“Corruption is paid by the poor”— Pope Francis

I have been teaching post graduate students Public Policy and Governance for the last few years. I have found that the segment of the course that deals with decision-making and the policy environment excited all my classes over the years. In particular, we have ended all sections of the course dealing with policy making and governing through crises with the conclusion that character of the leadership, as well as the nature of the crises, are the two basic factors that determine some form of success or failure, yet they are not easily amenable to scientific analyses or predictive accuracy.

Every class I have taught had dwelt at length on the murky outlines of Nigeria’s fuel subsidy policies, from philosophy to design, to options to challenges of implementation and monitoring. Every class went through the challenges leaders had with corruption and waste around the policy, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of leadership that had allowed the problems around the policy to get successively worse. I had found very few students who, at the end of discussions, were willing to end the greatest scam this country had tolerated in the name of social service, principally for political reasons.

Everyone with even an elementary understanding of our oil and gas assets and policies around them has known that the fuel subsidy monster needed to be tackled decisively a long time ago. Many people, in and outside Nigeria, knew how deeply entrenched the interests around sustaining the policy had become. One of its strengths is that it had succeeded in selling the idea that removing the policy was the ultimate anti-people policy any administration should contemplate.

No leader had had the political will and courage to remove it, phase it out in a manner that either reduces the shocks and provides reliefs against them, or engage key stakeholders and managers of public opinion in agreeing on options and strategy. The more the resistance around removal of the subsidy dug in, in any form or manner, the more the beneficiaries of the scam walked away with trillions. Ironically, the strongest opponents of the subsidy removal argument have failed to see that the real problem was unspeakable corruption and weak political will of leaders regarding the subsidy, not the subsidy itself. We ended up preserving two evils: gigantic corruption and the sustenance of a policy which fed it. Defenders of public interest, including labour, appear to have given up on convincing governments to explore a combination of solutions in the face of the sheer magnitude and complexity of the systemic scam, and had become stuck at the argument that the subsidy had to be preserved at all cost.

It is, today, President Tinubu’s lot to carry the cross of all past follies and weaknesses, and he has to do this under tremendous pressure to make a choices under tremendous pressure. He should know he is bearing the failures of predecessors; the prospects of a virtual uprising; the worst beginning for a presidency that should place the highest premium in building acceptance, alliances and coalitions; the absence of a robust policy and administrative framework that should think well, prepare for crises management and lead the nation to a point where worst consequences are tampered by strong evidence of empathy and competence.

In one fell swoop, he has taken on only one out of many related challenges that will not necessarily turn the removal of subsidy into a magic wand of sorts.

Pervasive corruption in scales rarely seen anywhere in the world and its tolerance and encouragement by successive regimes have destroyed and distorted the fundamentals of an economy that could have been nurtured into one of the most prosperous outside advanced industrialized countries.

Corruption and poor governance stopped the development of local refining capacities; created cartels around a severely abused subsidy policy; enabled smuggling of refined fuel and stealing of crude in industrial scales; created multiple exchange rates that destroyed local industrial capacities and made multiple billionaires with the right connections; bankrupted the economy and accumulated huge debts; created the fiction that the removal of subsidy is a declaration of war on the poor; deprived the country of development assets; and kept away foreign investment, even in the oil and gas industry, away from a country with quite possibly the worst image for its leaders and business environment.

Tinubu’s cross will not be about removing subsidy. It is about endemic corruption and weak political will to fight it. He will have to explain to Nigerians why he is different, and why they should trust him. Making the case that the country is broke and cannot sustain the subsidy will be difficult to sell to a population with very little faith in leaders. The country has been broke for a long time, and President Tinubu’s predecessor spent the last few years twisting the knife with weak political will and a propensity for easier choices.

He could remove subsidy and make life a lot more unbearable, but he will not get ten Nigerians who will believe that he has answers to consequential rises in food prices and just about everything that has to be bought. He could gain some sympathy if he can hold up some evidence that subsidy is a huge scam, and he could prove it with solid evidence and culprits and punishments.

If he can show some ripe-and-ready evidence of massive corruption around fuel subsidy and the exchange regimes, a few Nigerians may accept it in exchange for some hardship that will expose and eliminate entire systems and persons. If he does not show Nigerians that the subsidy policy was hijacked by a den of thieves, he should not expect the poor to roll over into more hardship.

What will be difficult to sell is the idea that we are too broke to keep subsidy on petrol, a service we have a right to expect, but everything else stays in place. Even more difficult to sell will be the idea that no one was responsible for making the subsidy unsustainable, as if it was run by saints. We just became broke, lets live with it. If we are too broke to sustain the subsidy regime, Nigerians will say, where will reliefs come from, and when? Will they come from the $800 President Buhari said he borrowed to provide palliatives? More debts?

Palliatives have become a dirty word since COVID days; does President Tinubu know that? Will the corruption that brought us to where we are today allow President Tinubu to put in place reliefs that will touch the poorest of Nigerians? Will he take on scams around exchange rates, crude theft, smuggling, funds set aside for turnaround maintenance, and a dozen brazen abuses the economy was made to suffer, to allow a tiny part of the elite run the classic rentier state?

These questions may sound pedestrian, but few Nigerians can ask questions which reflect deep understanding of economics and governance. One of President Tinubu’s tasks is to explain it to them while he is still running after hitting the ground from Eagle Square on May 29th. But see his problem. He does not yet have a cabinet with people who will help him explain complex phenomena to Nigerians whose quality of life took a dive on his first day in office.

Not just any people, but people who are good enough to do justice to positions he will assign them; competent enough to do it well; with obvious records of achievement and personal integrity and, above all, who understand that Tinubu’s war is against corruption, and the fiasco he is about to deal with is only one battle in this defining war. The only way Tinubu can win the battle which will pitch the people and those versed in systemic plunder on one side, and his brand new presidency on the other, is to commit to fighting deep-seated systemic corruption in Nigeria. It is a tall order, but it really is what this gathering storm around subsidy is all about.

That is the cross Tinubu will bear successfully, or it will crush his presidency.

Dapo Olumide, chief executive officer (CEO) of Nigeria Air, says the aircraft used for the unveiling of the national carrier was a chartered flight from Ethiopian Airlines.

Speaking when he appeared before a house of representatives committee on aviation on Tuesday, Olumide said the aircraft was returned to Ethiopia about two days after the unveiling.

“It was a chartered flight,” he said.

His remark was a reaction to comments from members of the committee who said the aircraft bore the colours of the Nigerian flag.

Responding, Olumide said: “As a chartered flight, you can paint the aircraft in any colours you want”.

“On a chartered flight, the aircraft was to come to Nigeria to Abuja and go back 48 hours later.”

Olumide also said the necessary procedures for the establishment of a national carrier were not completed before the unveiling.

“We have a five-phase process to go through with the regulator. After the five phases, you can get the AOC certificate. Until then, you do not have an airline. So we are in the five-phase process of getting the airline,” he said.

“We are in stage one. We left stage one but we replaced all the key management of the airline. We replaced all of them. When you replace them, you have to go back to phase one. That is the requirement.

“We have not gotten to phase two yet. We are going to go into phase two but to go into phase two, there are certain documents you must attach to your request. One of which is called the schedule of events. There are other technical documents. We are in the process of putting these together.”

Also speaking, Mohammed Oduwowo, managing director of Nigeria Airspace Management Agency (NAMA), corroborated Olumide’s position.

“We had an approval. We granted the aircraft a flight permit. It was meant to be a chartered flight from Ethiopia to Nigeria. It was a chartered flight. It went back the following day,” he said.

Hadi Sirika, former minister of aviation, unveiled Nigeria Air — the national carrier — about three days before the end of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.

[TheCable]

The Coronation of King Charles III of England on May 6 was the exhibition of the British Culture and Tradition. Give it to the British in terms of tradition, they are experts. You can’t take it from them. They don’t have a written Constitution but they maintain their tradition and culture.

We have a written Constitution but we have deleted our culture and tradition from our constitution and that is our greatest dilemma.
Marcus Garvey famously wrote: “A people without knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots”.
Our traditional rulers represent the best of our tradition and culture. They have been and they will continue to be. Even in our struggle for independence they played prominent roles. It was not only the politicians that struggled for our independence, traditional rulers, journalists and others were in the struggle too.

From May 23 to June 26, 1957, Nigeria took a bold step towards nationhood at the London Constitutional Conference at Lancaster House. Prominent traditional rulers were delegates to that conference. Among whom were, the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi KBE, who was acting governor of Northern Nigeria in 1957 and the Emir of Kano between 1954-1963, the Emir of Katsina, Alhaji Dr. Muhammadu Kabir Usman (January 1928- March 8, 2008), the 49th Emir of Katsina, the Ooni of Ife, Sir Titus Martins Adesoji Tadeniawo Aderemi (15 November 1889 –July 3, 1980), KCMG, KBE, who later became the governor of Western Region, the Ewi of Ado Ekiti, Oba Daniel Akomolafe Anirare Aladesanmi II (1907- 7 January 1983, the Attah of Igala, Alhaji Aliyu Ocheja Obaje GCFR (1910 – July 16, 2012) , the 26th Attah of Igala and Chief Uyong Essien Akpan Efion-Iwat Effembe Ebit Akpan Amaide Oku (9 November 1872- 15 October 1976), traditional ruler of Uyo in Akwa Ibom state.
When I was growing up in Idanre, my hometown in the late fifties, myself and my cousin, Chief Babu Akinbobola used to visit our friend, Chief Pino Olatunji, to see the car of his father, Chief Olatunji, who was the Lisa of Idanre, second in command. It was a red Pontiac American car.

Chief Pino used to oblige us to enter the car. Lisa Olatunji acquired the car as a member of the House of Chiefs in the then Western Region to represent the then Owa of Idanre, Oba David Aladegbule Arubuefin Aroloye II, who reigned between 1918 to 1969, who was too old to travel then. Three days before traveling to Ibadan, for the meeting of the Western Region House of Chiefs, there would be festivities in and around the house of Lisa Olatunji. The House of Chiefs by then, played important roles in governance in the Western Region.
During that time, some members of the House of Chiefs were Ministers without portfolio. Among them were Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Isaac Babalola Akinyele (18 April 1882 – 30 May 1964) who reigned from 1955 to 1965, the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Tewogboye II, the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Samuel Omotosho Abimbola, who reigned from 1958-1982, the Obi of Agbor, Oba Obika A. Gbenoba, the Olu of Warri, Oba Erejuwa II who reigned from 1951 to 1964 and from 1966 to 1986, Ọmọ n'Ọba n'Ẹdo Uku Akpọlọkpọlọ, Akenzua II (7 January 1899 – 11 June 1978) , the Oba of Benin, who reigned from 1933 to 1978, the Olowo of Owo, Sir Olateru Olagbegi II (August 1910-1998), the Owa Obokun of Ijesha land, Oba A.O. Biladu III, the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Sir Ladapo Samuel Ademola(1872-1962) who ruled from 27 Sep 1920 - 27 Dec 1962 and the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona (89), Ogbagba Agbotewole II, who was crowned on April 2, 1960.
On January 15, 1966, when General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi GCFR MBE (3 March 1924 – 29 July 1966) took over power, there were five constitutions in the country. All the five constitutions upheld the traditional institutions in Nigeria. We had the 1963 Constitution, the Constitution of Northern Nigeria 1963, the Constitution of Eastern Nigeria 1963, the Constitution of Western Nigeria 1963 and the Constitution of Mid Western Nigeria 1964.

On assuming power, General Ironsi suspended the five constitutions under decree number 1. He replaced them with a national government. At that time, the Emir of Gwandu, Alhaji Muhammadu Mera, was the President of the Northern House of Chiefs, the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Rufus Adesokeji Aderele Tewogboye II, who reigned between 1942 and 1974 was the President of Western House of Chiefs, Chief Essien Uyo was the President of Eastern House of Chiefs and Oba Akenzua was the President of the Mid-Western House of Chiefs.
General Ironsi immediately banned twenty-six tribal and cultural associations. They are Borno State Union, Egbe Atunluse Ibadan, Egbe Igbomina Parapo, Egbe Omo Oduduwa, Egbe Omo Olofin, Egbe Omo Yoruba, Egbe Yoruba Parapo, Ekiti Northern, Ekiti Parapo, Ekiti Progressive Union, Ibadan Parapo, Ibibio State Union, Ibo State Union or Ibo Union, Ibo Youth Congress, Ibo Youth League, Idoma Tribal Union, Igbira Tribal Union I and II, Ijaw Progressive Union, Kajola Society, Lagos Aborigines Society, Oganiru Society, Okaa Society, Oshun Parapo, Otu-Edo, Oyo Parapo and Yoruba State Union. I still wonder till today the need to ban cultural and tribal associations.

General Ironsi also banned eighty-one political parties. They are Action Group, Afenmai Peoples’ Congress, Awo National Brigade, Bornu Youth Movement, Calabar Emancipation League, Calabar, Ogoja, River State Movement, Common Peoples Party of Nigeria, Communist Party of Nigeria, Democratic Party of Nigeria, Dynamic Party, Eastern Nigeria Liberation Movement, Eastern Peoples’ Congress, Ghana-Nigeria Socialist Group, Habe Peoples’ Party, Ibadan Crusaders of Freedom, Ijumu Progressive Union, Kalabari Peoples’ Congress, Kano Peoples’ Party, Kano State Movement, Lagos Citizen Rights Protection Council, Lagos and Colony Peoples’ Congress, Lagos Separate State Movement, League of Northern Yorubas, Mabolaje Party, Middle Belt Congress of Nigeria, Middle Belt Peoples’ Party, Mid-West Democratic Front, Mid-West Youth Association, Moslem Peoples’ Party, Movement for Colonial Freedom, Muslim United Party and the National Convention of Nigeria Citizens.
The National Emancipation League, National Youth Council of Nigeria, National Youth Front, Niger Delta Congress, Niger Delta Volunteer Service, Nigerian Communist Party, Nigerian Council for Peace, Nigerian Labour Party, Nigerian Marxist Group in Germany(GDR), Nigerian National Alliance, Nigerian National Democratic Party, Nigerian National Youth Brigade, Nigerian Peoples’ Party—The New Nigeria, Nigeria Socialist Group, Nigerian Workers Liberation Movement, Nigerian Youth Congress, Northern Elements Freedom Organisations, Northern Elements Progressive Union, Northern Elements Women’s Association, Northern Opposition United Party, Northern Peoples’ Congress, Northern Peoples’ Congress Youth Association and the Northern Progressive Front were also banned.
Other association prohibited are the Northern United Party, Northern Youth Movement, Okpara Youth Brigade, Oshun United Party, Oyo United Party, Peoples’ Party, Peoples Progressive Party, Republican Party, Rivers State Movement and the Socialist Labour Party, Socialist Movement of Nigeria, Socialist Party of Nigeria, Socialist Workers and Farmers Party, Socialist Youths of Nigeria, Tarka Youth Pioneers, Tiv State Party, United Action Committee, United Middle Belt Congress, United National Independence Party, United Progressive Grand Alliance Youth Front, United Peoples’ Party, United Progressive Grand Alliance, United Working Peoples’ Party of Nigeria, Zikist Movement and Zikist National Vanguard.
The 1963 Federal Constitution guaranteed the existence of the Oba of Lagos.

Section 41-46 of the Federal Constitution states that “there shall be a Parliament of the Federation, which shall consist of the President, a Senate and a House of Representatives. 42. Without prejudice to the provisions of section 46 of this Constitution, the Senate shall consist of ---- (a) twelve Senators representing each Region, who shall be selected at a joint sitting of the legislative houses of that Region from among persons nominated by the Governor; (b) four Senators representing the Federal territory; (c) four Senators selected by the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister. (2) The Senators representing the Federal territory shall be (a) the Oba of Lagos, who shall be an ex-officio member of the Senate; (b) a Chief selected in such manner as may be prescribed by Parliament by the White-Cap Chiefs of Lagos from among their own number; and (c) two other person selected for that purpose in such manner as may be prescribed by Parliament. (3) A joint sitting of the legislative houses of a Region may regulate its own procedure for the purposes of this section. 43. Without prejudice to the provisions of section 47 and 88 of this Constitution, the House of Representatives shall consist of three hundred and twelve members. 44. Subject to the provisions of section 45 of this Constitution--- (a) a person shall be qualified for selection as a Senator if he is a citizen of Nigeria and has attained the age of forty years; (b) a person shall be qualified for election as a member of the House of Representatives if he is a citizen of Nigeria and has attained the age of twenty-one years and, in the case of a person who stands for election Northern Nigeria, is a male person.

Section 4 of the Northern Nigeria Constitution states that “there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Region. 5. (1) The House of Chiefs shall consist of ---- (a) all first-class Chiefs, who shall be ex-officio members of the House; (b) ninety-five Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; and (c) an adviser on Moslem Law. (2) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a Chief other than a first-class Chief shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region.
(3)In this section---

“Chief” means any person who is for the time being recognized by the Governor as a Chief; “first-class Chief” means any Chief whose office is for the time being graded as that of a first-class Chief under any law in force in the Region 6. (1) The adviser on Moslems law shall be appointed by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (2) A person holding the office of adviser on Moslems law may be removed from office by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (3) If the adviser on Moslem law is vacant or if the holder of the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of his office, the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier, may appoint a person to act in the office, and any person so appointed shall continue to act until his appointment is revoked by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier.

The Mid-Western Constitution states that “there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Region. 5---(1) Without prejudice to the provisions of section 9 of this Constitution, the House of Chiefs shall consist of ----(a) the Oba of Benin, the Olu of Warri and the persons for the time being holding such other chieftaincies as may be prescribed by the Governor, who shall be ex-officio members of the House; (b) fifty-one Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (c) such Special Members, being Chiefs, as may be selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier; and (d) four members selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier, to represent the interests of groups of persons resident in the special areas within the meaning of subsection (4) of section 14 of this Constitution, being groups whose interests, in the opinion of the Governor of the Governor acting as aforesaid, are not represented by members of the House of Assembly for constituencies in those areas. (2) A person shall not be a member of the House of Chiefs by virtue of paragraph (a) of subsection (1) of this section during any period when he holds office as Governor: and the number of persons who are for the time being members of that House by virtue of that paragraph or paragraph (c) of that subsection shall not in the aggregate exceed ten. (3) The seat of a member of the House of Chiefs shall become vacant--- (a) in the case of a member other than the Oba of Benin, the Olu of Warri or a Special Member, in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; and (b) in the case of a Special Member, if he is removed from office as such a member by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (4) In this section “Chief” means any person who is for the time being recognized as a Chief under any law in force in the Region. 6. Without prejudice to the provisions of subsection (5) of section 10 and subsection (13) of section 33 of this Constitution, the House of Assembly shall consist of sixty-five members.

The Constitution of Eastern Nigeria states that “4. There shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for peace, order and good government of the Region. 5 (1) Without prejudice to the provisions of section 9 and 34 of this Constitution, the House of Chiefs shall consist of --- (a) all traditional rulers, who shall be ex-officio members of the House; (b) first-class Chiefs appointed to represent provinces in the Region; fifty-five Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; and (d) such special members (not exceeding five) having such qualifications as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region as may be selected by the Governor acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (2) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a member other than an ex-officio member shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region. (3) In this section--- “Chief” means any person who is for the time being recognized as Chief under any law in force in the Region; “first-class Chief” means--- (a) a person who, for the purpose of representing a Province in the House of Chiefs is appointed a first-class Chief under the provisions of a law in force in the Region; or (b) any person who is for the time being recognized as a traditional Ruler under any law in force in the Region. 6. Without prejudice to the provisions of sections 10 and 34 of this Constitution, the House of Assembly shall consist of one hundred and forty-six members.

The Constitution of the Western Nigeria states that “there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Region. 5 (1) The House of Chiefs shall consist of---- (a) the persons for the time being holding such chieftaincies as may be prescribed by the Governor, who shall be ex officio members of the House; (b) eighty-seven Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (c) such Special Members, being Chiefs (not exceeding four) as may be selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier; and (d)if he is not a member of the House of Chiefs apart from this paragraph, the President of the House. 2 (a) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a member other than an ex officio member or a Special Member shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (b) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a Special Member, including a Special Member appointed by the Governor at any time before the coming into force of the Constitution, shall become vacant if he is removed from office as a Special Member by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier, (3) In this section---“Chief” means any person who is for the time being recognized as a Chief under any law in force in the Region. 6. Without prejudice to the provisions of sub-section (5) of section 10 and sub-section (13) of section 33 of this Constitution, the House of Assembly shall consist of ninety-four members”.
These were institutions in existence till January 15, 1966 when General Ironsi suspended the constitution. From 1966 till 1979, the ARMY gave no role to the traditional rulers but in the 1979 Constitution a role was given to them.

In the third schedule of the 1979 Constitution, Section 140 states that 1. The Council of State shall comprise the following persons, namely--- (a) the President , who shall be the Chairman; (b) the Vice-President, who shall be the Deputy Chairman; (c) all former Presidents of the Federation and all former Heads of the Government of the Federation; (d) all former Chief Justices of Nigeria who are citizens of Nigeria; (e) the President of the Senate; (f) the Speaker of the House of Representatives; (g) all the Governors of the States of the Federation; (h) the Attorney-General of the Federation; and (i) one person from each State, who shall as respects that State be appointed by the Council of Chiefs of the States from among themselves. 2. The Council shall have power---(a) to advise the President in the exercise of his powers with respect to the National Population Census and compilation, publication and keeping of records and other information concerning the same, Prerogative of Mercy, Award of National Honours, the Federal Electoral Commission(including the appointment of members of that Commission), the Federal Judicial Service Commission (including the appointment of members, other than ex officio members of that Commission) and the National Population Commission (including the appointment of members of that Commission); and (b) to advise the President whenever requested to do so on the maintenance of public order within the Federation or any part thereof and on such other matters as the President may direct”.
Regrettably, in the 1999 Constitution, which we are still operating till today, there is no role for the traditional rulers. Not a single reference to them. It’s as if the 1999 Constitution was written by a foreigner and I don’t know why. I believe tradition and modernity should complement each other. They should not be poles apart. While modernizing, we must preserve our tradition. The other day, I saw Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah (70) from Efdom, Zangon-Kataf Local Government Area of Kaduna state, current Bishop, Roman Catholic Diocese, Sokoto, dancing with a cultural group while wearing his soutane. I don’t think his role at that event has diminished his role in the church.
On May 28, 2016, during his inauguration as President of African Development Bank, Dr. Akinwunmi Ayodeji Adeshina (63) exhibited the Yoruba Culture when he invited selected Yoruba dancers at his inauguration. It was a pure display of the Yoruba culture.

The institution of traditional rulers must not be allowed to perish. Everything must be done to sustain that institution. Luckily, we now have a President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who believes in our tradition and culture. It is not too late now to rejig Chief Clement Ebri’s Committee’s report that Constitutional recognition be given to the role of traditional rulers. Provision should be made for the establishment of state councils of traditional rulers as an advisory body in all states of the federation.
The composition of the council of state be expanded to include Chairmen of the state councils of traditional rulers (state council of chiefs) and provision be made for traditional council at each local government area to serve as an advisory body on matters of tradition and culture and similar issues at that level. These roles in no way confer executive, legislative or judicial functions on them.

Recent finding has shown that about 75 percent of fathers in Africa particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa suffer apparent degree of abandonment  from their wives and children they hope to depend on at retirement or  old age.

Some social experts  have disclosed that behavioural factors causing fathers' abandonment  and sheer suffering at their old age are rooted in African culture itself. For example, some of these behavioural factors include, high preference placed on African mothers in the society where they are cherished in  Southwestern part of Nigeria as "Wura Iyebiye" meaning-  "valuable Gold", while fathers on the other hands  are called "Gingi" meaning "Breakable Mirror". 

The provision of special Cares for elderly at old age differ from country to country and clime to clime. For example,  Africans and Europeans are not similar in culture, as each family in Africa cater for their own aged people at their space , it is Governments' agencies in Europe that cater for all their elderly through Home Care Policy.

Placing the  provision of  the aged in Africa in the hands of the Children and extended relatives, prompted most  African parents to place more emphasis on the child welfare, education, development and empowerment so that they can  reciprocate their kind gesture at old age.

This therefore underpinned the inherent silent battle raging between the fathers and mothers  in the course of training their children to have firm control over them at old age.

From findings mothers usually outplayed the fathers in game of wooing the favour of the children. As mothers  take the advantages of fathers' high handedness and bulling tendencies in training the children, mothers most times appear sympathetic in  placating the children with emotion. This Strategy is one of the common operating theories of some mothers in Africa, thereby exposing their husbands to unwarranted  prejudice and contempt at old age

 Besides that, African mothers are culturally bias and often  short-change their husband for their children. This they do by being over protective and  eulogising their child as Lord. This is a common strategy in Southwestern Nigeria where mothers are known for calling their male child "Oko mi" meaning my Husband. Mothers have won the heart of many children through this ploy.

This tactical approach of eulogising their children more than  their husbands, have left many  innocent fathers to keep acting  as 'Bull Ant' to their children  in the name of training them.

Another reason why fathers are more prone to neglect at old is the factor of who goes to take care for the newly born grand baby? Known as "Omugo" in Igbo. Findings shown that,  mothers are culturally privileged to travel down to take care of their newly born grand child, leaving the father to languish in hunger and in complete loneliness. Most fathers have suffer seriously in this regards when their wives pretentiously over stay in the course of catering for their grand children. This among others have led to the untimely death of many fathers who have spent their hard earned money in training  their children only to be  neglected to suffer due to cooked up and spurious  allegations table by their mothers  in the course of having firm control over them.

The report of a survey carried out in recent times to determine who is more preferred between fathers and mothers in a family became evident especially at wedding receptions, where   Master of Ceremony (MC) revealed  that fathers who have higher responsibilities such as; payment of house rent, children upkeep, school fees from the basics to higher institutions, hospital bills among other bills than mothers, 

When it comes to who should pass on first between the fathers and the mothers in a family, The survey showed that fathers  were preferred to pass on first with 71 percent votes.

Considering the evidential fact that African fathers are endengered species,  they should learn fast, and prevent suffering at old age by investing more in themselves and by having extra savings for the unexpected.

Fathers should also wake up by being responsible, homely, caring  playing along with their wives who have ganged  up to sideline them against their  children in the scheme of live retirement.

A female colleague who shared her experience concerning the bullying nature of her father said her  father operated a  ferocious policy in the course of training them. She said it was so scary to the extent that despite being a graduate, working for over 8 years, she found it almost impossible to take her fiance home for introduction . She narrated her fathers display of pigheadedness on the morning of her wedding as pathetic.   She confessed that she  prayed  with her siblings severally that their father should die of undisclosed accident anytime he travelled due to the phobia they have for him. 

African fathers should drop the  mentality of bullying their children and call  it discipline. Some fathers go as far as tying children to the tree while flogging them to stupor. 

Recently a man was reported to have starved his three children for 3 months for stealing and during which 2 of them died. This was too extreme. No surviving  child would overlook such wickedness and take care of such cruel father at old age? 

Fathers should stop being standoffish to their children. Fathers role in the family goes beyond being protector, provider and disciplinarian. They should also be accessible, approachable and compassionate to their children. They should give them full  attention and stop being abusive  so that  they can build a perfect relationship between their children.

As a matter of fact, fathers' should not allow their  congeniality alter their other roles in the family but should be in pari-passu. According to a  Yoruba adage which says  'Ti a ba f'owo otun ba omo wi, a si fi osin faa mo'ra', meaning, When you scold a child, it is expedient that you embrace such child aftermath.

Father should build solid  relationships  with children and let them know that they are responsible as a father and they should forever protect them to achieve their future destiny.

Fathers should show love to their children, Let them know that their fathers genuinely love them. always say "I love you" as this will have a major impact in sustaining a long ties among the fathers and their children.

Fathers should have listening ears, and cultivate the habit of playing together with their children: Create time out of busy schedule to have a lighter mood with them. Fathers should also share their life experiences and challenges with their children and  expound ways of tackling them and show them pathway to greatness in life.

These among new approaches to ensuring peaceful co-existence and  well-being of the family will secure the  tomorrow of thousands of African fathers and safe them from suffering and abandonment at old age.

Ogungbesan, is an Information Officer at Ogun State Ministry Of Information & Strategy, Oke-Mosan, Abeokuta, Ogun State capital.