Anambra State Governor, Charles Soludo, is not one to shy away from tough decisions, especially when the stakes are high. His recent crackdown on fetish practices and misuse of supernatural powers has drawn parallels to the biblical King Hilkiah, who rediscovered the Book of the Law and led Judah in sweeping reforms to restore moral and spiritual order. By introducing Clause 18 of the Anambra State Homeland Security Law, 2025, Soludo has declared war on practices that many believe are deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of the Igbo people. But does this bold move mark him as a modern reformer, or is it a misstep in navigating the complexities of tradition and governance?

For the sake of clarity, clause 18 of the Anambra State Homeland Security Law, 2025 is a comprehensive legislative effort targeting harmful and fraudulent activities involving supernatural powers.

First and foremost, the law stipulates that using charms or supernatural powers for crime or wealth are criminal acts.  This is as it clarifies that individuals employing charms or promoting wealth through supernatural means, popularly known as practices like “Okeite” or “Eze Nwanyi”, now face up to six years in prison, a ₦20 million fine, or both.

Concerning sacrifices and charms in public spaces, the law says public spaces are no longer dumping grounds for sacrificial items or charms, and specifies that offenders caught leaving such items on roads, rivers, or other communal areas face the same penalties.

In a similar vein, false claims of supernatural powers, such as fraudulent claims of supernatural abilities, particularly those aimed at deceiving or defrauding others, will lead to prosecution with severe penalties.

Also, on the aspect of proving supernatural claims, the law says those suspected of misleading others with claims of supernatural powers must provide proof of their abilities during investigations.

Also in a similar view, from the perspective of the Attorney General’s Review, the law states that before prosecutions can proceed, police findings must be reviewed by the Attorney General of Anambra State for legal advice.

Without a doubt, the rationale behind this law, according to the state government, is to safeguard public morals, ensure community safety, and promote lawful means of livelihood.

Given the backdrop of the foregoing views, it is not a misnomer to opine that Governor Soludo’s bold move evokes the story of King Hilkiah, who, upon rediscovering the Book of the Law, sparked a wave of reforms that saw Judah return to the worship of Yahweh. Much like Hilkiah, Soludo is on a mission to sanitize the land of practices he views as detrimental to the moral and economic progress of Anambra State.

However, while Hilkiah’s reforms were rooted in religious revival, Soludo’s actions are framed as a quest for social and economic transformation. By outlawing activities that promote fraudulent wealth accumulation and harm public safety, Soludo aims to dismantle systems of exploitation and fear that have taken root over decades.

Without a doubt, the misuse of supernatural powers has far-reaching consequences in Anambra. Practices like oath-taking in shrines, charms used for personal gain, and public displays of sacrifices are not just symbolic; they often perpetuate fear, control, and manipulation. These practices have crept into business dealings, community leadership, and even politics, undermining trust and ethical standards.

By targeting these activities, Soludo seeks to restore a sense of order and accountability. His message is clear: success and wealth must come from honest work, not dubious rituals or fraudulent practices.

Despite its merits, the law has not been universally welcomed. Critics argue that Soludo’s approach is an affront to Igbo culture, where traditional practices hold deep spiritual and communal significance. They see the law as an attempt to erase aspects of the Igbo identity in favor of Westernized values.

Yet, a critical distinction must be made between cultural preservation and harmful traditions. While culture is worth preserving, practices that exploit or harm individuals have no place in a progressive society. Soludo’s crackdown is not an attack on Igbo culture but a necessary step toward refining it for the modern era.

To fully address the issues driving the misuse of supernatural powers, the government must go beyond enforcement. Many turn to these practices out of desperation, poverty, and a lack of access to legitimate opportunities. Soludo’s administration must pair this legislative crackdown with initiatives that promote economic empowerment, education, and awareness.

For instance, creating vocational programs, supporting small businesses, and investing in education could reduce the allure of fraudulent rituals. When people see tangible pathways to success, the dependency on dubious practices will naturally wane.

In fact, Governor Soludo’s decision to criminalize these activities is as bold as it is contentious. The inclusion of provisions requiring individuals to prove their supernatural abilities is particularly intriguing. While it serves as a deterrent to fraudsters, it also raises questions about how such claims will be evaluated and the potential for misuse of this clause.

Moreover, the penalties, six years in prison and a ₦20 million fine, are severe. They send a strong message but may also alienate segments of the population who view these practices as integral to their identity. Balancing reform with cultural sensitivity will be key to the success of this initiative.

Labeling Soludo as a modern-day King Hilkiah is both apt and contentious. Like Hilkiah, he has taken a stand against entrenched practices, risking backlash from those who benefit from the status quo. However, skeptics question whether his focus on supernatural practices addresses the root causes of Anambra’s challenges, such as unemployment, insecurity, and infrastructure decay.

For Soludo to truly embody the spirit of Hilkiah, his reforms must extend beyond punitive measures to fostering a culture of integrity, trust, and opportunity. Reforming hearts and minds is a gradual process that requires dialogue, education, and economic transformation.

Governor Charles Soludo’s crusade against the misuse of supernatural powers is a bold and necessary step toward creating a more ethical and prosperous Anambra State. By tackling practices that perpetuate fear, fraud, and exploitation, he is positioning himself as a reformer with a vision for progress.

As Anambra State navigates this transformative period, one question lingers: Will Soludo’s crusade be remembered as the spark that ignited a moral and economic renaissance, or will it be seen as an ambitious overreach? Time, as always, will be the ultimate judge.

In any democratic society, the rule of law is the cornerstone of justice and governance, ensuring that no one, regardless of their status or influence, is above the law. However, the recent meeting between former Governor Yahaya Bello—who, after evading justice for several months, has now surrendered to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and is currently facing charges for fraud and money laundering—and Minister Nyesom Wike reveals a concerning intersection of political power and the legal process. While the meeting itself may not be illegal, the optics of a high-ranking government official engaging with someone in the midst of an ongoing, high-profile legal case sends a troubling message. This interaction undermines the integrity of the EFCC, the Attorney General’s office, and the judiciary, all of which are working diligently to hold Bello accountable. Such actions raise the dangerous implication that political influence can be used to bypass legal accountability, casting doubt on the Tinubu administration’s commitment to a transparent, impartial process in Bello’s prosecution and, more broadly, undermining the nation’s fight against corruption.

The psychological impact of such a high-profile encounter cannot be underestimated. The very image of these figures—politicians with significant sway—publicly shaking hands and smiling, suggests to the public and to the international community that the law might be flexible when it comes to influential figures. This is particularly alarming in Abuja, the seat of the federal government, where justice should be the strongest. In such a context, the legal proceedings against Bello, involving N100 billion and N80 billion in fraud and money laundering, should be seen as an urgent matter. But instead, this image raises the unsettling question: Is the rule of law compromised by political connections?

The EFCC’s Authority at Stake: Political Influence Undermining Law Enforcement

The EFCC’s role in investigating and prosecuting corruption is one of the cornerstones of the Tinubu administration’s commitment to the fight against graft. However, the recent meeting between Wike and Bello puts the EFCC’s authority in jeopardy. By publicly engaging with a man actively under investigation for major financial crimes, Wike, a key figure in the government, is inadvertently sending a message to the EFCC that its work can be undermined by political ties.

This move diminishes the credibility of the EFCC. The agency, which has pursued high-profile figures like Bello, relies on public confidence in its impartiality. When a senior government official, who is supposed to represent the will of the state, is seen engaging with a person under prosecution, it gives the impression that political power overrides legal processes. Such behavior can create a dangerous precedent, where individuals feel that they can evade legal consequences if they hold enough political influence.

Judiciary Integrity in Jeopardy: The Dangerous Undermining of Legal Independence

The judiciary must remain impartial and independent, free from political interference. Yet, this meeting raises grave concerns about the judicial independence in Nigeria. With two active federal cases against Bello, the judiciary should operate without any perception of political influence. But when a high-ranking official engages with a person facing legal prosecution, the very foundation of the rule of law is threatened.

This event is a psychological blow to the credibility of the judiciary. If political figures like Wike can support someone under investigation, how can Nigerians trust that judges and justices will make their decisions based solely on law and evidence, free from external pressures? The public perception of judicial impartiality is crucial to the country’s democratic framework. This encounter threatens to erode the public’s trust in the fairness of the legal system, leading to the belief that the law can be influenced by political maneuvering, rather than upholding justice for all.

The Media’s Dilemma: Fueling Public Speculation and Erosion of Trust

For the media, which plays a vital role in upholding the principles of accountability and transparency, this meeting presents a significant dilemma. The press is now faced with the challenge of how to frame this interaction. Is it merely a political meeting, or does it represent something deeper—an indication that political power is indeed undermining the justice system?

The psychological impact of the media’s coverage will be felt across the nation. If the media downplays the significance of this encounter, it risks eroding public trust in the system. If it highlights the implications of the meeting—questioning the integrity of the legal process—it could trigger a national conversation about whether those in power can manipulate the system for personal or political gain. The media’s responsibility to reflect the public’s concerns while holding those in power accountable could mean the difference between strengthening or weakening public faith in the government’s commitment to justice.

Nigeria’s Public Trust at Stake: Undermining Accountability for the Ordinary Citizen

For the average Nigerian citizen, this meeting may feel like a betrayal. For those who have long felt marginalized or disenfranchised by systemic corruption, the image of a high-ranking official engaging with someone currently facing serious legal charges is a psychological blow to their faith in the legal system. It reinforces the belief that the powerful are shielded from accountability, further deepening the sense of powerlessness among ordinary Nigerians. This interaction suggests that the law is not applied equally—that those with the right political connections can sidestep justice with impunity. For many, this reinforces the painful perception that, while the average citizen faces harsh legal consequences, influential individuals can navigate the system unscathed.

This erodes trust in the government’s anti-corruption efforts and fosters a culture of impunity. It sends the message that, if you hold the right connections or position, you are above the law. This message could lead to widespread cynicism about the effectiveness of the country’s legal and political systems. The government’s promise of accountability and transparency risks becoming hollow, as Nigerians may no longer believe that the powerful will be held accountable for their actions.

A Dangerous Global Perception: Sending the Wrong Message to the World

On the global stage, this meeting raises serious questions about Nigeria’s commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and the fight against corruption. International organizations, investors, and diplomatic partners who have been watching Nigeria’s anti-corruption efforts with cautious optimism may now question whether the country is truly dedicated to building a transparent and fair system. The international community will be looking at this interaction and wondering whether political connections in Nigeria allow individuals to bypass the legal system.

Nigeria’s global reputation is at stake. If political figures are seen publicly sidestepping the law, it could harm the country’s image, potentially leading to reduced foreign investments and strained relationships with international bodies. Global confidence in Nigeria’s legal and governance frameworks will erode, and the message sent is that political influence can often triumph over justice.

Wike’s Message to Tinubu: A Subtle Display of Power and Influence

Perhaps the most alarming implication of this meeting is the message it sends to President Tinubu. Yahaya Bello, the former Governor of Kogi State, and his successor, Usman Ododo, visited Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), at his Abuja residence. The three politicians, who belong to different parties, were captured in photos smiling and exchanging pleasantries. Is this Wike signaling that he is beyond reproach, that his political power makes him immune to the consequences of his actions? The image of Wike, a senior government minister, publicly aligning with a figure facing two active federal court cases suggests a sense of untouchability. It raises the uncomfortable question of whether Wike feels that his position allows him to bypass the legal system, openly defying the principles of accountability and justice without fear of reprisal. This meeting sends a dangerous message that political influence can shield individuals from legal consequences, undermining the credibility of the administration’s anti-corruption efforts.

Is Wike sending a subtle message of defiance, signaling that his position allows him to defy the administration’s efforts at upholding the law? By publicly associating with someone facing serious criminal charges, Wike could be indicating that he is protected by political power and that his actions, even when they may undermine the government’s core anti-corruption agenda, will have little to no consequences. This sends a powerful psychological signal to both the public and to President Tinubu, implying that Wike believes he can operate outside the boundaries of the law with no consequences. This is a dangerous precedent for any government to allow, as it creates a culture where political power trumps the rule of law.

Wike’s Familiarity with Inviting Key Judicial Figures: A Dangerous Precedent

It is clear that Wike is no stranger to inviting heads of the judiciary and other influential figures to various ceremonies, such as inaugurations or project unveilings. While this is a common diplomatic practice in many countries, it becomes deeply concerning when it involves individuals with ongoing legal matters or when the person inviting these key figures is actively undermining the judicial process. In the case of Yahaya Bello, the fact that Wike continues to engage with him during such a critical time in his legal proceedings is highly troubling. Wike should not be able to extend invitations to the likes of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), the President of the Court of Appeal, heads of immigration and law enforcement, or the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), especially after the image of a senior minister under Tinubu being seen with someone recently declared a “wanted” person and currently in court.

This raises a disturbing question: Is Wike subtly implying that he holds influence over the judiciary and law enforcement? For the sake of integrity, such actions should not be tolerated. Wike’s continued interactions with individuals facing prosecution—especially in such an overt manner—create a scenario where high-ranking officials may feel compelled to accommodate him out of fear of political fallout or personal influence. The fact that he can invite and engage these figures so freely, without any public repercussions, highlights the dangerous precedent this sets for Nigeria’s legal and political systems. It is imperative to recognize the far-reaching implications of such behavior and ensure that no one, regardless of their position, can bypass justice through political influence.

Wike Must Publicly Acknowledge His Mistake and Be Rebuffed for Honor’s Sake

I think this is really poor judgment on the part of Minister Wike. While politicians are certainly entitled to maintain relationships across party lines, this particular interaction—at a time when Bello is actively being prosecuted—shows a lack of regard for the gravity of the situation and the integrity of the Tinubu administration’s fight against corruption. Wike should publicly declare that he made a mistake by engaging with Bello in this manner and offer an apology to the Nigerian people for undermining the government’s efforts at accountability. This should be a humbling moment for him to acknowledge that his actions were misguided, especially given the serious legal implications of the case at hand.

For the sake of honor and restoring faith in the political system, Wike needs to be rebuked for his actions. The public perception of impartiality, justice, and fairness in the legal system is crucial to the success of the administration’s anti-corruption agenda. By making this public acknowledgment, Wike would help in reaffirming the Tinubu administration’s commitment to integrity and could begin to repair some of the damage done to the credibility of the fight against corruption. In this crucial moment, the Tinubu administration must demonstrate the resolve to address this breach and act decisively to reaffirm that justice will not be compromised, no matter the political standing of the individuals involved.

Tinubu’s Crucial Moment: Restoring the Integrity of the Legal System

President Tinubu now faces a critical moment in his presidency. The actions of Minister Wike have placed a tremendous strain on the credibility of the Nigerian government’s anti-corruption agenda. The EFCC, the judiciary, and law enforcement agencies are all now confronted with the perception that political power can nullify the legal process. If this situation is allowed to continue unchecked, the government risks undermining the trust of both the Nigerian people and the international community in its commitment to justice and transparency.

Tinubu must act decisively. The rule of law must be restored to its rightful place as the cornerstone of Nigeria’s democracy. No one, regardless of political position, should be allowed to undermine or subvert the legal process. President Tinubu must demonstrate that political influence cannot shield individuals from the consequences of their actions. This is an opportunity for the administration to reaffirm that the law applies equally to all, and that no political figure, no matter how influential, is above it.

This is a moment for decisive leadership—to show that the fight against corruption is more than just a slogan, and that justice will not be compromised by political expediency. It is time for President Tinubu to stand firm in defense of the rule of law, ensuring that Nigeria remains a country where justice is applied fairly, without exception.

Section 31 of the 1979 Constitution provided that every individual was entitled to respect for the dignity of his person, and accordingly no person shall be subject to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 5 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 provides that “all forms of exploitation and degradation of man, particularly slavery, slave trade, torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment and treatment shall be prohibited”

 In utter breach of the above provisions of the Constitution and the African Charter, the police and other security forces usually  subject lowly placed Nigerian citizens to torture in detention facilities, markets and other places. In Mogaji V. Board of Customs & Excise (1982) 3 NCLR 552,  the armed agents of the defendant invaded and raided markets in Lagos and seized contraband goods. In the process, some of the traders were brutalized. 

The victims sued the defendant for damages in the Lagos high court. Adefarasin CJ held that it was a violation of the constitutional prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment to organize a raid with the use of guns, horse-whips and tear gas in a market in the course of a purported search of contraband goods & to injure custodians of such goods. The judge opined that “Those in authority in customs and excise matters ought to intensify methods for apprehending offenders at the point of entry of goods into the country as it becomes more difficult to do so afterwards.”

Notwithstanding that section 34 of the 1999 Constitution equally guarantees the fundamental right of every citizen from torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, the police and other security agencies continued to subject poor citizens to horrendous torture. In 2007, the Government of Nigeria was indicted in the report of the then United Nations Rapporteur on Torture, Mr. Manfred Nowak. In his detailed report, Mr. Nowak, “ Police shoot prisoners, beat them and hung them from the ceiling for long periods… detainees in Nigerian police cells were frequently tortured to extract confessions

The Rapporteur also found that torture is an intrinsic part of how law enforcement services operate within the country. In particular, he confirmed that the  police engaged in “ flogging with whips, beatings with batons and machetes,  shooting suspects in the foot, threatening suspects with death and shooting them with power cartridges. . . as well as “suspension from the ceiling or metal rods in various positions and being denied food, water and medical treatment.”

Following such international embarrassment and indictment by local human rights bodies, Nigeria ratified the Anti Torture Convention of the United Nations in 2007 and the Optional Protocol in  n 2017, the National Assembly domesticated  and enacted the Anti Torture Act in 2017. Specifically, the Anti-torture Act 2017 has criminalised torture, cruel, inhuman and provided protection for victims and witnesses of torture.

Section 1 of the Act has imposes an obligation on government to ensure that the rights of all persons, including suspects, detainees and prisoners to freedom from torture are respected at all times and that no person under investigation or held in custody is subjected to any form of physical, mental or psychological torture.

Section 2 titled ‘Acts of Torture’ defines what amounts to torture thus:

In order to stop the practice of torturing lowly placed suspects to make confessional statements during the investigation of criminal offences, sections 15 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, the taking of the statement shall be in writing and may be recorded electronically on a compact disc or some other audio virtual means. Section 17 thereof further provides that  the statement may be taken in the presence of a legal practitioner or his choice, or where he has no legal practitioner of his choice, in the presence of an officer of the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria or an officer of a civil society organization or a Justice of the peace.

Even though the Administration of Criminal Justice Act became effective in May 2015, confessional statements are still obtained by force in the absence of lawyers, leading to trial within trial during the prosecution of criminal cases. However,  in Federal Republic of Nigeria.v. Akaeze [2024] 12 NWLR (Pt. 1951) 1 the Supreme Court held that it is mandatory for law enforcement agencies in Nigeria under sections 15(4) and 17(1) & (2) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 (“ACJA“) to record electronically confessional statement of suspect during criminal investigation in an audio-visual format.  See also Friday Charles v. The State of Lagos (2023) 13 NWLR (Pt. 1901) 213.

It is public knowledge that, in spite of the clear provisions of the Constitution and other local and international human rights instruments,  the fundamental right of children, indigent citizens and criminal suspects to freedom from torture, cruel and degrading treatment is routinely violated in all states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory.

A few weeks ago, Mr. Dele Farotimi, a lawyer standing trial for criminal libel,  was subjected to the restraint of handcuffs in one of the court sessions.

Following the condemnation of the action of the prison management by lawyers and the media, Mr. Farotimi’s handcuffs were hurriedly discarded.

While I argued that Mr. Farotimi ought not to have been handcuffed as he was not proved to have exhibited any form of violence, I accused the lawyers who attacked the prison management of hypocrisy.I pointed out that “on a daily basis, lowly placed criminal suspects are handcuffed to and from the several High Courts and Magistrate Courts in all the states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory. As if that is not enough, such suspects are regularly leg chained like slaves in sugar plantations in the Americas during the slave trade.

The dehumanisation of poor suspects is considered normal by the elite in our stratified society. For instance, a couple of months ago, a police command paraded a suspect before the electronic and print media for stealing five tubers of yam valued at less than N10,000 to feed himself and his family members. At about the same time, a public officer accused of stealing over N100 billion was neither handcuffed nor paraded before the media.”

Hence, it  has become necessary for the National Human Rights Commission, the Nigerian Bar Association and the human rights community to mobilise Nigerians to expose and report private individuals and public officers whenever they contravene the provisions of the Anti Torture Act 2017.

President Bola Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State on January 4, 2025, was, in many respects, a significant event, specifically highlighting the developmental strides by the administration led by Governor Peter Mbah.

During his visit, the president inaugurated several major infrastructural projects, including: Smart Green Schools, healthcare centres, and expansive road networks. These projects are expected to have a positive impact on the state’s economy and the lives of its residents.

Hosted by the Enugu governor, the president’s visit was also seen as an opportunity for Igbo leaders to present their concerns to Tinubu, including the development of the Anambra Basin, which is estimated to hold up to 1 billion barrels of oil and 30 billion cubic feet of gas as well as completion of a rail line linking the eastern part of Nigeria.

Overall, Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State, the first since taking over government about 18 months ago, presented a rare opportunity for the Mbah-led government to showcase to Nigerians and indeed the world, what had been achieved since May 29, 2023. And the governor, many agree, did not fail to impress.

Indeed, the president did not hold back during his speech delivered extempore, underscoring his friendship with the people of the region and his readiness to work with South-eastern leaders. Presented below are the excerpts of the president’s remarks.

Your Excellency, my very good friend, the Governor of Enugu State, Peter Mbah, the other executive governors here present, and I can see our traditional ruler, who was once my neighbour in Victoria Island, the Obi of Onitsha. It’s good to have you, and you are looking well. I thank God for you. Thank God for your life.

The members of the National Assembly here present, and the former Presiding Officers and Honourable Ministers here present. Let me just do justice to the protocol already established by the governor.

He (Mbah) is a man who knows better. He sees tomorrow today. He’s doing a fantastic job. And my dear brothers, Alex Otti and the man who stitched democracy for us all to enjoy, for it to survive, our former Senate President (Ken Nnamani). I can’t forget that memorable time, and that time when a third-term effort was killed. You did not commit murder. You put life into freedom, sustenance and constitutional democracy in our country.

My friend, Arthur Eze, thank you for your generosity. Everything you’ve been doing for family, for my friend; my wife gave me feedback of your contributions and everything, and it went a long way to alleviate the problem of the needy, the vulnerable, and we appreciate who you are. Thank you.

To the former Governor of Enugu State (Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi), thank you very much for all the efforts, both in the past and the support that you have given to the present governor. I appreciate that. We won’t forget you. You are our friend. Thank you for the talent hunt that got Peter Mbah (as governor). It shows so much of the greatness of Enugu State.

No matter how much of a structure, concrete or metal, that you build, without a good successor, you have got nothing. I’m glad Enugu has a very, very good tomorrow today. And I salute Peter Mbah for his commitment to development. You’ve built up a good team. I’ve reviewed a number of things with you (Enugu governor) in Enugu and Abuja. You’ve encouraged me on the technological advancement of the state and the commitment you have from the private sector.

I know your background. The election is over. We have to move the nation forward. And you are demonstrating that commitment, irrevocable commitment to human development. I don’t care which party you come from. You are my friend.

This is the same for Alex Otti and many of you that are doing well and are very focused. And it’s not about the difference in languages and place of birth. No one of us has control of their mother tongue. You are created by God. You found yourself in Enugu, or you found yourself in Onitsha or you found yourself in Lagos. You are all a member of one big, huge family called Nigeria. But we are living in different rooms in the same house.

This house, we must build it. Build it to satisfy our immediate need, which is not going to be enough yet, but for our tomorrow too. That is why the removal of the fuel subsidy was necessary too. You cannot spend the future of generations yet unborn in advance. Don’t bankrupt the nation before they are born.

And I know people will fight, grumble, abuse me and everything. But I asked for the job. I know what it takes. I believe in myself. And I believe I can gather a very good team and build a nation. It’s our country. We have to work really hard to build a nation that we can be proud of. Let’s change the narrative and the negative comments about Nigeria.

I’m not taking that. I’m very proud of Nigeria. You all should be proud of Nigeria. Peter Mbah is proud of Nigeria. He’s doing everything possible to improve security of lives and property, to attract foreign investment and other investors locally.

Yes, I’ve listened to your questions about security. There’s no better investment that you can make than the effective security of life. And I saw those vehicles. The Distress Rapid Response (method) is the way to go. It looked like the other name I created in Lagos; Rapid Response.

Please continue to cooperate and collaborate with your son, brother, friend here, who is really committed to pushing the development of Enugu State and be a good symbol of South-eastern states for that matter. I’m proud. The question of rail line is a work in progress.

I inherited some of these critical problems and I’m going to do it. Then support for the gas infrastructure is sure (because) gas is alternative fuel and there’s no wasting of time than to invest more in it.

We’ll do it together. I’m lucky I have good governors. You know, some may be angry with me locally, but we just have to push. In Yoruba (land) we say that the pig will get to the slaughter, but there will be a lot of noise. I will live with the noise.

Thank you very much.

Seated on the dais behind the lectern at the Capitol Rotunda where Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 47th American President on Monday were the wealthiest men in the world: CEO of Meta (parent company of Facebook and Instagram), Mark Zuckerberg, Apple boss, Tim Cook, CEO of Alphabet Inc and Google, Sundar Pichai and Amazon founder and Washington Post owner, Jeff Bezos. Others included Google co-founder, Sergey Brin, CEO of Tik Tok (the social network at the centre of a banning controversy), Shou Zi Chew, former executive chairman of Fox Corp., the legendary Rupert Murdoch and CEO of Tesla and SpaceX, Elon Musk, who also owns X (formerly Twitter). Placed a row behind members of Trump’s immediate family but one row ahead of members of his in-coming cabinet, these powerful men also joined Trump at St. John’s Episcopal Church across the White House shortly before the swearing-in ceremony. There was nothing accidental about their presence at these events and the placement of their seats.

Due to a mild cold, I decided not to go to the office on Monday so from noon till 7pm, I was glued to the television, watching the CNN coverage of the inauguration of the 45th American President and now its 47th. In many ways, the proceedings were like the opening scenes in the movie, ‘The Godfather’, where Don Vito Coleone (acted by Marlon Brando) was giving out the hands of his daughter in marriage. The movie was based on the novel of same title by Mario Puzo. On that ‘glorious’ day, all that Don Coleone sought of the high and mighty who gathered for his daughter’s wedding was their ‘friendship’ which, of course, was not cost-free as we saw in the dialogue with a central character called Bonasera. By telling Bonasera who sought revenge for the fate that befell his daughter that he had to join the community of ‘friends’, the Don was demanding fealty, and he made that clear enough: “You never wanted my friendship. And you were afraid to be in my debt.” As the Don would later say after the deal was consummated, “Friendship is everything. Friendship is more than talent. It is more than the government. It is almost the equal of family.’’

Both the scene in the movie and the one at the American Congress on Monday centred essentially around family, friendship, loyalty, wealth and power. “In the first term, everyone was fighting me. In this term, everybody wants to be my friend,” Trump told reporters at his Mar-a-Lago resort last month as powerful men and women from across the globe visited one after another to ‘kiss the ring’ of a man to whom family, ‘friendship’, loyalty, wealth and power are indeed everything.

Doris Kearns Goodwin, 82-year American biographer, historian and author of ‘No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt-—The Home Front in World War II’ which won the 1995 Pulitzer Prize for History, was one of the commentators on CNN. Like others, Goodwin conceded that Trump’s return to the White House is quite remarkable, but she also expressed reservations about the influence of the ‘tech oligarchs’ who have now become part of the presidential inner circle. That reservation is shared by no less a personality than Senator Bernie Sanders. “When the three wealthiest men in America sit behind Trump at his inauguration, everyone understands that the billionaire class now controls our government,” Sanders posted on social media.

Instructively, Trump was inaugurated on the day the 2024 Oxfam International report revealed that the wealth of global billionaires rose by $2 trillion to $15 trillion within one year. Titled, ‘Takers Not Makers,’ the report stated that there were 2,769 billionaires worldwide in 2024, an increase of 204 over the previous year, while three-fifths of this wealth came from inheritance, monopoly power or crony connections. “The capture of our global economy by a privileged few has reached heights once considered unimaginable. The failure to stop billionaires is now spawning soon-to-be trillionaires. Not only has the rate of billionaire wealth accumulation accelerated—by three times—but so too has their power,” Oxfam International Executive Director, Amitabh Behar, said. “We present this report as a stark wake up-call that ordinary people the world over are being crushed by the enormous wealth of a tiny few.”

In the immediate case of the American ‘tech oligarchs’, the real concern is not about their bank balances but rather in the control that they have over the information we all consume and how Trump could leverage on that to reshape our world in the coming months and years. Besides, the rise of AI as a new force in the use of technology for the advancement of human progress means that Trump, as an aspirant to ultimate world power, needs the ‘friendship’ of these tech oligarchs, just as they need him for their businesses. But the overriding lesson is perhaps that Trump has made his personal interests to become synonymous with America’s national interest. To offend Trump is to annoy America which he is positioning as the ‘Godfather of nations’. To be the enemy of one is to court the ire of both. “For now, folks are estimating that it is better to be on his good side than not—the problem for them is that his good side changes frequently,” Wendy Schiller, a political science professor at Brown University, reportedly told AFP.

Nothing perhaps demonstrates that better than the fact that among the several executive orders Trump signed on Monday was halting the law banning TikTok for 75 days “to permit my Administration an opportunity to determine the appropriate course of action.” Not many remember but three months before the 2020 presidential election which he lost, Trump had issued an executive order that the spread of mobile apps developed and owned by Chinese firms “threaten the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States”. Targeting TikTok and WeChat, he said both “capture vast swaths of information from its users” and  “This data collection threatens to allow the Chinese Communist Party access to Americans’ personal and proprietary information” for the purpose of tracking US government employees and gathering information for blackmail, or to carry out corporate espionage.

That marked the beginning of the problem for Tik Tok, eventually culminating in the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Bill overwhelmingly passed by Congress in a bi-partisan manner and signed into law last April by President Biden. ByteDance, the app’s Chinese parent company, was to divest its interest in TikTok by 19 January 2025 or face a nationwide ban. Without divestiture, penalties would prevent updates or distribution of TikTok via platforms such as Apple and Google. And in a unanimous decision last Friday, the US Supreme Court affirmed the law.

Now, Trump is singing a new tune because, as he has publicly admitted, the app helped him to win over many young voters during the election, even though the future of the company remains unclear. “This is one of those things where the domestic politics has become so upside down and crazy that it turns out there’s only upside for Trump now,” Bill Bishop, a China expert told the Associated Press (AP). If the ban ends up being enforced, according to Bishop, Trump will put the blame on Biden. “And if it does come back, then Trump is a savior. And he will be rewarded both by users” as well as the company, which is now “beholden to Trump”.

Indeed, the fear of Trump is now the beginning of wisdom in Washington DC and may be also in several capital cities across the world. Essentially due to that fear, President Biden’s last decision in the White House was one that tarnishes his reputation and further diminishes him in the eyes of many Americans. He issued blanket (and anticipatory) pardons to his brother, James Biden, James’s wife, Sara Jones Biden; his younger sister, Valerie Biden Owens; Valerie’s husband, John T Owens; and his younger brother, Francis W Biden. “The issuance of these pardons should not be mistaken as an acknowledgment that they engaged in any wrongdoing, nor should acceptance be misconstrued as an admission of guilt for any offense,” stated Biden who had last month also issued “a full and unconditional” pardon to his son, Hunter Biden. “My family has been subjected to unrelenting attacks and threats, motivated solely by a desire to hurt me – the worst kind of partisan politics. Unfortunately, I have no reason to believe these attacks will end.”

There may be justification for Biden’s fear about retribution from his successor. Shortly after his inauguration on Monday, the official portrait of retired General Mark Milley was taken down from the Pentagon hallway where the paintings of all previous chairmen Joint Chiefs of Staff are located. In September 2023, Trump had written on his social-media network, Truth Social, that Milley’s two phone calls to China on 6 January 2021 in the aftermath of the storming of the Capitol was “an act so egregious that, in times gone by, the punishment would have been DEATH.” Yet, all Milley did was to assure his Chinese counterpart, General Li Zuocheng, that the US is “100 percent steady” even though “things may look unsteady” as revealed in ‘Peril,’ the 2021 book by Bob Woodward and Robert Costa. The phone calls, which riled Trump when he learnt about them, were said to have been authorized by top-level officials in his government. It is just as well that Milley also secured one of the pre-emptive presidential pardons from Biden in his last days in office.

Several books have been written about Trump in the past years. I have read quite a few. Many more will be written about him in the years and decades to come. But for now, it is safe to conclude that with him back at the White House, Americans are effectively under the ancient Chinese curse: They are now living in interesting times. We can say the same for the rest of the world.

Still on The GDP of Sex, Drugs, Rituals

Following the publication last Thursday of my column, ‘The GDP of Sex, Drugs, Rituals’, I got a message from the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) Chief Executive Officer, Tayo Aduloju, that the Statistician General of the Federation, Adeyemi Adeniran, would want to meet with me for a discussion on the issue. I found the idea refreshing. Since we inhabit a country where people judge others by their own standards, I would not have been surprised if I had received an intrepid rejoinder laden with abuse and allegations of how I was being “sponsored” to knock the exercise. I am delighted Adeniran didn’t go through that route. Last Friday, I was at the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) head office in Abuja where he was waiting for me, along with all his directors and eminent professors, who were working on the rebasing exercise. Aduloju also joined in the discussion.

It turned out that the current exercise to rebase the economy started in 2018, and Adeniran and his team took me through the rigorous processes of recent years. They also explained the conversations that brought about whether to include proceeds of the ‘Shadow economy’ in the rebased economy and the whole essence of the exercise. At the end of an interesting conversation that lasted about 40 minutes, I was assured that even when there will be a comprehensive report on the proceeds of illicit flows based on data collected from the relevant government enforcement agencies involved, they will not be accounted for as economic activities and would be decoupled from the total computation of the new GDP of Nigeria. That way, people are left to do their arithmetic. I was also told the report will be released by the end of the month, which suggests it is ready.

I left the NBS fully satisfied that the Statistician General of the Federation and his team know what they are doing. I also appreciate their decision to engage me on the issue. But, as I told them, I will await their report before I make my judgment call. Meanwhile, I have also received some messages from readers who disagree with my position on the issue. Below is one of them:

Why Illicit Activities Matter

By Olufemi Adeagbo

The Nigerian illicit economy straddles formal and informal sectors, and its opaque nature makes estimation difficult. Nonetheless, the outputs buy goods and services alongside legitimately derived monies, and have therefore been considered by many as a simmering explosive weapon placed visibly in the room, whilst many economic planners at the tables of deliberation and decisioning stoically ignore the deadly presence in their midst
 
One of the more disturbing aspects has been the exponential growth of the sex industry, which has since evolved from whistling street sellers, to sugar girls, and then a retail and technology enabled  ‘hook up’ economy, to what we have now: a normative transactional sex environment where money is expected to change hands for sex and where sex has increasingly become weaponized and prostitution brazenly peddled. This industry, when some extrapolation is done, may be as big as N10 trillion Naira or even more, specifically in terms of amounts that change hands between buyers and sellers of sexual services, howsoever packaged. (If only ten in a hundred between the ages of 17 and 29 within the 26 million demographic that falls in that range collect N100k per month for sex, that is already an annual sector GDP of N3.38 trillion).

Some observers have concerns about giving illicit activities such as sex, drugs and other unsavoury criminal trades more prominence and visibility by attributing economic numbers of heft to them. It is indeed true that some jurisdictions have refused to capture same within their GDP computations, underscoring support for this philosophy. However, others have taken a pragmatic view of reflecting them, as they are integral aspects of the economy. The drug dealer or prostitute also buys provisions in the supermarket. In 2014, the UK for example estimated that sex and drugs added £10 billion to its economy, and as such could not be ignored any longer in economic computation. Many EU nations have since followed suit. The Dutch in 2021 attributed over 4 billion Euros to drugs and prostitution representing 0.5 % of total GDP.

Whilst the timing in the Nigerian case may have political undertones, given our recent GDP position decline, there is a strong argument for transparency about what we have become, if we are truly to solve our myriad problems. We simply can’t continue to indulge in ‘brand protection’ when that brand is already badly damaged. The normative nature and breadth of availability of sex for sale and drug use can no longer be minimized or ignored. They are issues requiring mainstreaming and declaration of National emergencies in the view of many. Deemphasizing focus on them arguably led us to this pass. Recognizing and dimensioning a disease are prerequisites to finding a cure.

Furthermore, denial of the impact of illicit activities in economic make up simply robs us of timely responses to curb what we perceive as unsavoury pathways to wealth, making them attractive as time goes on, until they become normative. We are all witnesses to the desperation for riches as rituals, yahoo, pillage of government resources, political gangsterism, and other ills have marched steadily and brazenly with the passage of time, whilst we have chosen to deny the evident reality of looting development resources to the extent that it is now a ‘Tsunami’ that threatens to submerge the nation. Rather than confess our sins and act, we have often tethered to abstracts like restructuring, military written constitution, sponsored demarketing; and all sorts of excuses that helps us avoid looking at ourselves in the mirror, and seeing the issues for what they are.

The overall lack of rigorous introspection has denied us insights into why such practices have become prevalent, and the appropriate responses to deploy. For example, the justification arguments about lack of job opportunities and economic conditions are one dimensional. There are other dimensions including drug addiction funding, simple greed, a history of sexual abuse, collapse of the family structure, cross cultural infiltration, failure of religious institutions and government to set a moral agenda, human trafficking, and many others. Understanding these dimensions provide insights for solutioning. Denying them simply affords more time for the illicit activities to grow to uncontrollable proportions. Many argue we are already there, despite the best efforts of government agencies and well-meaning entities within society.

The economic insights are also critical, though difficult to unravel. Where does the money actually go? If a portion goes into the local economy, and a huge chunk pursues vanities and unsustainable lifestyles -that are now magnified by social media- what are the economic implications considering alcohol, clothing, fake nails and lashes, clothing, hair, drugs, and all sorts sought by these ‘practitioners’ are largely imported and consume billions of dollars? Could this mean that our young women and men are serving as a conduit for transferring wealth to other climes and draining society of its moral stock at the same time?

Finally, we must develop a culture of data driven societal management and governance. We need to quantify things to make appropriate remedial decisions. I point to the petrol subsidy issue as an example. Did the statisticians provide leadership with how many litres of PMS are consumed by petrol generators used by millions of small businesses, and the GDP contribution of those users? Did they provide details on the various engine car sizes to explore other approaches like carbon tax imposition to support the subsidy scheme? Did anyone actually disentangle the scheme to identify what was GDP supportive, what was smuggled, what was wasteful petrol burning, and what was likely fraud? If so, this is not in the public domain and ought to be.  The outcomes may still point to a decision to scrap the regime, but a scientific base would have been established to ensure broader support

Too many of our young ones are now making porn at scale, normalizing half- naked dressing, routinely selling their bodies at every turn, using and dealing hard drugs, and ready to kill – at least so it seems – once money is to be made. These are facts and we can’t exculpate the adults and leaders who failed to shape the culture of society.  What one can safely say is that the device in the room has pretty much exploded, and part of the containment strategy has to be transparency and solutioning before we lose more young people to the powerful magnet that the culture of illicit activities has become.

To this extent, the NBS ought to be supported and mandated to provide detailed explanations on how it arrives at whatever numbers it eventually presents in its rebasing exercise so that credibility isn’t lost. Transparency, and truthfulness signpost a societies intent to deal with a problem, and we can no longer deny or ignore what the entire world now knows about Nigeria. Continuing to do so simply means that the fabric of society will be so torn that a thousand stitches will be needed one day, instead of a hundred.

• Adeagbo is the CEO of Comnavig ICT Advisers 

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

President Donald Trump has signed an executive order aimed at solidifying the United States’ position as a global leader in cryptocurrency and artificial intelligence (AI).

The order prohibits central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) and establishes a working group to develop clear regulations for the crypto industry.

This comprehensive directive outlines a framework designed to foster innovation, eliminate regulatory uncertainty, and safeguard individual financial sovereignty.

Following the announcement, Bitcoin (BTC), the world’s largest cryptocurrency, surged by 3%, reaching the $105,000 mark in Friday’s trading.

One of the most notable aspects of the executive order is the proposal to create a national crypto reserve. This “digital asset stockpile” would consist of cryptocurrencies seized by federal law enforcement agencies.

While Trump has previously suggested the idea of a national Bitcoin reserve, the order does not prioritize BTC alone. Instead, it includes U.S.-developed altcoins, indicating a broader approach to digital asset adoption.

Reflection on the crypto market 

The crypto industry welcomed the announcement, having urged the administration to provide clear support during Trump’s early days in office.

• As of 6:40 am Nigerian time, Bitcoin was trading at $104,971, up by 2.8%, after reaching an intraday high of $106,820. Ethereum also saw a surge, rising 5% to $3,376. The global cryptocurrency market capitalization increased by 2.65%, reaching $3.61 trillion.
• Other major altcoins followed suit, with Solana rising by 4%, XRP by 1%, Dogecoin by 1.3%, Cardano by 3.5%, and Chainlink by 5.2%. Additionally, Tron and Avalanche experienced gains.
• The volume of stablecoins now stands at $189.11 billion, accounting for 91.79% of the total 24-hour crypto market volume, according to data from CoinMarketCap.

In the past 24 hours, Bitcoin’s market capitalization surged to $2.079 trillion. Currently, Bitcoin’s dominance in the market is 57.49%, with BTC’s 24-hour trading volume rising by 73.5% to $100.98 billion.

What you should know 

Also on Thursday, President Trump addressed the World Economic Forum in Davos, declaring his intention to make America “the world capital of AI and crypto.” These comments marked the first direct mention of cryptocurrency by the President since his inauguration.

He emphasized that an increase in domestic oil and gas production would secure U.S. manufacturing dominance and establish the country as the global leader in artificial intelligence and cryptocurrency.

Industry insiders had grown concerned by the lack of a direct mention of crypto by the President since being sworn in on Monday. Bitcoin prices rose following the mention, further boosted by the news that Senator Cynthia Lummis was confirmed as chair of the Senate Banking Subcommittee on Digital Assets.

[Nairametrics]

The Managing Director of the Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), Olubunmi Kuku has stated that she is ready to step down from her position if her leadership is no longer needed.

Speaking on Thursday evening while fielding questions during an interview on Television Continental, Kuku stated that she has stepped on toes and is ready to step on more toes to do her job properly.

She, however, stated that if her methods of  leadership are no longer working she is ready to resign from her position.

She said, “I have stepped on toes and I am still stepping on toes and I know that I need to do that with caution but definitely not at the jeopardy of the airport system.

“If I have to, I will step down, I will resign if I see that it is not working but what is important is to make sure that I do what is right.”

She also responded to criticisms that have greeted her claim that ₦580bn is required to fix obsolete runways across the country.

Kuku who confirmed the barrage of critics questioning what FAAN needed such a humongous amount for, appealed to all who care to understand the need for the money to find out what it takes to take care of aviation infrastructures

She said, “I would like to clarify two things; First we have a number of runways in Nigeria today, we have mentioned to you that there are 22 airports that are owned by the Federal Government and we also support some that are state-owned.

“I also made specific reference to airports with runways that have exceeded their lifespan. The average lifespan of a runway is about 20-25 years and a lot of our runways in Nigeria have actually exceeded that time. Meaning that we had them for 30 to over 35 years.

“What it means is that we have to reconstruct those runways. The N580bn that I initially mentioned was for over 17 runways and it is not just runways but also includes some perimeter fencing and so on.

“I have seen commentaries where people asked what we would be needing those monies for. Just look it up in Google to understand what it means to build runways, taxi expansion and all that is needed to be done.”

While speaking on what she had done within her first 100 days in office, Kuku topped her achievement with the level of sanity that has been restored to Nigerian aerodromes in the last 90 days.

“We have spent too much time talking about the decay and it is time for us to start fixing things and that is exactly what we are doing. And what is more critical is the continuity, meaning that wherever we stop, somebody needs to pick that up and that is the biggest challenge that we see. Because we have a new administration we tend not to complete or continue old projects.

“Now to what we are doing; I think what to do is to block some immediate gaps which is what we have done. If you have been a traveller in the last 90 days, you will observe that the airports are cleaner and more friendly in terms of the atmosphere,” she said.

[NaijaNews]

Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, has described the Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, as a politician with double loyalty, saying such a character is shameless and sets a dangerous precedent in Nigerian politics. 

The governor stated this in a statement signed by Mukhtar Gidado, his
Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, reacting to Wike’s recent media chat where he knocked Mohammed’s opposition to President Bola Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bills

Mohammed, who is the Chairman of the PDP Governors Forum, said Wike’s incoherence often made it difficult to discern any substantive points.

The statement read, “Chief Wike’s ascendancy in politics is a testament to the opportunities provided by the PDP, yet, he now gleefully undermines the very foundation that nurtured him. It is disheartening that a man who owes so much to a party that stood by him in his political journey has chosen to be a willing tool in its denigration.

“Unlike Wike, who thrives on drama and divisiveness, Sen. Bala Mohammed has always understood that politics is not a game of self-serving theatrics but a platform to serve the public good. Wike’s erratic behaviour and opportunistic alliances expose him as an unreliable and fair-weather friend—traits that alienate even those who once stood by him.”

The governor said that Wike’s recent media outburst was yet another reminder of his transactional approach to politics, where personal ambition eclipsed loyalty, principles, and collective interests.

Governor Mohammed stated that Wike’s attempt to question his opposition to President Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bills was not only baseless but hypocritical.

“While Wike accuses others of insincerity, he has seamlessly transitioned from being a self-proclaimed PDP stalwart to an ardent supporter of the APC government. He now advocates for the re-election of the same APC administration in 2027, all while continuing to claim membership in the PDP. This chameleonic behavior raises serious questions about Wike’s credibility and moral compass.

“Nigerians are not deceived by Wike’s antics. They see a man willing to undermine his party for personal gain, a man whose loyalty shifts as quickly as his alliances. By contrast, Sen. Bala Mohammed’s opposition to the Tax Reform Bills reflects a principled stand aimed at ensuring inclusive governance and accountability. His constructive interventions have already led to significant adjustments in the reform process, underscoring the importance of meaningful dialogue over hollow rhetoric.

“Chief Wike’s dual loyalty—if it can even be called that—is a dangerous precedent in Nigerian politics. His shameless oscillation between PDP and APC undermines the moral fabric of democracy. Politics must be guided by principles, not by personal whims. Wike’s behavior, reminiscent of George Orwell’s Animal Farm, where roles blur and values vanish, exemplifies the kind of amoral politics that erodes public trust and damages national unity,” the statement added.

[DailyPost]

Veteran journalist, Dele Momodu, has accused the All Progressives Congress, APC, of causing crisis within the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Labour Party, LP, and New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP.

Momodu said APC was orchestrating crisis within the opposition to weaken them.

In an interview with Arise Television, the PDP chieftain accused APC of pushing Nigeria towards a one-party state.

According to Momodu: “Nigeria is obviously moving in a direction of a one-party state.

“The ruling party, APC, is so scared of opposition that right now crisis are being orchestrated from party to party, especially the leading opposition parties like PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It’s obvious what is going on.”

He further expressed concern about the uncertainty surrounding the situation, stating, “no one is in doubt about that. How this would end, I have no idea. So, we are watching.”

Stressing that power is transient, Momodu cautioned those currently aligned with the APC.

“The maximum they would do is eight years, so after that, what next? It’s not about how long, it’s about how well.

“That’s why I’m advising a lot of people now who are holding onto Asiwaju; he would think they love him—No!

“It’s self-preservation because they lost out in one party, they ran to Asiwaju, and now they are using him as an umbrella when they should be holding the broom,” he said.

[DailyPost]