a country’s envoy throwing his own home authorities under the bus? It is not just Nigerians that are stranded in Sudan, it is Nigeria itself that is stranded. Compared to what other countries are doing, Nigeria looks like it has no shame.
Last Friday, I asked for explanations on another platform in order to give Abuja the benefit of the doubt. They had promised that the first batch of Nigerians would return from Sudan on Friday. Allen Onyema, Chairman and founder of Air Peace Airline publicly offered to use his aircraft to airlift Nigerians out of Sudan, without charging a penny. His aircraft were ready. Since the Nigerian government had promised that Nigerians would be airlifted through Egypt, he went ahead and secured landing rights for Air Peace at his own expense in Egypt. The Aliko Dangote Foundation has also announced that it would partner with Air Peace to do whatever it takes to get Nigerians out of Sudan. Countries benefit from the philanthropy of some of their best citizens who complement government’s efforts without expecting anything in return. We saw that during the COVID-19 pandemic when Dangote led a private sector coalition to provide help. We saw that when Allen Onyema went to Ukraine to bring Nigerians out of Ukraine when war broke out. We saw that when during the xenophobic attacks in South Africa, Allen Onyema took the risk of helping to evacuate Nigerians. But the Nigerian government always disappoints, and that is precisely what they are doing in Sudan.
Once upon a time, Nigeria had the dream of becoming a world power. We boastfully referred to ourselves as the giant of Africa and our leaders could call the shots across the African continent, and fight for a seat at the United Nations Security Council. When Professor Bolaji Akinyemi was Minister of Foreign Affairs: he talked about such ideas as the Concert of Medium Powers and the Black Bomb and Nigeria as a world power. The situation in Sudan has just exposed how we have lost it. Three weeks after the Sudanese crisis began, Nigeria is talking about how much was spent to hire buses that would evacuate Nigerians. Dr. Sani Gwarzo, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Disaster and Humanitarian Affairs has given a press conference where he reportedly affirmed that Nigeria had set aside $1.2 million to engage bus drivers and that so far 26 buses have been engaged, each at a cost of $30, 000. N24 million to hire a bus from Khartoum to Port Sudan or Aswan? He said the money was sent through third parties. Dr. Gwarzo and the Situation Room on the Evacuation of Nigerians from Sudan which he chairs, must be told that they have more explanations to offer. He said 40 buses were engaged, but only 26 have been seen. What happened to the $1.2 million then? There was even that ugly incident as reported, whereby drivers taking Nigerians to Aswan, the Egyptian border stopped in the middle of the desert and told the distraught Nigerian passengers to pay or be left in the desert. They were there for five hours! The buses eventually started moving, only for us to be told again, yesterday, that one of the buses conveying 50 Nigerian students, tagged Katsina 1, caught fire. What kind of embarrassment is this? Are we serious at all?
What is worse is that the Nigeria Air Force (NAF) on Saturday sent a Hercules C-130 to Aswan, Egypt to get Nigerians back home. The NAF crew of 14 left with food supplies, but that crew is stranded at the airport. What is meant to be a swift operation has turned into a nightmare. The NAF is being charged heavily by the Egyptian authorities. The NAF crew is stranded. In Sudan and back home in Nigeria, we are told that the country is having logistics and diplomatic challenges. After three weeks, nobody is sure when Nigeria would airlift its first batch of evacuees. The Nigerian Air Force crew of 14 is suggesting that it is better to use Port Sudan, rather than Egypt, which is insisting on visa and payments.
What the hell is happening to African Unity? Egypt has provided support for other countries. Sudan has not asked the Americans for money. Somalia took its people out through the Ethiopian border. Sudan is surrounded by seven African countries. Nigeria is being snubbed by Egypt. Can’t we arrange to evacuate our people through another country? Or are we so hated diplomatically in Africa that nobody would offer our people easy passage? Why would Egypt ask Nigerians for visa in an emergency rescue operation? This is clearly a failure of diplomacy. Every African country treats us shabbily, especially the North African countries. The only exception was Muammar Ghaddafi of Libya during his lifetime. He had a grand vision of African Unity, but other North African leaders relate with sub-Saharan Africa only when they have something to gain. Please, where is the African Union and the regional economic groups in Africa? What is left of African integration? Has anybody deemed it necessary to summon the Egyptian ambassador in Nigeria? The NAF crew is recommending that Nigeria is better off evacuating our people through Port Sudan. Have we sent an aircraft there? Do we have a functioning Naval vessel that can provide transportation from Port Sudan to Nigeria, or do we need to hire Navy transportation?
Nigerians in Sudan want to be rescued from a war situation. Their families at home want them to be safe. If Nigerian officials have nothing intelligent to tell us, the minimum that they can do is to bring our people home, and until they have something concrete to tell us, they should do us the favour of avoiding plainly stupid excuses. It is painful that a country like Somalia is able to rescue its nationals from Sudan and my own country is busy telling Moonlight tales. If they need help, let them approach the British and the Americans or even the International Red Cross, or perhaps the Chinese, without getting involved in any matter beyond rescue and evacuation. As I write, a story pops up that the Egyptian President has now approved that Nigerians can be airlifted out of Aswan after President Muhammadu Buhari spoke to him, but with stringent conditions. Are we supposed to be excited about that? Did Egypt insist on the same stringent conditions with other countries? For the past four days, over 600 Nigerians have been stranded at the Egyptian border. For two days, our Air Force has been treated shabbily in Aswan. The only thing to say is that when our people are safely evacuated back home, we would believe the endless stories. What a country!