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On 29th August 2015, just three months after he was sworn-in, President Muhammadu Buhari disowned two ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign documents containing promises of the achievements he would make during his first 100 days in office. A statement from Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mallam Garba Shehu said Buhari had no knowledge of most of the promises being ascribed to him which he said emanated from the party’s “many centres of public communication which, for whatever reason, were on the loose.”

However, Garba Shehu also added that even within three months, Nigerians could see the difference between Buhari and predecessors. “In the area of economic management, Nigerians are already seeing things happen that they thought were not possible in so short a time”, Shehu stated. “He didn’t put a Kobo to finance the power sector. Yet, reading his body language alone and knowing that there are things you cannot do and get away with under Buhari, electricity supply all over the country has risen to unprecedented heights.” 

After highlighting the administration’s achievements in less than 100 days at the time, Garba Shehu concluded: “President Buhari will turn out to be a leader in the tradition of Lee Kuan Yew and India’s current reform-minded Prime Minister Modi with strong and clear emphasis on detail and execution. He may, however, differ with them by not micro-managing things.” 

With just about 25 days to the end of his tenure, it is left to be seen whether the president will be remembered like the late Singaporean leader. Incidentally, there were indeed many promises ascribed to Buhari before he came to power in 2015. We were for instance told that Buhari would conjure a Naira to command the same value as a dollar, sell all the aircraft in the presidential fleet, ban public officials from seeking medical treatment abroad, publicly declare his assets etc. Of course, none of that happened. 

As Nigerians reflect on what has transpired in the past eight years, the president has also been doing his own introspection. Receiving visitors on what would be his last Eid-el-Fitr ceremony as president two weeks ago, Buhari thanked Nigerians for the honour to serve them for two terms between 2015 and 2023. He also sought forgiveness from those he might have offended while discharging his duties. “I can’t wait to go home to Daura,” said Buhari in the remark that has since drawn flak. “If they make any noise to disturb me in Daura, I will leave for the Niger Republic. I deliberately arranged to be as far away as possible. I got what I wanted and will quietly retire to my hometown.” 

There can be no doubt that the president has got all he ever wanted out of Nigeria. The question is whether Nigerians have fulfilled their aspirations under his leadership. If one gauges responses to Buhari’s ‘apology plea’, the conclusion would be that the president has failed on his campaign promises to the country. But I beg to disagree with that. Since presidential handlers told us from the outset that most of the pre-election promises in 2015 were “audio” to borrow a famous slang, we can only hold Buhari accountable for the promises he made personally. And in that regard, there is no better place to look than his inaugural speech. 

While the president may have made several promises at his inauguration on 29th May 2015, one stands out, even though it was plagiarized from a 1958 speech of the late Charles de Gaulle of France without taking account of the context: “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” 

That famous line has been the guiding philosophy of the Buhari administration in the past eight years. For instance, three key areas that Buhari promised to focus on are: fighting corruption; revamping the economy; and tackling insecurity. A lot has been done by this administration, especially in infrastructure. I am sure fair-minded Nigerians will agree with some of the achievements listed in the 90-page ‘factsheet’ released by the presidential media team. But not a few will also remember that in a rare interview in 2014, a year before he came to power, Buhari dismissed the subsidy regime in the downstream sector of the Petroleum industry as a scam. ‘Who is subsidising who?’ he had asked.  

In January, Reuters reported that Nigeria spent $9.7 billion (N4.39 trillion at official rate) on fuel subsidy in 2022. If we extrapolate from that, we can imagine how many trillions of Naira we have wasted on subsidy in the past eight years. Buhari of course has signed off on its removal. But that is scheduled to happen two days after he must have left office and relocated to Daura! That’s the hallmark of a man who is for everybody and for nobody. The same can be said regarding the management of other critical sectors, which explains the crisis of mission dogging Buhari’s administration. Meanwhile, a leader that is for everybody and nobody is basically telling us that he is only for himself!

In my 19th April 2018 column, ‘A National Security Endangered’, I summed up the indifference of Buhari when it comes to dealing with the security sector. Because the tragic fallouts of that episode remain unresolved, I crave the indulgence of readers to rehash parts of what I wrote five years ago so we can see how being for everybody and for nobody accounts for the insecurity that defines our country today.  

Inter-agency frictions have long been apparent under the current dispensation, especially following what transpired in the Senate during the confirmation hearing of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFFC) Acting Chairman, Mr Ibrahim Magu. The Directorate of State Security (DSS) wrote a damning report, depicting Magu unworthy of the office for which he was nominated by the president.  

Last weekend, there were reports in some online media quoting both the DSS Director General, Mr Lawal Daura, and the National Security Adviser (NSA), Major General Babagana M. Monguno (rtd), as trading damaging allegations. The media stories were based on the Senate ‘Report of the Ad Hoc committee on investigation of the arrest episodes of Tuesday 21st November 2017 among officers of EFCC, NIA and DSSS’, a copy of which I obtained yesterday.  

Since President Buhari came to power with the promise to restore the economy, fight corruption and tackle general insecurity in the country, it is hard to believe that those who head the agencies expected to deliver on two of those main planks are not only bitter enemies but are fighting openly to subvert one another, and in the process, the system. That is the only conclusion to draw from the Senate report which then explains why the country has practically been reduced to a killing field where entrepreneurs of violence ply their nefarious trade everywhere, almost unchallenged by the state.  

The story started on 22nd November 2017 when the attention of the Senate was drawn to a botched arrest drama involving EFCC officials and operatives of the Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA) and DSS. After taking both oral and written testimonies from all the principal actors, the Senate concluded that the acrimonious relationship between and among those manning our security agencies “was noticed from the outset of the investigation, leading the committee to conduct the hearings in camera as well as holding separate meetings with the security agencies. This lack of cooperation and cohesion is reflected at a secondary level with the EFCC and the NSA belonging to one group and the NIA and DSS belonging to another group.”    

When he appeared before the Senate committee, Magu submitted a memorandum and gave oral testimony. According to the report, the highlights of his submissions were that the EFCC operatives were on a legitimate mission before they were obstructed by heavily armed operatives from the two security agencies: DSS and NIA. “Upon arrival at the aforementioned address, the Commission’s operatives met heavily armed personnel of the DSS numbering about thirty (30) with three (3) operational vehicles. In a bid to carry out our legitimate duty, the (EFCC) operatives approached the DSS personnel at the gate, introduced themselves and requested to see the former Director-General, Mr. Ita E. Ekpenyong. Their response to the operatives was ‘No’. Upon further inquiry and presentation of Warrant of Arrest, they responded as follows: ‘We are under instruction from the Headquarters’.” A similar situation, according to Magu, occurred at the residence of Oke whose official residence was also defended by heavily armed NIA officials.  

Meanwhile, Daura, who also submitted a memorandum and appeared before the committee contradicted the claims by Magu. He traced the standoff between the agencies to the events that occurred in July 2016, “in the aftermath of the inauguration of the probe panel set up by the NSA, upon the approval of the President to investigate Defence procurement from 2014 to 2015.” According to Daura, shortly after the commencement of investigation, “operatives of the DSS serving on the panel were removed by the NSA, leaving members from the Military, NIA and EFCC to continue the investigation. Thereafter, the DSS acting on intelligence discovered that some Ad-Hoc members were brought in by the NSA to serve on the committee. These Ad-Hoc members were later found to be involved in some shady deals, which bordered on corrupt practices. The Service subsequently arrested Mohammed Umar (Air Commodore/Rtd), the arrowhead of the members involved in extorting money from suspects under investigation to give them soft landing. At the end of investigation, he (Umar) was arraigned in court and is presently being prosecuted at the Federal High Court, Abuja.”  

Daura argued that because both Monguno and Magu were unhappy about the arrest and prosecution of Umar, “they decided to embark on a vendetta to investigate the Service on some trumped-up charges, including corrupt practices. The starting point of this was the invitation sent to Ita Ekpenyong and Kunle Kadiri, former Director-General State Services (DGSS) and Head of Account of the DSS, respectively.”  

The investigation, Daura contends “was actually a voyage of discovery to fish out incriminating evidence against the Service with a view to depict it and the Management as being corrupt…The Service discovered that this effort by the Commission was part of a clandestine investigation of DSS accounts by a team set up by the NSA in collaboration with the EFCC Acting Chairman in complete violation of extant laws pertaining to financial regulations of the Service.”

Daura quoted the extant laws which he said forbid what Monguno and Magu were trying to do except with the express permission of the president or the EFCC Board (of which he is statutorily a member along with the CBN Governor, Attorney General of the Federation and 15 other stakeholders). He then declared: “The method (brawn instead of brain) deployed by the current EFCC under Magu is a Gestapo style that belongs to dictatorial regimes. The Acting Chairman runs the agency based on public rumours, maneouvers, gossips, political interferences from certain quarters and Marabouts.”  

In his written and oral testimonies, the then Acting NIA Director General, Ambassador Mohammed Dauda (who has since been replaced) said there was no official communication to the agency from the EFCC on the exact mission of its operatives to the official residence of his predecessor, Oke and that he got wind of it only from the media. “It was the expectation of the DG NIA that a prior notice would be served on the Agency by the EFCC, particularly against the backdrop of the fact that the former DG NIA was still resident in the Command House (official residence of a serving DGNIA), while in the process of handing-over in line with extant practice. By virtue of its status, the Command House is a critical National Security Asset with sensitive documents and equipment. Accordingly, the attempt to storm the Command House to effect an arrest had far-reaching national security implications”, according to the report.  

The report added: “Resistance against the EFCC by operatives of the NIA consequently served a larger national interest, to maintain the sanctity of the Agency, its operatives and sensitive security assets in the Flag House. The NIA is a Secret Service, whose operations are clandestine and highly classified. Accordingly, it is imperative to shield the Agency from further negative publicity. He regretted that the EFCC under Magu has been hostile to and uncooperative with the NIA leading to the massive withdrawal of NIA operatives from the services of the EFCC.”  

The last to give evidence was Monguno who admitted knowledge of the letter submitted to his office by Daura but disregarded it because “it was written in a distasteful and impolite tone.” Monguno, according to the report, traced the “ongoing investigation by the EFCC as an outcome of the Vice-President’s Panel which discovered the misappropriation of $289 Million Intervention which was released by the CBN to some Security Agencies around 2015”, although he also added that “he was not aware of the EFCC Chairman’s plan to arrest any of the persons until after the media frenzy and that the resistance made by the Security Agencies during the arrest episode cast some aspersions.” 

Monguno expressed concerns about the apparent lack of unity and cooperation which has led to the current state of disharmony amongst the sister agencies. “He said that this resulted due to the National Security Agencies Decree 1986 which has stripped the NSA of the power to check the other security agencies that have now become independent of his office due to their now ‘easy’ access to the President. Thus, there is a desperate need to streamline the Agencies and make them answerable to the NSA.” 

The most critical part of the report is the claim that Monguno “informed the Senators during the meeting that the President is evidence of the state of things as he has informed him of the situation and also presented evidences of some instances in which his duties were usurped due to the lack of discipline exhibited by the Security Agencies…He harped on the fact that failure to arrest this situation would have transnational implications as the hierarchical structure for command has been compromised.”

What is baffling to most observers is how President Buhari has allowed the institutions of national security to be freely carved up into clashing and competing private fiefdoms of ambitious and lawless chieftains who have carried their fights into the public arena. Tragically, it is this dysfunction between the security agencies and the unhealthy rivalry among their heads that has led to the current state of general insecurity in the country.  

ENDNOTE: 

In 2016, two years before I wrote the foregoing, Special Adviser to the president on Media and Publicity, Mr Femi Adesina authored a controversial piece, ‘President Muhammadu Buhari and the descendants of Shimei’, where he likened his principal to King David, easily one of the most important Bible characters; and his critics to “descendants of Shimei’’, a member of the family of the displaced King Saul who once publicly humiliated King David. In response a few months later, I wrote ‘Of President Buhari and King David’. The conclusion I drew more than five years ago is still as apt today as it was then: Ordinarily, the president of a republic sees himself in the least of his citizens; their joy is his uplift; their sorrow is his personal anguish. In times of travail, he goes to places where people are hurting and empathises with them. His visit is not ceremonial; it is in the line of active duty. In a monarchy, the leader is king. He is above the people and sees gestures of empathy even in dire circumstances as condescension. The fracture in the polity is somehow traceable to this very disconnect. 

In case the president and his handlers have forgotten, let me remind them. Even though he proposed no set of values beyond a ‘body language’ that, on the face of recent developments, might have been wrongly interpreted by many Nigerians, Buhari was elected president to serve as a moral compass—a leader who would need no prompting before choosing between right and wrong in the conduct of public affairs. Unfortunately, that is not what has transpired under his stewardship. And since moral authority, according to Ken Robinson, is intertwined with legitimacy, “once the confidence and trust in a leader’s moral authority is seriously questioned, once it becomes obvious that their moral compass is off, their ability to lead is undermined and challenged.” 

In 25 days, President Buhari will be out of office. In a way, he has already written the epitaph for his administration. He promised to be for everybody and for nobody. Against the background of what has happened in Nigeria in the past eight years, it will be difficult to argue that Buhari has not fulfilled that promise. And one final point: In case President Buhari feels offended by this column or any that I have written in the past eight years about him or his administration, I also seek his forgiveness!

 

Nigerian universities come up in the news these days to announce either the inauguration of new dress codes or the revival of dormant rules. Fixating on appearance is not new in Nigeria, but the frequency—especially by academic institutions—in the past months is head-scratching. Hardly a month passes these days without some university or polytechnic issuing a sartorial decree.

One can trace this mania to several factors. First, we are a culture that insistently regulates every sphere of life, and we cannot but extend that attitude to other people’s virtues. The orientation stems from our political history when our consciousness was militarised to the point that we are now a country of few producers but many regulators. You can detect the dictatorial bent in the language of the university bulletins where they announce they are “banning” certain sartorial items “with immediate effect.” Second, the rise of faith-based universities, similarly preoccupied with squeezing out virtue from students by any means necessary, puts some pressure on public universities to join in and play a lead role in this unfolding morality play.

 

Third is the painful fact that our tertiary institutions are just not busy enough. Industrialisation potentials in Nigeria have whittled due to serial poor leadership, and universities do not have research and development goals set for them. When an academic institution thus cannot produce knowledge for society, its energies get recalibrated towards administration and not much else. Chasing after students over their appearance or, in some cases, inaugurating a task force to do so gives these schools a sense of motion and mission. Since they cannot impact their immediate world meaningfully through their research and maybe even teaching, they turn to the Hisbah. The result of their preoccupation is that hardly a month goes by without one or more of these schools, in the bid to outdo each other in this ostentatious expression of their moral bona fides, announce which adornment they would be banning.

Time and space will not allow me to catalogue all the examples, but I will share enough to demonstrate the ridiculous extent these schools have gone to prove their virtues. Niger Delta University Vice Chancellor, Samuel Edoumiekumo, announced that students would wear uniforms. For a sum ranging between N20,000 and N30,000, the school would, of course, supply the uniforms. Students protested the directive and the university backed down. The compromise was to “ban” indecent dressing and enforce dress codes. Rivers State University similarly “banned” students from “wearing miniskirts, ankle chains (anklets or ankle bracelets), false eyelashes, tattoos, and any item of clothing that might be considered indecent.” The Vice-chancellor of Godfrey Okoye University, Christian Anieke, similarly “banned” indecent dressing for staff and students. Anieke lamented that most students and staff wear t-shirts with “unauthorised” inscriptions and “ordered” male students to comb or shave their hair properly.

Lagos State University did not stop at proclaiming a ban on “indecent” clothing such as miniskirts, face caps, rolled sleeves, etc., the Vice Chancellor, Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, also asked lecturers to deny students that flout the rules access to lecture halls. So, as a LASU lecturer, you are not only to teach and research, but your range of skills must also include leering at female students wearing clothes “revealing sensitive parts of the body” to chase them out of class. Before teaching students, you must take some time to spot the ones with “lousy, unkempt, extremely bogus hair or coloured artificial hair, brightly tinted hair/eyelashes/brown, fixing of long eyelashes, nails and artificial dreadlock” to deny classroom access. If a male student wears jewellery, plaits his hair, they cannot possibly learn and must be chased out of class too. The LASU circular also noted a ban on “tattered,” “tight fighting clothes,” and “unkempt hair.” That makes you wonder if those who write these rules give a thought to their classism. What if some students wear tattered/tight clothes or unkempt hair simply because they are poor?

The University of Ilorin has a Dress Code Committee and Ahmadu Bello University’s dress codes even extend to the university staff and visitors. The Polytechnic Ibadan  did not stop at hounding “indecent” dressers, certain acts such as hugging a fellow student, wearing nose rings (or an additional earring) and wearing face caps “unconventionally” (?) are all major sins that will attract a semester suspension. I could keep going on relating the absurd obsession with regulating appearance by giving examples from schools such as Kwara State University; the University of Maiduguri; Federal Polytechnic, Anambra; University of Calabar; Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University; University of Ibadan; Abia State University, and many others, but you already get the point by now.

This hyperfocus on the dress by Nigerian public universities trying too hard to reform moral decline is not limited to the administrative cadre. On Google scholar, there are several articles written by academics in these schools to support one “ban” or the other on appearance. These allegedly academic articles first pontificate about the “moral crisis” engendered in society through the loss of cultural values and now being heightened by dressing. Some of these pieces even round off their poorly conceived thoughts with clichés such as “the way you are dressed is the way you are addressed.” Addressing people merely based on their dress is an error of judgment. It means those who lack virtue but can afford to dress well deserve more reverence than their less privileged counterparts who might be truly virtuous. If what people wear determines their morality, does that mean that the pre-modern societies where people did not wear clothes lacked virtue? If clothes are truly a mark of one’s morality, does that mean that the virtues of the Nigerian political class—almost always resplendently dressed in massive agbadas—is given?

The thing is, when a society is going through a phase where there is such anxiety about values and emphasis on regulating conduct (especially of its younger generation) such as this, at least two things are likely to be ongoing: first is that the crisis of morality that people are sensing and reacting to by instituting codes of conduct must be real. Those people might not be able to put their finger on it, but their intuition is correct that something is very rotten in the state. You only need to look at our society to agree that their sense of moral crisis is accurate. So, yes, people are justifiably disgusted by the putrefying odour wafting through their nostrils and sincerely anxious to trace its source.

Second, it is also likely that those who try their hardest to find out where things are wrong embody that rottenness. Traditionally, institutions like universities are a moral force within society because they are spaces where ideas of its value systems are formed and reformed. Through the power of thought, the university informs and impresses a culture of conscience to advance society’s understanding of itself. Their responsibility of moral preparation goes in tandem with similar institutions such as the family, religious and social organisations, and even the media. Wherever the values these institutions jointly uphold are strong, the society gains commensurate ethical strength. When they are weak, the rot is palpable.

Students’ dressing “indecently” to school is therefore not the evidence of moral decline as those making and enforcing dress codes imagine. No, the rottenness is symbolised in a university that no longer represents a space of intellectual and moral learning. Rather than reckon with the ethical decline within society and the overall institutional degradation that stymies serious ideological responses to these issues, university administrators respond in the most superficial ways by banning the least of all culprits – dress.

 
Last Monday was Workers’ Day or Labour Day as some call it. Here in Nigeria, it is usually a public holiday declared by both the Federal and State governments and keyed into by even the private sector employers of labour. It is a day when workers gather in stadiums and sundry other open or public spaces to march, with their leaders making fiery speeches in which they lampoon and lambast the government and other employers of labour and make demands that speak to the grievances of workers and what they expect government and other employers of labour to do to address them. The day is celebrated to also raise awareness about the rights of the working class as well as protect workers from exploitation. It serves as a reminder of the importance of workers in any society. On May 1st of every year, workers proudly identify themselves as such for, as they say, there is dignity in labour and no worker should, thus, be ashamed of his or her station in life, especially where their political consciousness of the immense powers that they wield has been raised to the point of their understanding the rallying cry of the Communist manifesto as encapsulated in “Workers of all countries, unite!” They have nothing but their chains to lose!
 
As a greenhorn at the then Ibadan-based Sketch newspapers, one of the earliest beats that I covered was Labour. Those were the days when the Nigeria Labour Congress headquarters was at Yaba, not far from the popular Tejuoso market. Comrade Hassan Sunmonu, whom I regard as the last authentic NLC president, held sway while easy-going Lasisi Osunde was the scribe. Some of the colleagues with whom I covered the beat were Owei Lakemfa, Kayode Komolafe, Funmi Jolaoso, Nurudeen Alao, Muyiwa Adekeye, among others. It was a mixture of fun and boisterous ideological engagements in those days; what with the radicals and ideologues recruited fresh from the university by the NLC leadership; the likes of John Odah, Christ Uyot, Issa Aremu, Femi Aborishade, Salisu Mohammed,to mention but a few. Those were the days when an NLC leader sneezed and the military dictators caught cold. No more!
 
The story is told of one Workers Day ceremony attended in person by the then military dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (IBB). Workers were angry with the government and showed it in the placards they carried and the songs they sang while marching past. When it was time for the NLC president, Comrade Paschal Bafyau, to climb the rostrum and make his speech, he reportedly leaned towards IBB and said, “Your Excellency, permission to yab you small!” And IBB responded, “Permission granted!” Comrade Paschal mounted the rostrum and delivered a fiery speech that would make the country’s iconoclast and Labour Leader Number One, Michael Imoudu, green with envy in his grave. Of course, the whole stadium cheered and cheered. Done, Paschal marched majestically back to his seat, leaned towards IBB again and said, “Thank you, Your Excellency. You can see that they are happy!”
 
The story is also told of another NLC leader during the tenure of former President Olusegun Obasanjo who would lead workers on protests against fuel price increase in the daytime but retreat to Aso Villa in the cover of the night for settlement and tete-a-tete with the president. Little wonder, then, that nothing much was gained by the workers despite repeated protests. The days of dedicated and honest Labour leaders committed to the protection and advancement of the interest of workers are far gone. May the good old days return! Nigerian workers need it! Leadership deficiency apart - and benefitting from that is the lackadaisical attitude of government to issues concerning workers’ welfare – but the greatest danger that workers will confront head-on in the years to come is technology; ChatGTP to be precise. Only an illiterate and self-destructive government treats its workforce shabbily but turns round to expect quality service from it. As you make your bed, so will you lie on it! But technology has no such inhibitions. I wouldn't know if Labour leaders are already thinking about the loss of jobs that the new ChatGTP technology will unleash on their rank and file and the massive loss of check-off dues that this will entail. As robots take the place of workers in factories, offices, workplaces and even in homes, what does the future hold for workers and their bourgeois leaders? How many wives, for example, will lose their home to Madam Robot?   
 
Last Monday, I wasn't marching with Labour but the day met me at the YMCA campground at Ibeshe, opposite Dangote refinery. I and my team had been invited by an officer of the Association, Comrade Mike Onilude. It was fun as there was a lot to eat and drink. YMCA chapters came from all over Lagos – Yaba, Festac, Amuwo-Odofin, Oshodi, Lagos Island, Agege, Alimosho, name it. Table tennis and novelty football matches kept the picnickers entertained even as music blared from the loudspeakers. The traditional ruler of Ibeshe was represented by three of his chiefs. Medals were presented to those who participated in the novelty match, which ended in a one-one draw. Some officials were recognised and awarded medals for their contributions to the Association. Funds were raised and children, the young and the young-at-heart enjoyed themselves to the hilt. The rains – a downpour in the real sense of the word – brought proceedings to an abrupt end after a few hours and when proceedings were already coasting home to their final destination. Pledges were made to make next year’s event more entertaining.
 
According to reports, “The first Young Men Christian Association (YMCA) organized group in Nigeria was formed in the city of Kano in 1925 but that local church-based group soon faded away until 1944 when the Lagos YMCA Central Club, which later developed into the Lagos YMCA, was formed. Taking a cue from Lagos, YMCA groups sprang up in other cities and towns. YMCA work in Nigeria was further advanced by YMCA movements in the UK (1958), International Committee of the YMCAs of the USA and Canada (1963) and German YMCA (1964). In 1962, the National Council of YMCAs of Nigeria was formed as an umbrella body of autonomous local associations.
 
However, it was through the formation of the National Council that the YMCAs of Nigeria applied and were registered with the World Council of YMCAs at the meeting in Tosanzo, Japan in 1964 under the founding National President, the late Chief Timothy Oluwole Oyesina. It was through this registration and affiliation that the franchise of the international YMCA family was brought to the National Council and subsequently to the local associations. YMCA work suffered a serious setback during the three-year civil war period of 1967 – 1970. Subsequently, the days of fraternal secretaries were over in April 2000 when the last from Germany left the services of the Northern Zone YMCAs. However technical personnel for VTCs (Vocational Training Centre) and other special projects are still being recruited from Germany.
 
The YMCA of Nigeria adapted the Paris Basis and Kampala Principles to suit local conditions until 1994 when a National Strategic Development Plan Workshop was held at the University of Lagos. One of the highlights of that workshop was the adoption of a Mission Statement which runs thus:
 
‘‘We provide relevant community-based programmes and services that develop the mind, spirit and body of the youths and the less-privileged on the basis of equality and justice and in accordance with the Christian mandate”
 
That statement was considered relevant to the past, present and future aspirations of YMCA which, initially, focused on Youth Development Programmes, Leadership Training, Formal and Informal Education and Vocational Training. While these original thrusts are still relevant today, the statement is equally germane to new challenges arising from such phenomena as HIV/AIDS ethnic/religious conflicts, political violence and gender inequality. YMCA’s main programmes centre on Youth Empowerment, Gender Sensitivity, Poverty Alleviation, Leadership Development, Political and Civic Education, and Capacity-building towards self-reliance. It organises youth camps at local, national and international levels. Through leadership programmes, young people are trained to develop the capacity to assume leadership roles in the affairs of the YMCA and their communities.
 
At its 34th Annual General Meeting and Conference held in July 2000 in Yola, Adamawa State, the National Council reaffirmed and implemented the policy of 30% youth representation on the National Executive Committee and directed Local YMCA boards to follow suit. YMCA has also organized leadership courses for various categories of its lay and professional members. It has Vocational Training Centres in different parts of the country for printers, carpenters, fitters, farmers, fashion designers and native cloth weavers. Gender issues occupy the front burner to promote the participation and leadership of women in YMCA affairs. YMCA is also involved in the Adolescent Reproductive Health Project in collaboration with the USA YMCA and Packard Foundation. The objective of the project is to enlighten the youth on the prevention of HIV/AIDS, among others, so that they can make wise choices for healthy reproductive lives. Another area of concern to YMCA is the promotion of peace and justice”.
 
From the above, we can see that the YMCA Nigeria has an rich history, an illustrious pedigree, a long list of great achievements and an intimidating array of VIPs that will make any organisation green with envy. As it prepares to celebrate its 80th anniversary, we will hear more from this not-for-profit organisation devoted to the uplifting of the society, especially its youths, the down-trodden and less privileged classes.   

Let me begin with the testimony of Martin Luther King Jr. an American Baptist minister and activist who was one of the most prominent leaders in the civil rights movement from 1955 until his assassination in 1968. MLK posited: "The minute I knew I was coming to Ghana I had a very deep emotional feeling. A new nation was being born. It symbolized the fact that a new order was coming into being and an old order was passing away. So I was deeply concerned about it. I wanted to be involved in it, be a part of it, and notice the birth of this new nation with my own eyes."
 
For decades, there had been a cry of distress in our beloved country Nigeria. Interestingly, It has been the cry for change, the cry for justice, the cry for righteousness, the cry for a new Nigeria and national re-birth. In anguish, fear, and humiliation had his love been born, but the birth-pangs had been as brief as they were intense. Nigeria is at the cusp of a political transition. Millions of our compatriots home and abroad who chafe and suffer under the weight of excruciating pains and multidimensional poverty caused by our political leaders’ maladministration, want a change for the better.
 
Our dear country Nigeria continues to confront numerous issues such as; security, economic, political, and social challenges. More than ever witnessed in many homes, the present situation is bleak and many cannot celebrate. Hence, the issue of national re-birth. Regardless of the present situation; there is hope for a brighter future and the promise that this new era, the presidency of Tinubu's 'Unity-Trinity', will provide a good turning point for our country and its people. We should all look forward to the bright side of life with the hope that Nigeria's so much-talked-about vast potential will soon turn into reality.
 
Undoubtedly, May '29, 2023 shall mark the beginning of a great revolutionary change for the better in all ramifications in Nigeria. This is what I termed "Deconstructive or disruptive permutations". Its dynamism is positivism, stirring up insatiability in the new frontiers in attitude, behavior, character, culture, creed, knowledge, and most humanely, our humanity. "A challenge to all and sundry or simply put, a paradigm shift in panache". Expectedly, there will be the issue of push-back to contend with.
 
Sadly, our beloved country Nigeria is messed up because the majority is in selective amnesia. To refresh our minds, find below the examples of some of the reasons why we have not made progress on the issue of Nation-building: 
 
1. One of the instances of  Nigeria's dilemma was exposed when Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio, the minister of Niger Delta, revealed that NDDC contracts were given to federal legislators, The chairman of the probe panel practically begged him not to spill the beans. This was reflected in the infamous "Is okay, off the mic, is okay" consistent interruption. In the meantime, Godswill Obot Akpabio who is now "controversially" a returning senator, refused to honor the invitation from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) severally feigning illness, making him a fugitive of the law.
 
2. There is the case of a former General Officer Commanding (GOC), 8 Division of the Nigerian Army, Sokoto, Major-General Hakeem Otiki. Otiki had in July 2019 sent five soldiers to transport a large sum of money from Sokoto to Kaduna by road where it would be taken to Abuja, part of the money meant for fighting insurgency.  The money was reportedly stolen by soldiers conveying the cash. After the trial by the military court, Otiki was found guilty of N400 million theft and was demoted and dismissed. This is one of the examples of the Army of Fortune benefiting from corrupt activities that made fighting insurgency unachievable. Other atrocities include oil thefts.
 
3. The rot in the police establishment is exemplified by (DCP) Abba Kyari (who was the toast of many, particularly the unsuspecting gullible fellows excited about magic and heroes). He was regarded in Nigeria as a super cop, and he is always there when there is a need to unravel or bust a kidnap gang. His prowess in crime fighting is unrivaled. He is the nation’s pride of what a police officer should be. But now he seems to have been catapulted from the pinnacle of success down the abyss of failure and corruption. Ultimately, Kyari turned out to be a case of supercriminal.
 
4. What is more, people who confidently pad their expense returns on official trips; renew driver’s licenses without showing their faces at the premises of the FRSC; bribe NYSC officials to change National service postings of their relatives to choose ‘lucrative’ companies in Lagos, Abuja or Port Harcourt; pay huge sums to “people at the top” to get jobs for their mentees in the Customs, NPA and other lucrative MDAs; adjust their electricity billing meters (if they can); brag about their connections that enable their relatives to leapfrog higher scoring but not connected candidates and get into those highly sought after courses in the Universities of their choice; under-report their incomes in order to pay lower taxes and cheat on their spouses and partners with impunity; have suddenly become pious preachers of probity, accountability, and integrity.
 
In conclusion, the significance of national re-birth, reorientation, ethics, and mind restructuring cannot be overemphasized. Therefore, as we usher in a new era much is expected from the new administration with the hope of a new dawn.
 

AS he bids farewell to Nigerians on May 29, an overwhelming verdict of gross failure on the economic front pockmarks the two-term tenure of the President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.). This era witnessed a relentless upsurge in human misery, rising national debt, two recessions, record unemployment and inflation levels, and receding foreign direct investment. While so much had been expected of him, he delivered eight locust years.
 
He made bad choices, failed to demonstrate any real grasp of modern economic ideas, and lacked the presence of mind or leadership acumen required to turn the ailing economy around.
 
Inheriting a battered economy from the equally inept Goodluck Jonathan in 2015, Buhari at every opportunity blamed previous governments for not saving or building infrastructure when oil prices were high. But he appeared to forget that he rode to power precisely on the promise and perception that he would reverse the failures of his predecessors on the economy, security, corruption, and leadership. His successes were few, his failures legion.
 
Truly, he inherited a precarious economy. Averaging $111 per barrel in 2011 and 2012, oil prices had started nosediving by mid-2014, thus upturning Nigeria’s revenue and spending plans. By early 2016, oil had receded to $28pb. Although prices later recovered, Buhari never initiated the required ameliorating policies – drastically reducing the cost of governance, strengthening the tax system and divestment.
 
Consequently, the economy fell into recession in 2016, the first time in 25 years, after successive quarters of negative growth. The economy recovered as oil prices rebounded, ending 2017 at $60pb on the average.
 
The second recession in 2020 was caused by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic-induced global recession impacting on the country’s fragile economy. In the second quarter 2020, Nigeria’s GDP contracted by -6.1 per cent, and -3.6 per cent in Q3 to wipe out three years of tentative recovery.
 
But the resurgent oil prices from 2017 could not mask Buhari’s shallow economics, headlined by a confused foreign exchange system, uncoordinated populist schemes, faltering sectoral programmes and a command economy that inhibits private investment. While the naira exchanged officially at N197.8 to $1 in June 2015, it was N460.97 to $1 by April 20. At the parallel market, where most buy, it is N747.
 
Inflation spiked.In 2015, annualised inflation was in single digits at 9.0 per cent. In December, the inflation rate hit 21.47 per cent, a 17-year peak. In March, it climbed to 22.04 per cent, and is likely to rise higher as the government mulls removing the petrol subsidy.
 
Nigerians have never had it so bad. The country overtook India in 2018 as the global capital of extreme poverty with 87 million of its population adjudged to be extremely poor. Some 91.6 million Nigerians currently live in extreme poverty, second behind India, per the World Poverty Clock. The National Bureau of Statistics in 2022 assessed 133 million citizens as living in multidimensional poverty.
 
These figures are not surprising. On Buhari’s watch, the economy is rudderless. Unlike previous governments, he did not value an Economic Management Team, to plan and guide economic recovery.
 
Buhari prefers the lazy recourse to borrowing, breaking all borrowing records in eight years. The Debt Management Office put Nigeria’s debt at N12.12 trillion in June 2015, a debt-to-GDP ratio of 13.1 percent. It had climbed to N44.7 trillion by December 2022; ‘Ways and Means’ borrowing (mostly printing money) was N22.8 trillion. Accordingly, debt-to-GDP ratio has risen to 34.7 per cent. With the binge borrowing, servicing obligations wipe out revenue; 96 percent of revenue went for debt servicing in 2022, said the World Bank. The supine Ninth National Assembly that unthinkingly approves Buhari’s loans is complicit in the binge borrowing.
 
Buhari is disconnected from economic reality: while he borrows heavily and pays highly to service debt, he has just increased public workers’ salaries by 40 per cent. The increment is not tied to any new source of revenue.
 
Investment, foreign and domestic, has atrophied. The NBS estimates unemployment rate at 33.3 per cent, and youth unemployment at 42.5 per cent. Insecurity is taking a huge toll on investment. Currently, international airlines cannot repatriate over $800 million because of the dollar shortage that has also restricted the importation of raw materials, machinery and parts.
 
But they all suffered from his characteristic inattentiveness, and delegation of responsibility without supervision, feedback, or reviews. Targets are missed or abandoned, and sanctions or replacement of incompetent officials rare.
 
Agencies and banks flout TSA under which public revenue is to be remitted directly and in real time. The ABP has run into loan repayment crisis and the “rice revolution,” an early regime success, has faltered; the ERGP’s growth targets, diversification and export boost have not materialised, while the wasteful, ill-conceived cash disbursement schemes are massive looting conduits.
 
Creditably, Buhari signed a watered-down version of the Petroleum Industry Bill into law in August 2021. Bungled by previous governments, that is a major success. The opening of the Abuja-Kaduna, Warri-Itakpe and Lagos-Abeokuta-Ibadan rail lines and extension of others are notable. The flipside is that they come with heavy loans; when the government should have allowed the private sector to undertake these capital projects.
 
Works and Housing Minister, Babatunde Fashola, credits the regime with the reconstruction of 400 highways and bridges. Highways like Bodo-Bonny, or Loko-Oweto Bridge that cuts travel time between the South-East and North-Central by four hours are major landmarks. For eight years, the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, the Second Niger Bridge, Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano (for which the regime received $311 million of the Abacha loot), Ibadan-Ilorin, Lagos-Abeokuta, East-West Road, and other critical highways have yet to be completed. He did nothing to rescue the Apapa Ports access roads; private sector operators are trying to remedy the grave neglect.
 
Buhari is leaving the energy and solid minerals sectors as he met them. With no more than 5,000 megawatts available, Nigeria is electricity-poor. Compare that to President Fatah el-Sisi, who almost tripled electricity output to 60,000MW (2014-2019), transforming Egypt to a net exporter of power.
 
Natural resources are idle or being appropriated by Chinese operators in collusion with corrupt Nigerians. Buhari was defeated by oil thieves: in the year to March, Nigeria lost N2.3 trillion to oil theft and pipeline vandalism. Nigeria was losing $700 million monthly to oil theft, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company claims.
 
Typically, the Executive Orders of his regime on the seaports, airports, and ease of doing business, are implemented in the breach.
 
The President failed to forge a synergy between fiscal and monetary policies. Under him, politics interfered with economic decisions, exemplified by the riotous sale of dollars for religious pilgrimage at concessionary rate when manufacturers cannot access the same.
 
His conspiracy with the Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Godwin Emefiele, with the short-sighted naira redesign policy severely knocked the economy. Nigerians are still living in hardship and businesses are incurring losses because of the policy, with the banks experiencing liquidity problems and the new banknotes still scarce.
 
Agriculture, still the largest contributor to GDP and employer, is besieged; the poultry, tomato, pepper sub-sectors are groaning under the cash squeeze. Farmers are tormented by Fulani herdsmen, who spurn ranching, the global best practice, as well by bandits and terrorists.
 
Ultimately, his statist bent played out, virtually shutting down the long-running privatisation programme. Buhari failed to privatise the moribund refineries, the Ajaokuta Steel Complex, the airports, and the seaports or liberalise these sectors.
 
On balance therefore, his tenure is an economic fiasco, leaving behind higher poverty, unemployment, inflation, and business fatality rates. He has no excuse; he simply lacks the leadership, cognitive and administrative capacity to successfully pilot a modern economy. Ignacio Lula Da Silva, who in his first presidency pulled 20 million Brazilians out of poverty, Festus Mogae, who managed Botswana from wretchedness to become Africa’s fastest growing economy for a while, and Paul Kagame, who is remaking Rwanda into a modern economy, demonstrate what enlightened, capable leadership can accomplish. For economically traumatised Nigerians and the business community, Buhari will not be missed.
 
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Nigeria is the giant country among all other countries in Africa is what we're being told. But how this slogan correlates with precisely what is on ground is what is difficult to understand.
 
Right from tender age, we have been instructed in the national anthem to serve Nigeria with love, strength and faith. Of course we believed that serving one's nation was a sign of patriotism which we surmised would be of benefit to us in return. But in my view, this is not the case considering the way those who had served the country diligently are being treated today.
 
Few days ago, it was reported that the Olympic gold medalist, Wilson Oruma, who had once obeyed Nigeria's call to serve with his heart and might was lying helplessly on a bed in an undisclosed hospital. Oruma was reported to be on a drip while receiving treatment via the urinary catheters.
 
Before this time, Oruma has been undergoing a hard time. He was reported to have been suffering from mental disorder which resulted from losing all he had worked for in his entire career as a footballer to a fraudster who disguised as a pastor, and offered to help Oruma invest his fortune in oil and gas business. The ex midfielder was allegedly duped by the pastor the sum of #2 billion. And since this incident, Oruma has been in an unstable mind. 
 
Had help come in time to save Oruma's health from getting deteriorated to this extent, I believe the ex Nigeria International wouldn't have been in this critical condition. One would definitely wonder why a country, whose flag had been flied by a patriotic Oruma, would abandon the same man to carry his own cross during the time that he needed his country he had once helped to promote its image all over the world. Is it true that there isn't a provision in Nigeria to take care of Nigerian football players after retirement from active football?
 
Yes, Oruma wanted a good life after his retirement from active football. And during the course of finding a way to set the ball rolling, he was duped and dispossessed of all his entire fortune. And this brings another question: What is really the role and impact of the Nigeria Football Association and the federal government in securng good living for Nigerian footballers after retirement? Isn't it the responsibility of the NFA to design a structure that will provide guidance to ex footballers before they enter into contracts with anyone or organisation?
 
Honestly, no one would expect Oruma's fortunes to go down the drain just like that in this age. Oruma's wealth did not go like that of Emmanuel Eboue of Ivory Coast which was backed by the law. His (Oruma's) wealth disappeared through duplicitous means which our law here was unable to help retrieve. What had the NFA/FG done to help Oruma reclaimed his fortune is a question Nigerians will like the NFA and federal government to answer.
 
Footballers - like a political office holders, for instance governors and presidents - served Nigeria with all their might. What's sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, they say. But why is there no provision for ex footballers after retirement like it's in the case for governors, presidentts and other public office holders after leaving offices?
 
Nigerian politicians, after being fed and equipped by the taxpayers wealth, designed conditions that would take care of themselves and their entire households for the rest of their lives. But here is a man (Oruma), who, despite the risk of getting injured and losing his asset(legs) for the rest of his life, still went ahead to bring honour to his fatherland.
 
Oruma is languishing, and he needs his country to lend a helping hand. Has the help come from the same country he had served? What could have been the reason for abandoning a patriotic Nigerian like Wilson Oruma is what many patriotic Nigerians are yet to understand? 
 
I believe that a nation which demands patriotism and wants its entire citizens to be true and loyal to it will never take the wellbeings of those who had, in the past, paid their dues with levity. How do one expect a young man of today to devote and sacrifice his energy to the development of a country whose attitude to its past heroes is not encouraging?
 
We have had many patriotic Nigerians like Wilson Oruma whose lives would have been saved had help come at the appropriate time. But unfortunately Nigeria is a country which has no plan, most especially for its past flag-wavers..
 
The Nigeria Football Association and the federal government need to see Oruma's predicament as a wake-up call to do the needful, and make a proper arrangement to design a solid structure that will see to the welfares of our retired footballers so as to avoid the re-occurence of Wilson Oruma's painful experience in future. 
 
A football player who is guaranteed of better live after retirement from active football career will not hesitate to answer his country's call anytime his service is needed. if we really want the present players to dedicate their energy to the service of the country, the people in power should, as they think of themselves, start thinking of others also.

It was a Monday morning and a working day. One of those days you come to work and you’re in high spirits. The Deputy chief of staff ( DCOS )to the Vice President invited me to his office to inform me that the Vice President has directed that I represent him at the burial ceremony of the father of Late Oronto Douglas the Special Adviser to the President on Research and Documentation in Okoroba in Bayelsa State. 
 
The event was scheduled for Saturday 15th December 2012 and I had enough time to prepare for the journey. Initially I was reluctant to embark on the journey perhaps because of my anticipation of the boredom associated with such trips since I was the only person heading to Okoroba. My fears were further compounded by the lack of safe means of transportation to a town that is surrounded by water. Tell tales has it that several boats and canoes have capsized in the waters during the process of journeying to such towns located in the creeks. You can therefore imagine my apprehension when my Arik Air flight touched down at the Portharcout international airport . I had no inkling that an arrangement had been made by the Special Adviser to the President on Aviation Capt Shehu Iyal for transportation to Okoroba. He was at the airport tarmac waiting for the arrival of invited guests and ushering them into designated helicopters that will ferry them to Okoroba. On this blessed day I was in company of Roz Ben Akagbue now ( Roz Amaechi) . She was a Director at PENCOM and was a friend to the bereaved. She had earlier on called to find out whether I will be at the Occasion. My affirmation in the positive motivated her to want to proceed on the trip. She requested me to provide her with the contact of my airline flight booking assistant. We were therefore on the same flight. We boarded the helicopter with other personalities one of whom was Timi Alaibe the 2019 gubernatorial aspirant of the PDP in Bayelsa State. 
 
On arrival at Okoroba I met the former minister of information Labaran Maku who suggested that we pay a visit to the traditional ruler of Okoroba in Nembe local government of Bayelsa State in council in person of King Thomas Nabhon Ako with his chiefs. Since I was representing the Vice President we agreed I was to speak on behalf of the government. We exchanged pleasantries and discussed on a wide range of issues before I proceeded to the residence of Oronto Douglas. On our way I was shown the public library Oronto built and equipped in the community dedicated to Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan ( President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces then). We thereafter crossed over to the other side of the town housing the residence of the chief mourner. One interesting aspect of Okoroba town is that it is divided in to two segments separated by continuous flowing water. Crossing to either side requires dedicated prayers. While approaching the residence I heard the unmistakable sonorous laughter of my Governor Mr Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa. Although it was unmistakably his, I was however curious to confirm if indeed he was the one. Upon my entry into the living room our eyes met and we exchanged pleasantries. Anytime we meet his special name for me was Waziri ( meaning his deputy). I greeted his accompanying subordinates, Mohammed his protocol officer, Koolas his orderly and Dauda Tsoho his political associate ( whom I always refer to as G34) since he was part of the G34 that formed the PDP just but to mention a few. Present in the living room was one Yakubu Isherti whose presence I could hardly have attributed to the Governor. 
 
Present also and assisting Oronto with other domestic chores were a handful of Nollywood Actors. While some were stationed at home others were at the event venue arranging and preparing the protocols. My recollection of those present revolves around two distinguished Nollywood A list actors , Ramsey Noah and Omoni Oboli whom I recognized being an indirect part of the industry myself. We moved to the event venue which was situated in a vast expanse of land surrounded by decorated canopies . Present at the event was the Governor of Bayelsa State Seriake Dickson, The former Governor of Bayelsa State DSP Depriye Alameisegha ,The CAN President Pastor AYO Oritsejafor , the National Security Adviser Gen Awoye Andrew Azazi and a host of other distinguished Nigerians who witnessed the occasion chiefly amongst which is the indefatigable Nduka Obaigbena the then President of the Newspaper proprietors Association of Nigeria and the proprietor of AriseTv franchise . 
 
When I went to take my seat I discovered that I had been placed behind the front row and I objected to that arrangement vehemently. The commotion from my protestations drew the attention of Gen Azazi who stood up and came to find out and resolve the lingering issue. I told him I was representing the Vice President of Nigeria to which Oronto acquiesced and that I was protesting the placement of my seat at the back row and he instantly agreed with me as such I was immediately moved to the front row. While the event was ongoing I was having a friendly chat with His Excellency Mr Patrick Yakowa. I asked him why he decided to come to the occasion as apart from the Bayelsa State Governor who was the host there was no other Governor or even a deputy present at the event except him. He told me that Oronto specifically begged for his presence and he promised to show up and that his appearance was in fulfillment of that promise. Some of the state house press corps members were around and I invited TY Bello (hairy lady) a veteran photographer and a musician of note who was famed for her excellence in making official portraits and told her upon return to base she would take a fresh picture of the Governor for a new official portrait as the current one was devoid of professionalism. 
 
As the event was winding up I discovered that my Governor was not invited to speak and I raised an observation and he said to me Waziri let them run the program according to their dictates. At the end of the event we moved to the residence waiting for helicopters to return us back to base . The one that brought Mr Yakowa took Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor to Benin and it was a 30 minutes trip meaning it will take an hour for it to return. While we were waiting for another helicopter, one came but before we could step out to escort him they had taken off with a new set of passengers. When that of Gen Azazi came he told Yakowa that he had space for only two passengers apart from him. Mr Yakowa motioned to me whether I was interested in riding along with them ,since I was with Roz Amaechi I declined stating that I will take the next available flight. He beckoned on his ADC and Dauda Tsoho to take the ride with him and that was the beginning of a sad end. I and Roz waited for quite a while before we spotted another helicopter stationed at a distance. We went straight to its location and boarded it. Little did we know that it was for High Chief Nduka Obaigbena. From a distance we heard him shouting and ranting over our invasion. “Who are those in the helicopter, who are the unauthorized persons inside my helicopter” but I told Roz to keep her cool. When he eventually came close and saw that it was me his reaction and countenance changed to that of a friendly one. He said to me haba I didn’t know it was you , the helicopter is equally yours, you have a right over it. We burst out laughing and I came down and we stepped aside and discussed on a wide range of issues of mutual interest. 
 
Before the departure of the flight to PortHarcourt a Nollywood female actor came crying claiming that there was a helicopter crash and that her sister was involved. Our helicopter was directed to fly low altitude at the crash site so that we can confirm the crash. We saw some villagers standing by and surrounding the crash site while the charred bodies and the helicopter was on fire . Immediately we arrived the PortHarcourt airport we reported to Capt Shehu Iyal who arranged for a rescue team. Nobody knew those involved until news started filtering in from the rescue team that it was Gen Azazi and Gov Yakowa and some aides. It was indeed a sad event. I had to immediately relay the sad news to the VP who in turn relayed it to Mr President. While on the plane seated and ready for takeoff, a female Nollywood friend of mine called to check up on me since she was aware of the trip. I confirmed that I was hale and hearty and we bade ourselves good night as my plane was taxiing along the tarmac and was about to take off. I arrived safely and headed straight home for a quick shower to enable me take a well deserved rests when the phone rang. The news coming from the other end was appalling as it was nauseating. It was a confirmation that my Nollywood friend whom moments ago called to confirm my health status has been kidnapped. It was indeed a sad day for me that I loathe to remember.

President-elect Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s plane erupted into the sultry sky and left France, whose beauty Hitler envied and where Charles de Gaulle tenanted his genius. Destination: Abuja. His return was awaited, to some for good, to others for ill. But when he came out of the aircraft, he blew a boyhood kiss and his hand transported it in a wave to the cheering crowd.

He unveiled his soul in a smile as he walked down the aircraft, followed by the incoming first lady, Oluremi Tinubu. The video seemed deceptive, a touch post-modern. Behind him were vice-president-elect Kashim Shettima. Other dignitaries in tow, including Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila and Plateau State Governor Simon Lalong. Did they come with him? No, they entered the plane to welcome him before he led them out. So, he stepped onto the tarmac in the firelight of a pageant.

 

Some expected him to limp. He strode. Some expected him to be lean. He was robust. For those who wanted him to look pale, he was ruddy. Some anticipated a triumphal swagger. He was folksy. While a picture of virility, some eyed infirmity. So, to many, it was an applause for a homecoming. Cynics homed in on something else. Hence, they saw a patch instead of a wave, gloom in place of a visceral cheer.

 

To quote Shakespeare, “Are not some whole that we must make them sick?”

Like Thomas Hardy’s novel, The Return of the Native, a homecoming is about going back to root. That was what Tinubu did. It was a return to Abuja, where he heard INEC chief Mahmood Yakubu’s aplomb voice announce him president-elect, where he had his situation room under Trojan of works Babatunde Raji Fashola SAN, where he slept at 4 am or not at all in the combustions of campaigns before victory’s champagnes popped, where he hoped and steeled himself against despair, where many pelted accusations and clerics swore.

 

The return of the native is not always, as Hardy’s tale shows, to a setting of unity. But it challenges the cooperative instinct of the native. The Nigerian native, that is. He who must rise above cant and cannot be a tribalist or fanatic but a fan of all. He returns as a native, not a nativist.

 

Hence, the first matter on the burner has been who heads the National Assembly. All kinds of views rend the air. He belongs to the executive, not the legislative branch. But once you win the election, you become not just the head of the country, but also of the party. That is the presidential way. He wears shifting hats. When some say the senate president must come from southeast or south-south, he must ruminate what is good for the country, and good for the times. He must not forget what is good for him to work as a party man, and more especially a partner as president. It is time to dispense with Rudyard Kipling manifesto, “East is east, west is west and never the twain shall meet.” That is, he is not thinking Igbo or Yoruba, but Nigerian native.

 

Time to rise above LP or PDP, but clutch Nigeria in the sky. He knows, as a past master, that no single formula works. He will not succumb to the semantics and polemic of a sectional intelligentsia raving without logic except those cooked to discredit their own people. Hence, he said as he arrived, that he has to consult. That is the impulse of the native just like his kiss – it blows into the air without borders.

He knows that this is a nation divided. This is where the tribe and tongues differed. Where the cleric went to church and made the pulpit a shotgun. Where phone calls about religious war belied pieties of holy men and exposed the shenanigans of men of power who wanted their black shirts to transfigure into cassocks in the credulity of their followers.

He knows that the PDP gave away its endowment in an orgy of self-fragmentation. They broke apart to break down. It was like the United States under George Bush where the Cold War lost its frostbite when the Soviet Union collapsed without a shot. It broke into many nations, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, et al. Putin looked with wistful disdain as his nation and empire kneeled on the world stage. No surprise over the war today.

So, too, Tinubu understands the hysteria over NDLEA and passports and Abuja status. A native must understand the rage of cousins, however blind. They know they are broken. They came apart to come apart. They split to be conquered. They were warned of the endgame. It is how a literary critic named G.D. Killam described  such self-confidence. He called it “insistent fatality” in reference to Okonkwo in Achebe’s Things fall Apart. The ancestor was king Oedipus, who knew the fatal end but would not change course. Even the devil in the Bible knows his end but he would not repent. Ditto Judas Iscariot.

The nativist is not welcome. Hence, he arrives as the native. The native does not chew up his nativity, but eschews nativism. In a multi-ethnic society, the definition of native happens in context. If he is  Afemai, he is not to deny he is an Afemain native. That is clutching his nativity. But when he is dealing with the Ijaw, he looks at him as a human first and Nigerian second, and that makes cooperative living possible.

If he is in Jos and wants to run as governor, he is nativist if he must first run as Berom or Jukun or Angas. But if he runs as a plateau person first, there will be no need to look at the tribe, but ideas and character. However, if he gathers his ethnic group as his first strength, he generates suspicion and others will do same. That is what engenders nativism. Hence, when Sunak presented himself for prime minister in the United Kingdom, he did not invoke Asia. He ran as a Brit. He was picked as a Brit. No Indian or Pakistani or Bangladeshi held a meeting in the party to say this is our son.

 

That is the root of the indigene currents in the last election. Don’t wake up nativist embers in others who only said, you are a member. The London mayor never had a majority of Indians. Neither did Obama win with a majority of blacks.

This is the lesson to learn from Lagos. Anyone should be governor anywhere if he is a Nigerian by heart, and not a face of a foreign sentiment in their own nation. The indigenes will roar and that is where we give birth to indigene-settler tension, not only in Lagos but also in a place like Plateau.

The same applies to faith. You cannot win by turning the church into a party machine. We hope Christians learned from the last election. We have to learn to make other things native to us. Be a native to ideas of 21st century, a native to infrastructure and anti-corruption, a native to the rule of law, a native to justice and good education.

The native must embrace the power of technology, with its disdain for old thinking. Software is now gradually succumbing to artificial intelligence. It is a brave new world where new jobs, new configurations of economy open new vistas for a nation as raw as Nigeria. For instance, a new job known as prompt engineer will privilege the arts, and English majors, in writing prompts that will change the face of communications. A new Nigerian native is home to this disruption of thinking.

With such thinking, we focus less on blood ties but the spirit of living together. Just as Shakespeare wrote, “In the spirit of men, there is not blood.” That encapsulates the return of the native.

 

Sudan, Africa’s third largest country is at the brink of disintegration, because two belligerent Generals _ Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan of the Sudanese Army and General Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, head of a paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are determined to destroy their own country for selfish reasons. They were allies previously when they worked together to oust Omar al-Bashir, the dictator and butcher of Sudan, but now the two Generals have turned against each other. They are fighting over power and position, backed on both sides by powerful outside interests whose main target is access to the rich resources of Sudan – gold, oil reserves, and gum Arabic. Sudan is the confluence for the White and Blue Nile to form the Nile. Egypt and Ethiopia have serious need of the Nile. About 10% of global trade passes through the Red Sea, around which Sudan is also strategically located. In the international community, there has been a scramble for the rich resources of Africa, since the colonial times, leading to the partition of Africa, slave trade, and the reduction of Africa to a source of raw materials to be exploited at cheap rates by Western and Eastern powers for their own gain.

 

The international community, for more than 100 years has talked about a global community of values, the equality and sovereignty of states, globalization, human rights and the common heritage of mankind but the same people who mouth those ideas the most are the most hypocritical. Africa is their convenient play-ground. Russia is seeking to control more of Sudan’s gold. It is backing the RSF in Sudan through the Wagner mercenaries. China also has its eyes on Sudan. Egypt is backing al-Burhan. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is pro-RSF. This is part of the drama playing out in Sudan: the hidden hands of hypocrites. But this has been possible before now in Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Mali, Cote D’Ivoire and elsewhere because Africa has an unlucky supply of bad leaders. General Omar al Bashir brought Sudan to its knees, instigated a civil war in Darfur. He ended up as an international felon and left behind a deluge. His country has not known peace since he was ousted in a coup in 2019. The same people who got him out of power are not better either: Generals Burhan and Dagalo have frustrated Sudan’s transition programme and now that country is practically in a war situation. Sudan is an apt illustration of the saying that “when two elephants fight, the grass suffers.” Indeed the people of Sudan are suffering. Hundreds of them have been killed, thousands have been displaced, artillery guns are booming on the streets of Khartoum. Normal life is impossible.

 

As Sudan slips into chaos, and a humanitarian crisis explodes, the international community, apart from urging peace and a ceasefire, has embarked on the evacuation of their nationals in Sudan. Every country has a responsibility to protect and secure the lives of its citizens whenever they are in distress in any part of the world. We have seen that happen during the war in Ukraine, the crisis in Somalia, and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Nothing inspires patriotism and nationalism more than the feeling that your country truly considers you important. It is in this sense that we have seen many countries rushing to Sudan and getting their people out of harm’s way before the imminent blow-out. By Sunday, April 30, Britain had airlifted about 2, 122 people on 23 flights from Sudan through the Wadi Saeedna airfield near Khartoum. Yesterday, Britain further told UK citizens to head towards Port Sudan for an extra flight out of Sudan. Initially, the British government had said that NHS doctors without passports would not be airlifted, and that priorities would be given to British citizens and their families. James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary who had initially complained about complexity has since said that those without passports have now been included in the flight to Cyprus, before the final journey home. The Royal Airforce and the Navy led the evacuation exercise. They went right inside Sudan and got their people out.

 

Similarly, the United States has dispatched its special operations forces to Sudan, aerial surveillance assets and unmanned but combat-ready drones. A Naval ship – UNS Brunswick, a fast-transport vessel was deployed by the Pentagon to the Port of Sudan. Two other ships are on the ground – the USS Truxtun, an Arleigh-Burke class destroyer and the USS Puller. The US Africa Command (AFRICOM) based in Stuttgart is co-ordinating the evacuation. On Saturday, the US evacuated all its embassy staff out of Khartoum. Other US citizens have been ferried out of Khartoum in buses, guided by drones and other aerial assets. With China and Russia involved in the Sudanese crisis, and given the strategic regional importance of the country, America’s interest in Sudan is understandable. Part of its present mission is to ensure “Red Sea Security”. The US is a partner of the Sudanese Armed Forces. Our key point is that the US, like 10 other countries, has moved swiftly to protect its citizens, and chosen to be strongly on standby off the coast of Sudan in case the situation further deteriorates. China has also sent a military vessel to the Sudan to evacuate Chinese personnel. India over the weekend also dispatched a patrol vessel, INS Sumedha to the Port of Sudan with two Indian Air Force aircraft – the C-130J transport aircraft stationed in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. India has so far evacuated 3, 000 of its nationals from Sudan. Other countries that have acted pro-actively include Germany, Canada, Italy, Turkey, Belgium, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Africa, France and the Netherlands. It is not an easy operation. On Sunday, a convoy trying to take French embassy staff in Khartoum to safety ran into a hail of gunfire. France has shut down its embassy in Khartoum. There is a race out of Sudan, as a 72-hour negotiated ceasefire and a further extension have failed, and bodies litter the streets, aerial bombardments continue, and Sudan begins to look like a convenient ground for geo-political war.

 

The foregoing picture leads us inexorably to one question: what is Nigeria doing to rescue its own nationals, about 5, 500 of them, and more who are mostly students who are stranded in Sudan. The figure is probably higher. Data from official sources in Nigeria are never reliable. Nigerians have been going to Sudan since the era of trans-Saharan Caravan trade, ad there may well be millions of us in that place. As the conflict in Sudan enters its third week, it is a crying shame that all that we have been getting from the Federal Government are excuses and such funny explanations that no serious country should offer. We have seen videos of Nigerians that are stranded in Sudan, most of them students, complaining about how they have been neglected by their government. We have seen families crying out for help. Nigerian youths are so aggrieved they have threatened to attack family members of Nigerian Embassy officials in Sudan. They say our Embassy officials are charging them $250 to be put on the evacuation list, Sudan is charging $8 per person, and those who have managed to get to the border of Egypt are being asked to cough out $25. While the Sudanese are fighting, Nigerians are staging a backward drama of their own. Nigeria’s Ambassador to Sudan, Safiu Olaniyan has had cause to cry out in a voice note, appealing to Nigerians in Sudan not to attack Embassy officials. He made it clear that they, the Embassy officials, are as vulnerable as other Nigerians in Sudan, and that nobody should attack them. According to him, the responsibility for managing the evacuation of stranded Nigerians is with the Ministry of Disaster and Humanitarian Affairs and the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) back home in Nigeria, but that he and his team would continue to liaise with the Nigerian authorities. Can you imagine a country’s envoy throwing his own home authorities under the bus? It is not just Nigerians that are stranded in Sudan, it is Nigeria itself that is stranded. Compared to what other countries are doing, Nigeria looks like it has no shame.

 

Last Friday, I asked for explanations on another platform in order to give Abuja the benefit of the doubt. They had promised that the first batch of Nigerians would return from Sudan on Friday. Allen Onyema, Chairman and founder of Air Peace Airline publicly offered to use his aircraft to airlift Nigerians out of Sudan, without charging a penny. His aircraft were ready. Since the Nigerian government had promised that Nigerians would be airlifted through Egypt, he went ahead and secured landing rights for Air Peace at his own expense in Egypt. The Aliko Dangote Foundation has also announced that it would partner with Air Peace to do whatever it takes to get Nigerians out of Sudan. Countries benefit from the philanthropy of some of their best citizens who complement government’s efforts without expecting anything in return. We saw that during the COVID-19 pandemic when Dangote led a private sector coalition to provide help. We saw that when Allen Onyema went to Ukraine to bring Nigerians out of Ukraine when war broke out. We saw that when during the xenophobic attacks in South Africa, Allen Onyema took the risk of helping to evacuate Nigerians. But the Nigerian government always disappoints, and that is precisely what they are doing in Sudan.

 

Once upon a time, Nigeria had the dream of becoming a world power. We boastfully referred to ourselves as the giant of Africa and our leaders could call the shots across the African continent, and fight for a seat at the United Nations Security Council. When Professor Bolaji Akinyemi was Minister of Foreign Affairs: he talked about such ideas as the Concert of Medium Powers and the Black Bomb and Nigeria as a world power. The situation in Sudan has just exposed how we have lost it. Three weeks after the Sudanese crisis began, Nigeria is talking about how much was spent to hire buses that would evacuate Nigerians. Dr. Sani Gwarzo, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Disaster and Humanitarian Affairs has given a press conference where he reportedly affirmed that Nigeria had set aside $1.2 million to engage bus drivers and that so far 26 buses have been engaged, each at a cost of $30, 000. N24 million to hire a bus from Khartoum to Port Sudan or Aswan? He said the money was sent through third parties. Dr. Gwarzo and the Situation Room on the Evacuation of Nigerians from Sudan which he chairs, must be told that they have more explanations to offer. He said 40 buses were engaged, but only 26 have been seen. What happened to the $1.2 million then? There was even that ugly incident as reported, whereby drivers taking Nigerians to Aswan, the Egyptian border stopped in the middle of the desert and told the distraught Nigerian passengers to pay or be left in the desert. They were there for five hours! The buses eventually started moving, only for us to be told again, yesterday, that one of the buses conveying 50 Nigerian students, tagged Katsina 1, caught fire. What kind of embarrassment is this? Are we serious at all?

 

What is worse is that the Nigeria Air Force (NAF) on Saturday sent a Hercules C-130 to Aswan, Egypt to get Nigerians back home. The NAF crew of 14 left with food supplies, but that crew is stranded at the airport. What is meant to be a swift operation has turned into a nightmare. The NAF is being charged heavily by the Egyptian authorities. The NAF crew is stranded. In Sudan and back home in Nigeria, we are told that the country is having logistics and diplomatic challenges. After three weeks, nobody is sure when Nigeria would airlift its first batch of evacuees. The Nigerian Air Force crew of 14 is suggesting that it is better to use Port Sudan, rather than Egypt, which is insisting on visa and payments.

 

What the hell is happening to African Unity? Egypt has provided support for other countries. Sudan has not asked the Americans for money. Somalia took its people out through the Ethiopian border. Sudan is surrounded by seven African countries. Nigeria is being snubbed by Egypt. Can’t we arrange to evacuate our people through another country? Or are we so hated diplomatically in Africa that nobody would offer our people easy passage? Why would Egypt ask Nigerians for visa in an emergency rescue operation? This is clearly a failure of diplomacy. Every African country treats us shabbily, especially the North African countries. The only exception was Muammar Ghaddafi of Libya during his lifetime. He had a grand vision of African Unity, but other North African leaders relate with sub-Saharan Africa only when they have something to gain. Please, where is the African Union and the regional economic groups in Africa? What is left of African integration? Has anybody deemed it necessary to summon the Egyptian ambassador in Nigeria? The NAF crew is recommending that Nigeria is better off evacuating our people through Port Sudan. Have we sent an aircraft there? Do we have a functioning Naval vessel that can provide transportation from Port Sudan to Nigeria, or do we need to hire Navy transportation?

 

Nigerians in Sudan want to be rescued from a war situation. Their families at home want them to be safe. If Nigerian officials have nothing intelligent to tell us, the minimum that they can do is to bring our people home, and until they have something concrete to tell us, they should do us the favour of avoiding plainly stupid excuses. It is painful that a country like Somalia is able to rescue its nationals from Sudan and my own country is busy telling Moonlight tales. If they need help, let them approach the British and the Americans or even the International Red Cross, or perhaps the Chinese, without getting involved in any matter beyond rescue and evacuation. As I write, a story pops up that the Egyptian President has now approved that Nigerians can be airlifted out of Aswan after President Muhammadu Buhari spoke to him, but with stringent conditions. Are we supposed to be excited about that? Did Egypt insist on the same stringent conditions with other countries? For the past four days, over 600 Nigerians have been stranded at the Egyptian border. For two days, our Air Force has been treated shabbily in Aswan. The only thing to say is that when our people are safely evacuated back home, we would believe the endless stories. What a country!

Vice President Yemi Osinbajo was in Nairobi, Kenya, this weekend to participate in an event organized by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation. The Foundation was established in 2006 to promote good governance and leadership in Africa. This weekend’s event, tagged The Ibrahim Governance Weekend (IGW) brought together leading voices from across the continent to speak on important issues on the progress of Africa. 
 
On the sidelines of the weekend activities, Mr. Mo Ibrahim pulled the VP aside and commended him for his leadership qualities and for being a good example for other African leaders. He then asked the VP to assume the status of an African stateman because ‘’now we really need statesmen like you coming out of office to really go and save the society, and something for Africa. There is life after office…you say it as it is and you really give example to all our leaders. We can go and get things done and get the respect of the international community, and you do the best job’’. 
 
This is the same message that many world leaders and countless Nigerians have been passing to Prof. Osinbajo as the end of his tenures nears. They all expect the VP to transmute into a global thought leader and international statesman in the mold of Barrack Obama, Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela. At a panel discussion during the Nairobi event, a former President of the African Development Bank, Dr. Lawrence Kaberuka, who also spoke on the panel, said of the VP, ‘’I think this gentleman has done an excellent job in his country. I don’t think we have seen the last of him’’. But what are people seeing in Osinbajo?
 
 First, let me introduce Mo Ibrahim to those who might not know him. Sir Mohammed Fathi Ahmed Ibrahim, born May 3, 1946, is a Sudanese-British billionaire businessman. He worked in several telecommunications companies, before founding Celtel, which when sold, had over 24 million mobile phone subscribers in 14 African countries. After selling Celtel in 2005 for $3.4 billion, he set up the Mo Ibrahim Foundation to encourage better governance in Africa, as well as creating the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, to evaluate nations’ performance. He’s also a member of the African Regional Advisory Board of London Business School.
 
 Since Sir Ibrahim and his foundation are primarily focused on promoting good governance in Africa, a continent that has been damaged by corruption, wars and leadership incompetence, he must have seen in Osinbajo qualities that would stand him out as a global statesman: dignity; virtue; fairness, temperament and wisdom. 
 
Many Nigerians also admire the VP for these and more. Over the years, in words and deeds, Osinbajo has exhibited statesmanlike leadership qualities. He has shown integrity, competence, dedication to duty, loyalty to the government, compassion, empathy, graciousness and courage. He has consistently spoken out against extremism, bigotry and violence in our polity. How I wish he had had the executive powers. 
 
The Vice President's recent speech at NIPPS on our diversity in which he chided ethnic jingoists, hate mongers and election riggers in a season many other leaders appear too effeminate to speak out or do something signifies the very essence of his ideals. I’m always awed by Osinbajo’s tremendous social conscience.
 
At Kuru, the VP stressed that in the contest for power, leadership elites must not toy with prejudices that alienate or divide any section of the country, rather they should conduct themselves with a high sense of responsibility in order to build a new Nigeria where there is justice, equity and shared prosperity. Besides, deliberate efforts have to be taken to deal with ethnic profiling and prejudices before they influence political contests. This is a direct rebuke of people like Bayo Onanuga, the spokesman for Bola Tinubu, who have been making incendiary statements soon after the elections.
 
Said Osinbajo: “the leadership elites have a duty to conduct themselves with a high sense of responsibility even as they prosecute their contest for power’’. He pointed out that historically, conscious and patriotic elites all recognize that, beyond what the letter of the law asserts, there are lines that cannot be crossed in the pursuit of political power. One of such lines is the willful exploitation of sectional sentiments and the invocation of ethnic antipathies to mobilize a political constituency. It is dangerous because it is an attempt that seeks to mobilize by fostering division and hatred".
 
 Prof. Osinbajo’s stirring condemnation of ethnic bigots who denied some Nigerians their right to vote in the last elections provided the needed balm to a nation that is hurting. It is a sharp contrast to the coldness and aloofness of President Buhari who has remained reticent all through the post-election tensions. 
 
Said the VP: “these elections witnessed the exploitation by political actors of the fears and anxieties of people about so-called outsiders. Any attempts to deny people the right to vote in any locality on the basis that they do not belong in that place is condemnable in the strongest possible terms,’’. 
 
Osinbajo stressed that when ethnic or religious prejudices are weaponized for political purposes, we are confronted with a lethal, potentially destructive situation. This is why most prosperous places are countries that have learned to harness diversity while building ever more inclusive institutions. And it is also the reason discrimination against people on the basis of their identity is explicitly condemned by most legal codes, including the Nigerian Constitution. The crisis in Nigeria, however, is exacerbated by a tension that exists between new Nigeria and the old Nigeria as understood by a generation that is much more accustomed to political mobilization on the basis of identity. But, as a nation, Nigeria must ennoble and validate the Nigeria that our young people are consciously or unconsciously building. This is the future we want.
 
 The VP urges us to remember that although we may speak different languages, belong to different tribes and profess diverse creeds; we are bound, above all else, by the language of a shared hope, by our common humanity as Nigerians, and a supreme faith in the possibility of our country. Speaking further against all forms of discrimination, the VP stressed that if we are truly committed to economic growth, then we must also be committed to creating inclusive communities and strengthening social cohesion. 
 
Put in another way, he emphasized that the only thing that grows in a climate of tribal hatred is poverty. This is why justice, healing, and a stronger commitment to the ideals of integration are so important.
 
“Where the forces of primordial division and polarization are harnessed for the sake of electoral gain, the venom of such devices remains and continues to poison communal relations, setting neighbour against neighbour. We have witnessed the catastrophic consequences of the political weaponization of prejudice in places such as Rwanda.”
 
I therefore align my thoughts with Mo Ibrahim. What many Nigerians and non-Nigerians see in Osinbajo is what Mo Ibrahim has again validated in Kenya last weekend. The ongoing national and global endorsement of this Vice President brings with it an appreciation that goes deeper in value because it makes sense that someone that has served with the commitment, the capacity and the character that Osinbajo has brought to bear ought to be so widely acknowledged. 
 
So like Mo, I also urge Prof Osinbajo to play at the international stage as a statesman after he leaves office. His voice would be needed to douse tensions in many conflict zones, especially in Africa. And at home, he remains a good proof that a new Nigeria is possible indeed.