The Governor of Anambra State, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, has expressed very dear congratulations to His Excellency, Prince Dapo Abiodun, MFR, CON, Governor of Ogun State and Chairman of the Southern Governors Forum, on the occasion of his 65th birthday.

In his congratulatory message, Governor Soludo hailed Governor Abiodun’s remarkable contributions to the governance and development of Ogun State and the Southern Nigeria region. 

Governor Soludo noted that the leadership, patriotism, and dedication of Governor Abiodun have been inspiring, fostering unity and progress within the region and across Nigeria 

Governor Soludo also affirmed that as the deputy chairman in the Southern Governors' Forum, he has witnessed firsthand Governor Abiodun’s untiring resolve and collaborative spirit, which embody the essence of true leadership.

Thus, Governor Soludo celebrates this momentous occasion with his brother Governor, and prays for his continued strength, good health, and more wisdom to navigate the challenges ahead in driving progress and prosperity for our people and the entire nation.

Signed,

Christian Aburime

Press Secretary to the Governor

As the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) commemorates its 50th anniversary in 2025, the moment calls for both celebration and sober reflection. Founded on May 28, 1975, with the lofty vision of regional integration, economic cooperation, and collective security, ECOWAS was conceived as a panacea to the socio-political and economic woes of West Africa. Half a century later, the regional bloc finds itself navigating one of the most turbulent chapters in its history.

The recent exit of three key member states, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, on January 29, 2025, has cast a long shadow over the golden jubilee celebrations. Their withdrawal, following prolonged tensions between the ECOWAS leadership and these military-led governments, underscores the fragility of the union and raises uncomfortable questions about its relevance, resilience, and roadmap for the future.

To understand the gravity of the current crisis, one must examine the journey so far. Over five decades, ECOWAS has made commendable strides. It has established a free trade area and a common market, created institutions like the ECOWAS Court of Justice and the ECOWAS Parliament, and played pivotal roles in peacekeeping missions across the sub-region, including in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and The Gambia.

The protocol on free movement of persons, goods, and services remains one of ECOWAS’s most celebrated achievements. It has empowered millions of West Africans to live and work across borders, enriching the socio-cultural and economic tapestry of the region. The ECOWAS Passport is symbolic of a shared regional identity, an ambitious dream of African unity long before the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was even conceived.

However, these gains have often been undermined by internal contradictions. ECOWAS has struggled with inconsistency in enforcing democratic norms, a weak response to human rights violations, and a perceived overreach in the internal affairs of sovereign states. Accusations of elitism and disconnect from the grassroots have further dented its image.

The withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, now united under the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), is not just a protest. It is a political earthquake. These countries, each governed by military juntas, cited a lack of support, respect, and solidarity from ECOWAS. They argued that rather than being assisted during their moment of transition, they were sanctioned and isolated, pushing them into an alternative regional alignment.

Critics of ECOWAS argue that its knee-jerk reaction to coups often lacks nuance. By swiftly imposing sanctions, the bloc inadvertently punishes already suffering populations and drives these states further into geopolitical alternatives like Russia and China, which offer strategic partnerships without lectures on democracy.

To many observers, the exit of these three states is not just about juntas versus democracy. It is about a deeper crisis of confidence in ECOWAS. A significant portion of the populations in these countries support their military regimes, not because they reject democracy, but because they see the previous civilian governments, often backed by ECOWAS, as corrupt, ineffective, and out of touch.

At this juncture, it is expedient to conjecture that the future of ECOWAS rest on three likely scenarios that cut across fragmentation and irrelevance, reform and reinvention coupled with coexistence and competition.

Explanatorily put, if the current trend of disunity persists, ECOWAS risks becoming a toothless bulldog, an institution with grand pronouncements but little influence. More member states could align with the Sahel bloc or choose to drift toward nationalistic isolation. Without trust and unity, the core idea of regional integration collapses.

In a similar vein, the current crisis could become a catalyst for radical introspection and reform. ECOWAS must re-examine its governance structures, sanction mechanisms, and methods of engagement. Instead of isolating errant members, a dialogue-based, inclusive approach should be prioritized. The bloc must also reform to reflect grassroots concerns, not just the interests of heads of state.

Also, a more realistic scenario may involve ECOWAS continuing to exist alongside alternative regional alliances like the AES. In such a configuration, competition may spur institutional reforms and efficiency. However, it could also lead to policy conflicts, trade barriers, and duplicated efforts, hardly ideal for a region already grappling with poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment.

Given the backdrop of the foregoing likelihoods, it is germane to ask, “What must be done?” The answer cannot be farfetched as there is no denying the fact that for ECOWAS to survive and remain relevant beyond its golden jubilee, it must adopt a bold, new mindset.

In a similar vein, there is an urgent need to put the people first within the scheme of ECOWAS. This is as the real strength of ECOWAS lies not in presidential palaces or summit resolutions but in the people of West Africa. Therefore, policies must reflect their needs that cut across jobs, security, education, health, and dignity. To achieve the foregoing objectives, the language of sanctions must give way to solutions.

Also, there is the need for the embracement of multipolar engagement. In fact, ECOWAS must accept that the days of sole Western alignment are over. Its member states, especially in the Sahel, are exploring relations with China, Russia, Turkey, and others. ECOWAS should play a facilitative role, not a gatekeeping one.

In fact, after the Golden Jubilee, the leadership of ECOWAS should embark on strengthening institutions, rather than strengthening individuals. Too often, ECOWAS has been hijacked by a few dominant leaders. Again, its institutions, parliament, court, commission, must be strengthened to act independently, with transparency and accountability.

In fact, there is an urgent need for the tackling of insecurity as a regional challenge. Terrorism, banditry, and organized crime are no longer national problems. They crisscross borders and demand a coordinated regional response. The AES nations’ frustration partly stems from a perception that ECOWAS abandoned them in their darkest hours.

Without a doubt, fifty years is a milestone worthy of celebration, but ECOWAS cannot afford to be lost in nostalgia. The anniversary must be a moment of reckoning. It must ask the tough questions: Is ECOWAS still a “community” in the true sense of the word? Can it evolve beyond being a club of presidents into a union of people? Will it take the exit of three sovereign states as a wake-up call or dismiss it as political noise?

The future of ECOWAS depends on what it chooses to become in this critical moment. West Africa is at a crossroads. Unity is no longer guaranteed, but neither is disintegration. What remains certain is that a reinvented, inclusive, and responsive ECOWAS is not only possible, it is urgently necessary.

Your Excellency,

Today, I write to you not as a critic but as a patriot—one deeply concerned about the state of our beloved nation. I write as a citizen who believes in the urgent necessity of a national rebirth—a renaissance of values, leadership, and collective purpose. My hope is that millions of our compatriots, at home and abroad, will begin to experience a unity that transcends division and a renewed commitment to our shared destiny.

Your Excellency, I also write as a stakeholder—someone who played a significant and active role in the journey that brought Your Excellency to the presidency of our dear country. As we formally mark the midpoint of your administration this May 29, we stand at a historic juncture—one that invites reflection, responsibility, and resolute action.

One of the most visible consequences of our national stagnation is corruption. It has permeated virtually every layer of society—draining public resources, undermining institutional trust and sustaining a culture of impunity. This systemic ailment continues to stunt development and frustrate the legitimate aspirations of our people.

Nigeria is a nation rich in potential—blessed with human capital, natural resources, and cultural vibrancy. Yet we have, for too long, underperformed. The causes are many: poor governance, inconsistent policy, fragile institutions, and the erosion of national values. The consequences are stark—manifesting in economic hardship, social instability, and widespread disillusionment.

Expectations for the Years Ahead

As over 200 million Nigerians look to the second half of your tenure with cautious hope, we are at a moment of critical introspection. This midterm point presents an opportunity to recalibrate—to assess what has worked, acknowledge what has not, and align with the vision of Renewed Hope that inspired many at the start of this journey.

We need more than reforms—we need a new national mindset. One that rewards productivity over piety, innovation over consumption, and service over status. In a world marked by volatility and uncertainty, Nigerians are yearning for clear leadership, policy consistency, and a sense of purpose that speaks to both their material and moral aspirations.

Your Excellency, history watches. And so does posterity. May this season of reflection inspire a season of renewal—not just in policy, but in the soul of the nation.

With utmost respect,

Richard ODUSANYA

For a region that was still trying to come to terms with the JAMB’s bungling of the tertiary institutions’ entrance exams in the zone, a fresh mistreatment, just a month after, is a jolt too many. The JAMB’s refusal to disclose the actor(s) behind the ruinous human error on southeast candidates’ scripts has been interpreted by some, as hints of a plot. Not surprisingly, the expose of the southeast’s exclusion from federal government’s N3.2t irrigation plan, left many asking, what is all this? The ignominy echoed by the revelation was shocking, beyond words, for others. And yet for some others, it was a painful moan of not again; not again. How could this happen? And six days after the alert on such a major contention, there has been no word on the subject by the federal ministry of water resources and or any other agency saddled with the responsibility. Where is the sensitivity to inclusive governance?

The plight of the southeast was brought up in the Senate by Senators Kenneth Eze, Orji Uzor Kalu and Osita Ngwu. In a motion that was stepped down at the last minute to pave way for engagement with concerned authorities, Senator Kenneth Eze (Ebonyi State) cited the omission of the southeast in N38b irrigation projects in the 2025 budget as inequitable. He faulted the non inclusion of Anambra – Imo River Basin Development Authority as inconsistent with a nationwide irrigation initiative. In the course of contributions to the motion, the Ivo Dam, Ebonyi State, Uzuakoli, Igbere, and Abba dams, Abia State, were identified as other irrigation projects in the zone qualifying for the N38b fund. ThisDay, May 23, 2025, reported that Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele advised that the matter be brought back to plenary for appropriate legislative action after Senate leadership interface with the Minister of Water Resources.” The publication stated that “in an attempt to calm the angry lawmakers, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, described the situation as likely an administrative omission.”

We cannot fail to commend the action of the referenced southeast senators as well as Senate officers. Their expressed concern and responsiveness speak to a sense of responsibility. While it is hoped that the needful will be done at the shortest possible time, it’s even more important to look at the climate that has shaped the controversy. Yes, there is a possibility, that the sidelining of the southeast was an “administrative omission” as the Deputy Senate President, Barau Jibrin suggested. The likelihood would stand if the incident was an isolated one. In such accidental circumstances, the urge to issue unreserved apologies would be strong; so strong that a prompt pacification would have followed the embarrassing disclosure. But no dice; no clarifications, no pledge of investigations from the concerned institutions. Alas, marginalisation of the southeast is not an occasional occurrence in Nigerian government and politics. It goes back to 1970, beginning with post war, restrictive measures which reduced the Igbo to minority in every sphere of public life in Nigeria. The trend reached nauseating levels under general Sani Abacha’s rule and retired general Mohammadu Buhari’s presidency.

The systemic disadvantages faced by the southeast in power and resource allocations are persisting under the Bola Tinubu government.
While not traveling the disdainful road of Buhari’s a dot in a circle, the current administration has still not been fair to the southeast. In it’s 49 man cabinet, the southeast has five ministers in a make up of six zones. Out of 33 substantive ministers distributed across six geo – political zones, the southeast has only two full fledged ministers.

A distribution of 20 military, paramilitary and other security appointments released by the Presidency in November 2024 showed the northwest clinching eight slots; followed by southwest with five; north central closely following with four positions; northeast three slots and southeast and southsouth rocking the bottom with one bar each. And in the latest round of appointments on Friday, May 23, 2025 the southeast was once more shortchanged. Of 21 headship of federal agencies announced by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser, Media, the southeast got only two positions in the persons of Anyim Pius Anyim and Ken Nnamani.

A more disturbing picture emerges in the area of project undertakings by the immediate past dispensation. Characteristically, the authorities neglected the southeast in the multi-million-dollar AKK Gas Pipeline Project (NGEP) and the National Gas Masterplan, which runs from Kogi State through Kaduna, Kano and Niger Republic. The region’s peripheral inclusion in the $5.8b rail modernisation plan was reduced to narrow gauge rather than the standard gauge tracks designed for other parts of the country. But the earth – shaking dose of marginalisation was dropped recently by Works Minister, Senator Dave Umahi. On Thursday, May 22, 2025, www.channelstv.com posted the story “Tinubu’s Government Inherited No Projects in the Southeast.” The damning report quoted the Works Minister as saying the administration inherited “almost no projects” in the southeast on assuming office. Yet, at the time of this near – boycott of the southeast, “President Tinubu inherited 2604 ongoing projects in the works sector at a total value of N13t.” The report noted however that with the advent of the Tinubu administration, Owerri – Onitsha, Enugu – Onitsha and Abakaliki – Enugu roads are currently under construction. There we have it, from the most competent authority on the subject. That for the merciful change of government two years ago, the southeast was condemned to watch as outsider as other parts of the country benefited from N13t infrastructure works. Now, if it could happen in the Works Ministry, why can’t it happen in some ministries and agencies? If the southeast could be shut out in a programme with such humongous budget, would she fare better in lower cost, less publicised national undertaking?

Against the background of a recurring, structural marginalisation of the southeast, the zone’s skipping in the national irrigation projects does not lend the impression of an “administrative omission.” In the estimation of supremacists, the southeast became a minority and junior partner after the war. Fifty – five years is more than sufficient time to orientate groups with a mindset and to socialize society on false consciousness. The perception of the southeast as an inferior entity has taken hold in the spheres of Nigerian government and politics. Without bold moves to implement the spirit and letters of federal character principle in government, emphasized with sanctions on violations, discrimination against disadvantaged groups as the southeast, look set to continue. If the under recognition of the southeast was not deliberate, what stopped the use of statutory lists in planning and execution of government policies? In the many cases of exclusion or disproportionate allocations to the southeast, what happened to the traditional mechanisms for checks and review? The national assembly has largely abdicated it’s responsibility in the quest for a just and balanced federation. Certain categories of presidential appointment require the Senate’s approval. Yet, the Senate since inception of the Fourth Republic has not used it’s leverage to correct appointments that negate the federal character principle. In the instant agro – dam projects, the Senate will do well to ensure proper investigation and necessary disciplinary measures. Ignoring the marginalisation outcry would be shoring up Nnamdi Kanu’s appeal.

As Nigeria commemorates May 29, the day that symbolically marks our return to civilian rule, there is no more appropriate time for sober reflection and national soul-searching. It is a day drenched in symbolism, a day when Nigerians ought to celebrate democracy, yet we do so under the shadows of unfinished business. Kola Abiola’s bold and timely opinion piece, “IBB’s A Journey in Service: A Substantive Response”, published on May 28, 2025 in some selected news platforms, could not have come at a more appropriate moment.

The Federal Government should do more than merely mark this day with rehearsed speeches and empty slogans. Instead, it must embrace Kola Abiola’s clarion call to action, a call grounded in history, soaked in sacrifice, and propelled by the moral imperative to correct the wrongs that have marred Nigeria’s democratic journey since the June 12, 1993 election.

What Kola Abiola laid bare is not just a personal grievance, nor is it a mere historical recounting. It is a damning indictment of Nigeria’s failure to reconcile with its past. It has been over three decades since that election, yet the scars remain open, not because time has failed to heal, but because the Nigerian state has consistently refused to apply the balm of truth, justice, and official accountability.

June 12, 1993, was not an ordinary day. It was the day when Nigerians, across ethnic, religious, and regional divides, united to elect Chief M.K.O. Abiola as President in what is widely acknowledged as the freest and fairest election in our history. Yet, in one fell swoop, that victory was erased by military fiat. It was not just MKO who was robbed, the entire Nigerian populace was betrayed.

To President Muhammadu Buhari’s credit, he finally gave institutional recognition to the stolen mandate. His 2018 declaration that honored MKO Abiola posthumously with the GCFR title and named June 12 as Democracy Day was a long-overdue but commendable gesture. But as Kola rightly notes, this was just the beginning.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who himself was a major NADECO figure and political exile during the military era, bears a unique historical burden. As the current custodian of Nigeria’s democratic project, and someone who intimately understands the cost of that struggle, Tinubu should take the baton from Buhari and finish the race. That finish line includes recognizing all the foot soldiers of the June 12 movement: Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, Chief Alfred Rewane, and countless journalists, civil society actors, and nameless Nigerians who paid with their lives and freedom.

Kola Abiola’s frustration is justified when he questions whether Nigerians have truly learned any lessons from the June 12 tragedy. The truth is, we have not. If anything, we are dangerously close to rewriting or forgetting history altogether. A nation that forgets is doomed to repeat its errors. Already, the political space is again riddled with impunity, electoral manipulation, and the subversion of public will. The lessons of June 12 are being disregarded by a new generation of political elites who neither know nor respect the path that brought us here.

That is why the inclusion of June 12 in the national curriculum is not just a symbolic suggestion, it is a strategic necessity. With over 65% of Nigeria’s population being under the age of 45, most of them have no lived memory of that day. If we do not educate them truthfully, we are allowing our collective conscience to erode. That is a luxury Nigeria can no longer afford.

It is disheartening, though not surprising, that after 32 years, General Ibrahim Babangida (IBB) still dances around full accountability. His recent book and speech offer selective disclosures. While he finally admits that June 12 was sabotaged by internal forces, his refusal to name names,  especially those still alive, reinforces the impression that his priority is self-preservation, not national healing.

Let us be blunt: IBB’s fear of naming the living conspirators, while boldly naming the dead like General Sani Abacha, reeks of cowardice and manipulation. How can we claim to confront our history while sanitizing it for public consumption? If General IBB truly seeks redemption, he must go beyond vague confessions and provide concrete facts. Nigeria deserves the full story, not another round of half-truths wrapped in military euphemisms.

Kola Abiola also raised a lesser-discussed but equally devastating aspect of the June 12 fallout: the economic destruction targeted at MKO Abiola’s businesses. Concord Press, Summit Oil, Abiola Farms, these were not just businesses, they were institutions that employed over 15,000 Nigerians. Their systematic dismantling not only destroyed livelihoods but crippled economic structures that had national relevance. In a country still grappling with massive unemployment, the intentional economic sabotage of Abiola’s empire deserves formal redress.

This also raises a larger question: should victims of political injustice in Nigeria continue to suffer in silence while perpetrators enjoy state pensions and perks? Justice is not just about apologies; it is about restitution.

To mark May 29 meaningfully, the Federal Government must act on Kola Abiola’s proposals. We need a National Monument dedicated to the June 12 struggle, a space that immortalizes not just MKO Abiola, but every other martyr and survivor of that dark chapter. Furthermore, we must open a national register to formally recognize victims, both named and unnamed. Nigeria must show, in words and in concrete action that it respects those who fought for her democracy.

President Tinubu must resist the temptation to reduce May 29 to a ceremonial ritual. His administration, which owes its very political genesis to the fallout of June 12 and the NADECO struggle, must take bold steps to complete the arc of justice. This is not just about MKO Abiola. It is about institutionalizing historical justice and teaching future generations that democracy is not handed down, it is fought for, and those who fight for it must be honoured.

As Kola Abiola so poignantly noted, governance is a continuum. And where one administration starts a process of national healing, another must continue and complete it.

This May 29 should not be another hollow Democracy Day. It must be the day we finally say: never again. Never again will the will of Nigerians be discarded. Never again will we bury our heroes without honour. Never again will we allow a stolen mandate to be swept under the carpet of convenience.

The Federal Government must hear Kola Abiola, not out of sympathy, but out of duty. Nigeria’s democracy demands it. Her history demands it. And her people deserve it. God bless Nigeria.

In the ever-accelerating tempo of Nigeria’s political landscape, very few leaders pause long enough to publicly reflect on the weight of their responsibilities or the divine providence that brought them to where they are. On his 65th birthday, the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dr. Dapo Abiodun, did just that in a poignant and deeply introspective message he shared on his official X page.

Titled “A Moment of Gratitude and Renewed Commitment @ 65!”, the message was not your everyday celebratory speech replete with self-praise or political rhetoric. Instead, it was a heartfelt confession of humility, gratitude, and above all, a reaffirmation of purpose from a man who understands that leadership is more than occupying office, it is a divine call to serve.

As the prince of the Awujale royal lineage of Ijebu Land turns 65, it is only fitting that Nigerians, especially the good people of Ogun State, join their voices in chorus to say, “Happy birthday, Your Excellency, and thank you for your steady hands and statesmanlike composure in the saddle.”

Prince Dapo Abiodun’s journey is one that perfectly illustrates the metaphor of a candle lighting others without diminishing its own flame. The tone of his birthday message, brimming with humility and laced with spiritual introspection, reminds us that real leaders do not just govern; they inspire. They do not rule with arrogance but serve with empathy.

It is particularly touching that Abiodun opens his birthday note not with political accomplishments or partisan triumphs, but with a simple recognition of grace: “My heart is filled with gratitude to the Almighty God for the gift of life, the grace of leadership, and the privilege to serve the good people of Ogun State.” That, in itself, is a masterclass in political maturity.

At a time when Nigerian politics is often driven by ego and theatrics, Governor Abiodun’s message is a quiet but powerful reminder that leadership is not a prize to be won, but a covenant to be honored. In his own words, “I do not take for granted the journey that has brought me this far, a journey shaped by divine mercy, the unwavering support of my family, friends, and the trust reposed in me by our people.”

This sense of gratitude and sober reflection is what sets the governor apart from the band of power-drunk politicians who see governance as a trophy cabinet rather than a burden of trust.

Indeed, as he enters the 66th year of his life, Abiodun is not looking backward to rest on laurels but forward, with a deep sense of responsibility and an even deeper sense of duty. He declares: “I rededicate myself to the vision of a more prosperous, inclusive, and sustainable Ogun State, where every citizen can thrive and every community feels seen.”

This is not just political speak, it is the vow of a man who understands that power is transient, but legacy is permanent.

Since 2019, when Prince Dapo Abiodun first assumed office as Governor of Ogun State, the state has experienced a transformation in critical sectors: infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic development. But even beyond the tangible achievements, perhaps the governor’s most notable legacy is his calm, cerebral approach to governance.

In a political climate frequently charged with emotion and conflict, Abiodun’s style has been steady and thoughtful, like a seasoned captain steering a ship through turbulent waters. While many of his counterparts are consumed by political mudslinging or media grandstanding, Prince Abiodun prefers to let results speak for themselves.

Under his watch, Ogun has seen unprecedented road construction and rehabilitation projects, an expansion of industrial hubs, and more proactive engagements with youth, women, and the informal sector. In an era when many states groan under the weight of financial mismanagement, Ogun has maintained fiscal discipline while expanding its internally generated revenue base.

But he is not done. In his words, “The journey continues, and by God’s grace, the best is yet to come.” That is a bold promise—but also one backed by a record of service that lends it credibility.

As a resident of Ogun State myself, I do not speak as a distant commentator but as someone who lives and breathes the realities of this state. I have seen the changes, slow in some places, rapid in others, but unmistakably moving in a direction of progress. And while no administration is perfect, it is only fair to acknowledge that Prince Dapo Abiodun’s tenure has brought a level of stability and civility that the state can build upon.

So, as I pen these lines, it is not just from a journalistic lens, but from the heart of an Edolite who calls Ogun home. I wish His Excellency a very happy birthday and pray that God continues to strengthen him with wisdom, good health, and renewed energy to finish strong and do even more for the people of Ogun State.

The hopes of the people are still high, and understandably so. The state still needs more roads, more job opportunities for its teeming youth, stronger support for SMEs, better healthcare services, and improved access to education in rural communities. These are areas that call for deeper focus and increased commitment as he steps into another year of life and leadership.

And because I know that birthdays are a time not just for celebration but for reflection and renewal, I join millions in Ogun and across Nigeria to pray that Governor Abiodun will use this new year of his life to consolidate on his gains and tackle the remaining gaps with even greater determination.

We are watching, we are hopeful, and yes, we are praying. This is as it is worth noting how rare it is to see a sitting governor in Nigeria use his birthday as an occasion not for lavish celebration, but for reflection and renewed promise. His use of words like “humbling,” “fulfilling,” and “impact” signals a leader more concerned with how history will remember him than how the media celebrates him.

More so, his acknowledgement of the people, the resilience of the citizens, the support of his family, and the collective strength of Ogun’s communities, underscores a democratic consciousness that is so often missing in the corridors of power. For Abiodun, governance is not about ego, it is about impact.

This perspective is not accidental. It is the by-product of a life that has seen both privilege and pressure, business and politics, success and struggle. At 65, the governor is fully aware that age alone does not command respect, it is how you spend your years that matters.

In fact, as Nigeria navigates a challenging economic and political period, states like Ogun, strategically located, industrially viable, and historically rich, will play a vital role in shaping the nation’s future. With Lagos bursting at the seams, Ogun represents the next frontier in regional development and economic decongestion.

His leadership is not loud, but it is effective. It is not showy, but it is strategic. It is not combative, but it is convincing.

For this reason, his birthday is not just a celebration of age, it is a celebration of grace, competence, and renewed promise.

As citizens, journalists, and observers of Nigeria’s political space, it is easy to grow cynical. But every now and then, a moment like this reminds us that good leadership still exists, and that it can be both humble and effective.

So, today, on behalf of all who cherish stability, integrity, and steady progress in public office, we raise a toast to Prince Dr. Dapo Abiodun.

Happy 65th birthday, Your Excellency. May your days be long, your vision be clear, and your legacy be enduring.

As a proud resident of Ogun State, I not only join others in wishing you well, but I also pray fervently that your new age will usher in an even more fruitful and impactful chapter in your leadership journey. You’ve done much, but there is still more to be done. And may you continue to rise to the challenge.

Because as you rightly said, “The best is yet to come.” Ogun State believes you. Nigeria is watching. And history is taking notes.

In less than a month, Nigeria under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has managed to accomplish what many considered a positive economic milestone: clearing off Nigeria’s debt with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). But no sooner had this news begun to settle than the same government turned around to request approval from the National Assembly to borrow a whopping $21.5 billion and issue a ₦758 billion pension bond. To say this move is contradictory would be an understatement; it is downright confusing and raises a crucial question: Where is the prudency?

Clearing the IMF debt was lauded by many observers and rightly so. The repayment of $3.4 billion in IMF loans, including the Covid-19 Rapid Financing Instrument, was seen as a fiscal credibility booster for the Tinubu administration. The move was hailed as an indication that Nigeria was turning a new leaf in financial discipline and economic responsibility. Statements from the presidency suggested that the country was strengthening its fiscal position to attract sustainable foreign investments.

Yet, the celebration was short-lived. In what feels like a cruel twist of logic, the administration has now approached the National Assembly to approve a new loan plan worth $21.5 billion and a domestic bond issuance of ₦757.9 billion to settle pension arrears. This raises critical questions about the government’s financial strategy. Why repay debt only to plunge deeper into it almost immediately afterward? Is this financial prudence or a cleverly disguised economic charade?

Let us be honest: Nigeria’s economic woes are not new. From oil price shocks to policy inconsistency and corruption, the nation has struggled to find a sustainable path to economic growth. Debt, unfortunately, has become a recurrent crutch. However, the issue now is not about debt in itself, as borrowing is an accepted economic tool. The concern lies in the sheer lack of a coherent strategy and the brazenness with which contradictions are paraded as policy.

It is important to understand what this new loan request implies. A $21.5 billion loan is not a small amount by any measure. Added to this is the proposed ₦758 billion bond meant to clear pension liabilities. While addressing pension arrears is necessary and overdue, should it be done through more borrowing when the government just made a song and dance about fiscal discipline? How sustainable is this cycle of clearing one debt only to amass more?

Let us revisit President Tinubu’s promise of fiscal responsibility. This term, by definition, entails sound budgeting, cutting down waste, increasing revenue, and borrowing only when necessary. The recent IMF repayment may have been seen as an effort in that direction, but it appears more like a smokescreen when viewed alongside the latest borrowing request. The administration seems to be more concerned about optics than actual economic stability.

Some will argue that the proposed loans are needed for infrastructure, agriculture, and power. But we have heard this before. Successive governments have justified massive borrowing with grand plans of infrastructure development, yet the results remain underwhelming. Nigeria’s roads are still riddled with potholes, power supply remains epileptic, and agricultural productivity is stifled by insecurity and outdated systems.

Moreover, the lack of transparency in how these borrowed funds are managed only compounds public skepticism. Where are the audit reports for past loans? What happened to the loans taken during the Buhari administration? Have those projects been completed, and if so, what value have they added to the economy? Until there is a culture of accountability and transparent implementation, every new loan will be seen as another round of fiscal misadventure.

Even more worrying is the proposed issuance of a ₦758 billion bond to offset pension liabilities. Pensioners are among the most vulnerable in our society, and neglecting their dues is unjustifiable. However, funding pensions through more borrowing sends a worrying message. It suggests that the government has not built adequate reserves or planned long-term strategies to honor its obligations. It reflects a hand-to-mouth approach to governance, an unsustainable financial model.

This back-and-forth economic strategy also affects investor confidence. One day, the government is praised for repaying debt, and the next day, it is in the news seeking to accumulate more. Investors are not just watching economic actions; they are also evaluating consistency, policy clarity, and long-term viability. What signal does this send to them?

We must also consider the impact on ordinary Nigerians. The majority are still reeling from inflation, unemployment, and a depreciating naira. Food prices are through the roof, transportation costs are unbearable, and many families are struggling to survive. To these Nigerians, headlines about billions in loan repayments and new borrowing mean little unless they translate into tangible economic relief. How does this fiscal acrobatics benefit them?

This administration must be reminded that fiscal prudency is not a PR tool. It is a governance principle that should reflect in policy decisions, budgetary allocations, and debt management strategies. If indeed the Tinubu administration is committed to economic reform, it must go beyond token gestures. It must present a comprehensive and transparent debt sustainability plan. Nigerians deserve to know the long-term economic blueprint. What are the repayment terms for the new loans? What projects will they fund? What is the expected return on investment?

Furthermore, the National Assembly must rise above partisan loyalty and play its oversight role effectively. Rubber-stamping every loan request without thorough scrutiny is tantamount to mortgaging the country’s future. The legislative arm should demand detailed project breakdowns, implementation timelines, and performance indicators before approving any new loans.

In conclusion, it is time the Tinubu administration matches its rhetoric with action. Fiscal credibility cannot be achieved by merely paying off debts. It requires consistent, strategic, and transparent economic management. It involves planning for the long term, cutting unnecessary spending, increasing internally generated revenue, and ensuring that every borrowed kobo is used for productive ventures.

The question remains: where is the prudency in paying off debt today only to plunge into even deeper debt tomorrow?

Nigerians are watching, and history will remember. It is not enough to clear debts for the sake of headlines. The real test lies in whether these actions bring relief to the masses and set the nation on a path to sustainable development. As of now, this looks more like a fiscal merry-go-round than a credible roadmap to economic recovery.

The world has never been short of demagogues and fools, but the remedies have often matched the supply. In 1990, during President Nelson Mandela’s thank-you tour of the world, he was asked at the City College of New York, Harlem, NY., why he remained friends with Muammar Gaddafi, Yasser Arafat, and Fidel Castro.

He replied that he didn’t think it was the business of any country to choose South Africa’s friends. These people stood by South Africa in its hour of need; why should he betray them now? His interlocutor turned tail, and Mandela received a standing ovation.

British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher preached “constructive engagement” to dismantle apartheid. In response to her duplicity in 2004, the President of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, pointed out to her that “constructive engagement” favoured England, particularly the Prime Minister, whose son, Mark, was involved in gunrunning and coup plots on the continent. Thatcher had no response.

Castro v. Bush

Castro accused President George Bush of a “pirate mentality.” And he wasn’t being flippant. One of Africa’s worst kleptocrats, Joseph Desire Mobutu, worth $5 billion in the 1980s, visited President Bush in 1989.

Despite Mobutu’s appalling record, Martin Meredith in The Fate of Africa, quoted Bush as saying on the South Lawn of the White House, “Zaire is among America’s oldest friends, and its president – President Mobutu – one of our most valued friends. We are proud and very, very pleased to have him with us today.”

Like Castro, President Olusegun Obasanjo is also reputed not to suffer fools gladly. Stephen Sackur, anchor of the BBC programme HARDtalk, might recall when, in response to what Obasanjo perceived as a rude question, the former Nigerian president asked Sackur if he could pose that question to his prime minister.

In the lion’s den

There is a long list of leaders who confronted bullies without flinching. This quality, which is in demand more than ever before, is falling short, as shown by recent high-profile encounters in the White House since President Donald Trump’s second term. The White House, especially the Oval Office, has become for high-profile visitors what the lion’s den is to straying goats.

After Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s antagonistic exchange with Trump, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is the latest target. Almost from the moment the first live footage of the visit began airing, it was clear that Trump wanted only one thing.

He wasn’t interested in resetting trade talks or bilateral issues. He wasn’t interested in repairing ties between South Africa and the US or hearing firsthand the other view about the so-called genocide against white farmers. He wasn’t interested in conciliation. He was interested in only one thing: having Ramaphosa for lunch. And he did, which was painful and difficult to watch.

‘How did you get my number?’

From Trump’s question about “how did you get my number?”, gestures that suggested he valued the presence of the golfers in Ramaphosa’s entourage – Ernie Els and Retief Goosen – more than the president, to dumping piles of fake documents on the South African president and converting the Oval Office into a cinema while Ramaphosa was still speaking, Trump displayed utter contempt and disregard for his visitors.

The encounter made Zelenskyy’s visit appear like a lovefest. Some have argued that it reflects more poorly on Trump and the US that the host treated his guest so shabbily, raking him over the coals with fake and discredited materials, than on Ramaphosa, who kept his smile and rational stance. That is partially correct, but more than anyone else, Ramaphosa has himself to blame for the shambolic treatment.

Yellow flags

There were more than enough yellow flags beforehand. From the Executive Order in February, stopping all US financial assistance to South Africa, to the accusations of “white genocide”, to the expulsion of Ambassador Ebrahim Rasool, and the offer of “refugee” status to white farmers, Trump, mainly instigated by Elon Musk, has never disguised his misguided displeasure against South Africa.

The country’s decision to drag Israel to the ICJ over the war in Gaza and its leadership role in BRICS (which could potentially curtail the influence of the dollar), of course, were also unspoken sources of Trump’s anger.

If a war foretold does not take the disabled person by surprise, how could Ramaphosa have ignored these yellow flags and decided to visit the lair with a golfing picture book as a peace offering, instead of a luxury Boeing 747 jetliner, the perfect sacrifice?

Success. What success?

The South African president has described the visit as “a great success.” Perhaps that would be correct if he were describing his narrow escape. There is no readout or evidence of the “reset” Ramaphosa requested. As of today, the fake video of the crosses on the roadside, supposed to be memorials for about 1,000 murdered white South African farmers, is still playing on the X handle of the White House. Nothing has changed.

If Ramaphosa believes the visit was a success, his opinion has divided his country as much as it has a largely subdued continent. Femi Badejo, a diplomat and professor of Political Science, used the metaphor of a safari to describe the response across the continent. “If a lion grabs an antelope,” he asked me, “what do you think will happen to the rest of the herd?”

South Africa is not just another African antelope; it’s a leader in the pack. Although many African diplomats are publicly spinning Ramaphosa’s visit as measured and dignified, behind the scenes, they are scandalised at the possible fate that awaits them – and the continent – especially with the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) expiring in September.

Who’s next?

For many reasons, primarily economic, the Africa that once stood up to bullies or was even deemed worthy allies has become a thing of the past. The Egyptian leader, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, may receive red-carpet treatment at the White House due to that country’s strategic importance to the US, just as Burkina Faso’s Captain Ibrahim Traore, Russia’s poster boy, may get flowers in the Kremlin. The others, grappling with internal security challenges, discontent and fragile economies, are on their own as they struggle to navigate a hostile and deeply divided world.

It would be a long time before another leader from the continent visits the White House, that is, if Trump has not closed half of the US embassies in Africa before he marks his first year in office. If, at this time, African leaders cannot find good company among themselves, they may as well learn to sit at home.

Award-winning Nigerian singer, David Adeleke, better known as Davido, has finally reunited with his first daughter, Imade Adeleke.

Naija News reports that the music star has been embroiled in a custody battle with his daughter’s mother, Sophia Momodu, since 2022.

Davido had filed a lawsuit at the Lagos State High Court in April 2024 to seek custody of Imade, after accusing Sophia of denying him access to their daughter.

In response, Sophia filed 102 paragraphs of counter-affidavit to oppose Davido, claiming that the singer failed to fulfil his responsibility as a father after she stopped having sex with him.

Reacting to the messy battle on social media, Sophia’s uncle and journalist, Dele Momodu, in a lengthy Facebook post, disclosed that the court has referred the case for possible settlement by the alternative dispute resolution (ADR).

However, in a new development on Wednesday night, Davido shared a reunion photo with Imade via his Instagram page and wrote, “Best day of my life.”

Meanwhile, Davido has claimed that he has more followers than his colleagues because he is open-minded and interacts freely with his fans.

He asserted that he is the most-followed African artist across social media because he shows a relaxed and free version of himself.

Speaking in a recent conversation with BET Talks, the With You’ hitmaker explained that being open-minded and interacting with fans made him garner more followers than his colleagues

He claimed that a lot of his colleagues are scared to show their authentic selves on social media.

[NaijaNews]

Saudi Arabian officials are in “difficult” talks to keep Cristiano Ronaldo in the country, a source with knowledge of the negotiations told AFP on Thursday, after the star footballer suggested he was leaving Al Nassr.

“There is an ongoing difficult negotiation to convince Ronaldo to stay and play” in the Saudi Pro League next season, said the source from the Public Investment Fund (PIF), a major investor in Saudi football.

“First option is a transfer to Al Hilal with an opportunity to feature in the FIFA Club World Cup or to Asia champion Al Ahli,” the source added.

Ronaldo posted “This chapter is over” overnight Monday, hours after the Saudi Pro League wrapped up with Al Nassr finishing third and trophyless once again.

A special transfer window opens from June 1-10 to allow the 32 teams involved in the Club World Cup to sign players.

FIFA president Gianni Infantino last week said “there are discussions” over the former United, Real Madrid, Juventus and Sporting Lisbon star playing at the enlarged tournament in the United States starting on June 14.

Portuguese forward Ronaldo, 40, joined Al Nassr in 2022 from Manchester United and his contract expires at the end of next month.

“Ronaldo’s presence is a key factor in developing the Saudi league in the last two years and a half. He opens the door for elite and young players to come to Saudi Arabia,” the source added.

[Guardian]