OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
Days after Distinguished Senator Adamu Bulkachuwa openly and brazenly boasted of how he influenced court judgments in favour of himself and in favour of his friends and colleague using his wife who was the president of the court of appeal, Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa, the senator is yet to be invited to substantiate his claims and the retired justice is yet to be invited by the National Judicial Council to deny or support her husband’s claim.
For the husband of someone who was the “number one judge” (president) of the number two court (court of appeal) in the land up until her retirement in 2020 to make such allegations and we are all moving on as if we didn’t hear what we heard is beyond my comprehension.
I am not surprised because it is a classic Nigeria. Things like this go unpunished, it will be forgotten soon and we will all move on. Remember that staff in the office of the immediate past president of Body of Benchers, Wole Olanipenkun SAN, also openly boasted how her boss is the number one lawyer in Nigeria and very close to judges and justices and that he uses his influence to influence the outcome of judgments in his favour and in the favour of his client. Despite the calls and loud cries from people, the president then refused to step down and submit himself for investigation and before a disciplinary panel until it all blew over and he successfully completed his tenure as the chairman of the body of benchers, handed over and everyone moved on as if nothing happened.
If my knowledge serves my right, the retired justice in question is also a member of the body of benchers, the number one body of lawyers in Nigeria. It is the body that admit new members (lawyers) into the legal profession, discipline airing lawyers and also acknowledge outstanding lawyers by offering them the SANship title. For a woman who is facing this allegation to be a member of such a body even after her retirement as a justice then the judicial arm of government in Nigeria is inside a deep blue sea.
I have been expecting at least a newsletter from the office of the retired justice disclaiming the statement of her husband but because we are in an animal kingdom, they are expecting it to blow over and everyone moves on to another more heartbreaking news.
Remember that during the 2019 presidential election petition period in which the retired justice was still the president of the court of appeal or in layman speaking, “the number one justice of the court of appeal”, it was rumoured that the justice was given a whopping sum N6B as a bribe to influence the outcome of the election petition tribunal judgment. The retired justice blatantly denied this accusation; but well, the statement of her husband earlier this week has proven otherwise; that there might likely be some atom of truth in the bribery allegation made against the retired Honorable justice.
It is expected of the National Judicial Council to conduct a thorough review of every case that the retired justice ever sat upon and of every judgment the retired justice ever delivered, especially politically motivated cases, it is possible that numerous of those cases are the ones her husband “encroached on her rights and influenced the outcome of the judgment”.
If we have a proactive Nigeria Bar Association, this is the time to press the neck of the National Judicial Council to invite the retired Justice and review her cases. This should not be a difficult task for the Nigerian Bar Association if they really want to rise to the occasion because the president of the NBA, the immediate past president, and some other officials of the NBA are all members of the NJC.
At the valedictory session of the 9th Senate last Saturday, a ‘Most distinguished’ (as they address themselves) told his colleagues that many owe their stay in the green chambers to the ‘benevolence’ of his wife, a retired judicial officer. Despite the best efforts of the (now former) Senate President Ahmad Lawan to apply the ‘off the mic’ principle to gag the father-confessor, the damage to the reputation of the Nigerian judiciary was already done.
Senator Bulkachuwa started by drawing his colleagues’ attention to the fact that his wife, Zainab Bulkachuwa, who retired three years ago as president of the court of appeal, had been very supportive of them. Given that she presided over several election tribunal cases while in office, questions are now being raised about whether a few of the judgments were ‘arranged’ by her senator-husband. For the benefit of readers who may not have watched the proceedings, here is what transpired. “Mr. President, at my age I don’t think I will lobby anybody under the sun. I will do the right thing, and I always do the right thing and sincerely and honestly too. So, I (can) look at faces in this chamber, who have helped me and sought for my help when my wife was the president of the court of appeal…”
Evidently uncomfortable with the direction Bulkachuwa was going, the senate president interjected, “I think I will advise that you just round up and take your seat…this kind of insinuation will mean that there was favour and the rest of it. I don’t think it is a good idea.” If the 83-year-old senator understood the admonition of the senate president, he ignored it as he merely doubled down on his claim. “Well, Mr Chairman, I must say that (it is) okay to round up, since that is what you want me to do. I will do that and must thank, particularly my wife whose freedom and independence I encroached upon while she was in office; and she had been very tolerant and accepted my encroachment and extended her help to my colleagues.” The senate president interjected again and this time, more firmly: “Please, I don’t think it is a good idea going in this direction. It is not a good idea.”
Even before the Freudian Slip by Bulkachuwa, Nigerians already knew we have a challenge in the judiciary. Only a few months ago, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, complained about the workload of the Supreme Court, seeking an amendment to the 1999 Constitution so that certain cases could terminate at the appellate court. But he was challenged by Mr Joseph Daudu, SAN, a former president of the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA). “Let any one table the Bill to amend the Constitution seeking the deletion of interlocutory appeals and we will tell the entire Nigeria why in reality there are excruciating delays in the Justice delivery system” Daudu vowed. One of the reasons he cited is “over concentration of the judicial docket on political and electoral cases as if the entire justice sector and judiciary was created for the benefit of politicians.”
In my January 2018 piece, ‘When Judges Imperil Democracy’, I bemoaned a situation in which “our politicians are no longer content with hiring Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), they also have their own judges.” That sadly is what was imputed on the floor of the Senate by Bulkachuwa. But then, it is no secret that the only cases that many of our Judges are interested in are those that border on elections and related matters. Because they are deemed ‘juicy’. Meanwhile, many other serious cases suffer from neglect and needless adjournment.
I therefore align myself with the sentiment expressed by Mr Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, also a former NBA president. “Senator Bulkachuwa’s statement at the valedictory of the 9th senate is a monumental disgrace for our institutions. This man deserves to be taken up immediately by the authorities. It is a blight on my confidence in our systems,” said Agbakoba, who added that he had represented a senatorial candidate in the election that brought Bulkachuwa to represent Bauchi North in the 9th Senate. “We lost in three courts. Senator Bulkachuwa seems to suggest why.”
Nigerians can remember the initial attempt at the beginning of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration to tackle money related corruption among judges. The homes of some were broken into at night and searched, bank accounts were frozen, and dirty money trails were reportedly uncovered. A few were arraigned in court. After the government supposedly fighting corruption became muddled in its own internal contradictions, the entire idea collapsed. The ‘gra gra’ ended. The chase was abandoned. And Judges and politicians soon found compromise. Then, all went quiet.
Unfortunately, the moral crisis associated with corruption among judges is one reason why the refrain ‘Go to court’ has today become a cruel joke in the country. Most ordinary Nigerians have come to expect only judgments rather than justice from our courts. But with what Bulkachuwa said in the hollow chambers of the senate, it should worry all of us that some of our judges have earned a reputation as wheeler-dealers of a tainted citadel of justice!
Ganduje Versus Kwankwaso
The political battle between the immediate past Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 polls, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is getting out of hand. Fielding questions from State House correspondents last weekend, Ganduje threw caution to the wind: “I know he (Kwankwaso) is in the building, but we have not met. Probably if we met, maybe I could have slapped him.” Kwankwaso has since responded: “I heard that he (Ganduje) said he would have slapped me, but I’m here. He was in a confused state when he said that. These are my political boys (and) if they see me, they lower their gaze.”
My brother, Mahmud Jega has weighed in with the argument that a leaner, younger, and obviously fitter Kwankwaso would probably be more dangerous in any physical bout between the two men. But then, Jega also forgot that Ganduje spent years at the University of Ibadan where he got his doctorate degree in Public Administration and may have picked one or two tricks in street fighting from that city-village. On a more serious note, the war of attrition between Kwankwaso and Ganduje speaks to the fickle nature of the relationships between politicians in Nigeria. It is also reflected in the service they deliver to the public. If loyalty and trust mean nothing in their personal life, then we are all forfeits when they manage our expectations. That exactly is what is happening today in Nigeria.
The relationship between Kwankwaso and Ganduje dates to 1992 when the former was Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives under the transition to civil rule programme of General Ibrahim Babangida and the latter was a civil servant with the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) ministry in Abuja. When in 1999 Kwankwaso secured the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gubernatorial ticket for Kano, he picked Ganduje as his running mate. Having won the election, they both served the first term but were defeated in 2003. Appointed Minister of Defence by President Olusegun Obasanjo, Kwankwaso made Ganduje his SA until 2006 when he resigned. In 2007, the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua appointed Kwankwaso to the board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) while Ganduje was appointed as the Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Development Commission. When he ran again for the Kano governorship in 2011, Kwankwaso also picked Ganduje as his running mate. And when leaving office in 2015, he anointed his deputy as successor. But less than a year into Ganduje’s term, crises between them began.
That Kwankwaso was the one at the Villa to report the action taken by the new administration in Kano to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu only buttresses Ganduje’s point that the governor is a ‘stooge’. But how the two of them resolve their personal problems is of no concern to me. I just hope that they do not set Kano State ablaze.
Trouble on the Homefront
On Tuesday, there was drama at the swearing in ceremony of the new House of Representatives Speaker, Hon Tajudeen Abbas. The speaker apparently forgot ‘the order of precedence’ at home and his first wife would not have that. So, she chose to displace the second wife in the public glare. In Zamfara State, a ‘civil war’ is also brewing between defeated Governor Bello Matawalle and his successor, Dauda Lawal-Dare. The problem began when the new administration asked Matawalle to return government vehicles he allegedly took away. The number was put at 17. At the end, the government harvested more than 40 vehicles from the residence of the former governor. But for Matawalle, the vehicles are not the real issue. “The saddest thing is that, in my Gusau house, all my wives’ rooms were broken, even hijabs have been taken away. Stoves were all put in a car and taken away,” Matawalle wailed and who would not feel for him? With the stoves now carted away, how will his wives cook? “This is robbery, they entered everywhere in my houses, even my daughter’s wedding clothing materials (Kayan Lefe) were not spared.”
While President Tinubu should help Matawalle retrieve his wife’s hijabs from Governor Lawal-dare, it may also be important to pay attention to the trouble that seems to be brewing in the military. No, it is not what some people think! On 28th May, a day before she ‘handed over’, former First Lady, Mrs Aisha Buhari chaired the public presentation of a book written by the president of the Defence and Police Officers’ Wives Association (DEPOWA), Mrs Vickie Anwuli Irabor. Titled ‘The Journey of a Military Wife’, the author is the wife of the Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor. Now, why is this important?
Last week, I found myself among a group of retired senior military officers, some of them General Irabor’s course mates. They were angry that his wife did not portray them well in her book. That elicited my curiosity. On Monday, I got the book. Although poorly produced and certainly could have been better edited (assuming it went through any such process), the book contains much relevant information about the military that researchers will find useful. The story of how she met her husband, the marriage and his military career are also interesting. So, I find it a good book in terms of contents. But I also discerned what riled the retired Generals.
According to Mrs Irabor, most retired military officers exhibit certain behavioural traits after their tour of duty, and she warned their wives to be fully prepared: “Furthermore, since the tension and absenteeism which the job brought to the family is gone, nights would be free so military wives must prepare!” (emphasis’ hers). And then the punchline: “While this may sound like a joke, some retired military wives during an interview revealed that the sex life of retired officers got to another level because the military job and its tension is no more there, so all they do is sex!” (Again, emphasis’ hers).
While I plead with the retired Generals to see the lighter side of the ‘revelation’, I also hope Mrs Irabor is ready for a serious ‘indoor game’ once her husband retires.
Four archenemies of the United States, US, met variously in its Latin American ‘backyard’ this week. It was the five-day Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s to Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba. No, the quartet did not make themselves enemies of the US, it was the latter which at various times had dictated to those countries, that designated them as such.
All four are under the unilateral sanctions of the US which punishes any country that dares befriend them. So only the independent-minded and strong countries maintain trade relations with them.
The US also punishes the quartet if they dare trade among themselves. In 2020 the US ordered the seizure of four Iranian vessels with 1.1 million barrels of fuel bound for Venezuela. The US said the ships must be seized because they violated the unilateral sanctions it had imposed on both countries. It was a show of might over right.
So, the defiant visit this week by the Iranian President and the various sanction-bursting agreements the four countries signed, is a declaration that they are not ready to abide by the dictates of the US.
Raisi was defiant throughout his tour. At the start of his June 12 visit he said the four countries have “a common enemy…common interests and we have common enemies”. He added in reference to the US and its allies: “They do not want the two countries, Iran and Venezuela, to be independent”.
To these declarations, Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro responded: “We are on the right side of history and together we will be invincible.” Both sides signed agreements on various fields, including oil, defence, technology, energy, maritime and medicine.
Raisi on Wednesday told Nicaraguans: “There is a great geographical distance between Nicaragua and Iran and the Latin American region, but our hearts are very close and our goals are also very close (we) share a common history of struggle, of resistance, of revolutions, of combat against a common enemy.”
In Nicaragua, both countries signed agreements, including one on a bi-national commission before the Iranian President flew to Cuba, the country that gave the world unforgettable international radical leaders of the 20th Century like Ernesto Che Guevera and Fidel Castro.
A common thread between Venzuela and Iran with its ends flapping in the US is the case of Alex Saab, a Venezuela Ambassador currently on trial in Miami, USA.
First, Saab, is a moral burden on the US. During the COVID-19 pandemic when virtually all countries in the world, including the US, needed aid, Saab was on a mission to Iran to buy urgently needed food and medicines for Venezuelans. On June 12, 2020, his plane touched down in Cape Verde to refuel. He was abducted by the authorities on the instigation of the USA for the ‘crime’ of trying to buy food for his starving compatriots when the almighty US had ordered that no country carries out any transaction with Iran.
The ECOWAS West African Court, was ashamed of the role of Cape Verde in not only detaining an ambassador with diplomatic immunity but one on an urgent humanitarian mission. It ordered its member country not just to effect the immediate release of Ambassador Saab, but also pay him a $200,000 compensation. But Cape Verde betrayed the African brotherhood and the spirit of its biological son, Amilcar Cabral, who fought for the brotherhood of humanity before being murdered by Portuguese security agents. Under US pressure, Cape Verde handed over the ambassador to the US which flew him to Miami for a controversial trial.
Now, the US is part of the human race that accepts and enjoys diplomatic immunity. In its “Diplomatic and Consular Immunity: Guidance for Law Enforcement and Judicial Authorities”, the Department of State, in accepting diplomatic immunity as sacrosanct, wrote that: “International law, to which the United States is firmly committed, requires that law enforcement authorities of the United States extend certain privileges and immunities to members of foreign diplomatic missions and consular posts.” Its reference is to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.
So the Ambassador Saab case was ordinarily a straight forward one: all he needed was to tell the American court that he is an ambassador which under the American constitution and obligations, grants him immunity from prosecution in any US court.
After long delays, including denying Saab medical treatment for his post-cancer treatment, family and consular visits, he had his day in court. That he had been an ambassador of Venezuela since 2018 could not be controverted but the US Government said it does not recognise the Venezuelan Government headed by President Nicolas Maduro which had appointed Saab an ambassador. For the US, the Maduro government does not exist!
This submission of the Biden administration exposes the American government as either being utterly dishonest or suffering from dementia.
Given the age of the US establishment and its increasing inability to come to terms with the unfolding global reality, it is certain that it is suffering from recurring diplomatic memory loss. Let me demonstrate this with facts of interactions between the Biden and Maduro governments in 2022 alone.
In March 2022, President Joe Biden despatched a top level US diplomatic delegation to Caracas which held meetings with the Maduro government. The White House Delegation composed Juan Gonzalez, the National Security Council Director for the Western Hemisphere, Roger Carstens, the special presidential envoy on hostage affairs and Ambassador James Story, the US Ambassador to Colombia who oversees the American Venezuelan Affairs Unit.
In June 2022, President Biden again sent a special delegation which included Roger Carstens and Ambassador James Story to meet with the Maduro government. President Maduro confirmed the presence of the US delegation and directed it to meet National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez. Maduro had said the meeting was to “give continuity to the bilateral agenda between the government of the United States and the government of Venezuela”.
Then on Saturday, November 26, 2022, President Biden eased some of the oil sanctions against the Maduro government. Under it, the US Treasury authorised Chevron oil to resume ‘limited’ oil production in Venezuela under the supervision of the Maduro administration.
These are facts. But the Biden government could not seem to recall these events and the US court concurred. It ruled that: “At the time he was arrested, Saab Moran truly was no diplomat at all.”
Venezuelan Congress head, Jorge Rodriguez, said of the ruling: “If the United States, or in this case, this judge, takes that decision, which is an atrocity, no diplomat in the world will be safe from now on.”
But who cares; at least not the American establishment that is striving so hard to stand the world on its head.
Last week Saturday June 4, 2023, I had just finished watching the F. A. Football Cup final, in England when a small piece of news item caught my attention that His Excellency Mr Akinwunmi Ambode, former governor of Lagos State between 2015 and 2019 would be clocking the diamond age of 60 years on Wednesday, June 14, 2023.
My immediate reaction was one of surprise; and I asked myself, how come? It occurred to me that time moves so fast. It seemed like yesterday when I first set eyes on him in the late 80’s. His physical appearance has not changed much, retaining its youthful gait. He looks boyish with an oily smile whenever you see him; he has that athletic build that makes him look like an Olympic hopeful; With those bright looking eyes and broad shoulders that aspiring boxers would envy, Ambode does not exhibit any trait of a man who today, marks his 60th birthday on earth. Well endowed and blessed with unique insights, he comes across instead as an unassuming gentleman and in fact somewhat meek expression. Incredibly, despite his chequered career, there are no traces of pride or those I–have–achieved-kind-of –look in him, always preferring to remain shy and ensconced in his privacy. Now, as we celebrate with him, I can only recall some of my early encounters with this enigma not too long back. Incidentally, all of the encounters have always been instructive and revealing. One of them was in 1980 at the Federal Government College Warri, when he was just 17. It was at the cricket pitch where he was a bowler—and a very good one at that. Mind you, in the sport of cricket, there are two broad categories of bowlers: pace and spin. Pace bowlers rely more on the speed of the ball to dismiss batsmen, whereas spin bowlers rely on rotation and turn of the ball. Ambode had both techniques. He may not be your Imran Khan or Shoaib Akhtar for those who know the game very well, but we all got impressed with his special abilities. At that youthful age, you could see traits of greatness in him and a man who is mentally, physically and spiritually alert. Ambode was to represent the then Bendel State (now Edo State) in many high profile cricket competitions. As you may well know, family and friends applauded him for those early exploits. Next was at the University of Lagos where he read Accounting. Our paths would cross often and in one of such occasions Ambode was to display his charming personality. No one knows, but from his attitude to life in the university, you could notice something was different from him; he had that uncanny insight that portrayed him as someone specially anointed and set aside from his peers for a future task. No matter how strong the situation, his expansive smile would always resolve the issues at stake. It came as a surprise to many close to him, that this apparently harmless young man may not be ordinary after all. He would look at you with those piercing eyeballs that seem to be reading your mind, and speak to you in such a robust language that is hard to turn down. In any discussion, it takes Ambode less than five minutes to make his point; he has the ability to break down and explain what would take others ages to do. He is that gifted. More outstanding for this Epe-born technocrat is the fact that he is more of a good listener. He sees more and talks less. That’s how he became the favourite of his colleagues in school and beyond. As a result, they found it easier to become his paddy and flow with him. Suffice to say that throughout his stay at the University of Lagos, he had no blemish and was loved by all who crossed his path. Some people actually believe that he never gets angry; this is because no one ever remembered seeing his face frown or sad. He is always upbeat, calm and if nothing else professional; neither is he ambitious. Because, where people lobby and struggle to get something done, Ambode’s powerful aura does for him. You had the impression that, like the Igbo would say, his gods had cracked his palm kernel for him to pave his way straight! If this was so, Ambode would have exhibited such a carefree attitude to life that would have belied his impressive resume. You could see that his lifestyle is a testament to those wishing to aspire to the top—extremely disciplined! He did not indulge in those excesses that youths come along with. Not that he is a saint either, but he was as straightforward as he was simple, never allowing those social vices to distract his focus! We left school in June 1984, only to be dispersed to our various destinations for the National Youth Service Corps scheme.
I did not get to meet Ambode again until 1996, one Sunday morning, at the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Acme Road, Ogba where he worshipped. As I arrived for service that early morning, I saw at the entrance to the church a stocky security man ushering people in. As I walked closer, I noticed this one didn’t look like the usual shabbily dressed men (no insult intended). The man confronting me was impeccably dressed in a sparkling white long sleeve shirt on grey trousers. His oily face carried a wide trademark smile that reminded me of intending students union “contestants”, those days in the university; they would smile and shake hands with you and give you the thumb up as if to say: remember me on the day of voting! Once it was our turn, I screamed “Ambodes”! And thereafter, we both hugged each other and praised God. That was the start of another long period of enduring relationship that brought another extraordinary aspect of Ambode to life—a celebrated giver! By this time, he was already a treasurer at the Mushin Local Government. By virtue of my being a businessman, I would later invade his office seeking for petty “contracts” Here, Ambode was exceptional. He surpassed the imagination of everyone, including me, who crossed his path so much that he was to be nicknamed “Here comes the helper!” This was so from 1996 to 1999 when we had unfettered access to him. Ambode gave practical solutions to everyone that cornered him for help; and he extended this to the Redeemed Camp at KM 35, where he attended programmes regularly.
You will often find him serving bottled drinks and distributing assorted foodstuffs to various worshippers; he doesn’t discriminate in doing so. You only notice his genial disposition and infectious smile. This can only come from the mind of someone who understands the meaning of life. Only few can deny the fact that this cheerful giver derives joy, perhaps, from the satisfaction of those that come around him. Ambode loved the things of God and I almost asked him if he wasn’t aspiring to mount the pulpit as a confirmed Man of God! We both laughed at this. He would later tell me he was a volunteer in the church. Afterwards, I pointed out to him that since we left school, he has remained consistent, humble and reliable to which he responded that he was only being himself–a realist and optimist. Maybe, unknown to him, the significance of his charismatic lifestyle was now becoming recognizable nationwide. By this time, Ambode was steadily climbing the ladder of life in such a rapid manner becoming the Auditor-General and Accountant-General respectively of Lagos State. You could see the fingers of God in the affairs of his life. Not long after, I sojourned away from Lagos and did not get to see him regularly except when he came for FAAC meetings in those days. Next time we were to meet, it was in a most improbable manner. This was in 2016 at Ojodu- Berger and 2017 in Ikeja. By this time, fate had propelled him as the governor of Lagos and there had been a fire outbreak in that area. It was stiflingly hot and I was one of those sweating profusely on that fateful day. Despite the gridlock that ensured, it took Lagos State Fire service less than five minutes to respond. His Excellency Ambode arrived moments later. Swiftly, the fire was put out and the injured conveyed to the hospital in an ambulance. The governor was hailed by those in the crowd for that exemplary performance and the standard did not drop until his exit from office. The next chance meeting was late in the night at Ikeja when the bus terminal was being constructed. This was also the period of “Light-up Lagos.” At midnight, as we were heading in the direction of Lekki, when suddenly the governor’s convoy emerged from out of the darkness.
We were to learn later that Ambode had come personally to inspect the ongoing project. This was around 1am and a cold night. It happened at a time privileged people were supposed to enjoy their sleep. The truth is, Ambode took his job as governor seriously. Records show that in the four years the political structure of Lagos allowed him to reign, his administration handled quite a lot of projects; a close examination showed that they could have been up to 1,389. He applied the logic of common sense to supervise his projects and that helped a lot. What many may not know was that Ambode only got better with challenges. It was as though he had a pact with destiny. Those who may want to dispute this only have to dig into his background. I will explain a few examples here. Sometime in 1995 while serving at the Mushin Local Government, Ambode had embarked on a pilgrimage to Israel. Somewhere in Nuweiba, while returning from Mount Sinai, they were involved in a ghastly accident. The luxury bus they were travelling in, somersaulted and ended up in a deep ravine. At least 22 people lost their lives. But he came out unscathed. He had another brush with death on the Third Mainland Bridge when his car was bashed from behind by a driver. He has God to thank for escaping that incident. After serving for 27 years in the civil service, he voluntarily left at 49. Don’t forget that this was an age in which most people on the wrong side of life were searching for jobs. So, Ambode cannot be more than grateful to mother nature. It was from the civil service with an unblemished record that he was drafted to serve as the state governor. So when next you hear people calling him the accidental politician or technocrat, that’s the angle they are coming from. You know as it were, politics is a different ball game. If it was possible to excel in the civil service without much ado, in politics, such a move could be read the other way. And so, although Ambode tried to “be himself”, discharging his duties without fear but with favour, things didn’t “jell,” to use Warri boy’s language. The “accidental politician” was quickly engulfed in a battle no one understood. He soon found out that being in the civil service was not the same as in politics. Some people actually joked that it was like being a commanding officer without troops! Unfortunately, in political battles, there is no room for niceties. That experience is better left in the realm of imagination. Since then, the trained chartered accountant has studiously kept to himself avoiding controversy as much as possible. He tried to ‘flow’ with his party while probably exploring other ventures in life. As you may well have guessed some Nigerians are amazed that there is such a “politician” so much vilified internally, and yet restrained himself by not decamping to another party. Paradoxically, the train has moved on. Now as the amiable gentleman clocks 60, he must be reflecting on the real meaning of life. Here is a man of strong faith who had to retire to meet up with “family interests.” Imagine someone who dreamt of becoming a corporate czar ending up as a level 8 officer in the civil service. He took the job and started from scratch because of his legendary humility—the same that stood for him in the course of time! No doubt, his life has been eventful and fulfilling. As he clocks 60 today, he will be thanking God for preserving his life and giving him the opportunity to serve his fatherland. He will also be thanking God for making him useful to his family and friends alike. May God grant him many more years on earth in good health and prosperity. Congratulations Ambode.
Oyofo is of the Federal Government College Warri, 1980 set.
The 29 May 2023 inauguration of a new set of power wielders highlighted once again the transient and ephemeral nature of political power. Political power is said to be transient because, like a candle in the wind, it is fleeting and impermanent. It is there one moment with all its glow and beauty, and gone the next twinkle of an eye. It is ephemeral because its duration is quite short. Even if you were to hold an office for 20 years, it will one day come to an end, and the period in which the office is held will seem insignificant in the scheme of things.
Perhaps the recent suspension and detention of Godwin Emefiele, the CBN Governor from 4 June 2014 until he was relieved of the position by President Tinubu on 9 June 2023, dramatizes the transient nature of power. Emefiele became the first public official from the Buhari era that the Tinubu government went after. In a statement by Willie Bassey, Director of Information in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, it was explained that Emefiele’s suspension “is a sequel to the ongoing investigation of his office and the planned reforms in the economy’s financial sector.” Emefiele was reportedly arrested in Lagos by the DSS and flown to Abuja.
There is a general belief that Emefiele committed a number of infractions while in office, including taking over functions that should ordinarily be performed by the Ministries of Agriculture and Water Resources in a bid to ingratiate himself to some power brokers from the North. He particularly annoyed many Nigerians when he tried to take part in the APC’s presidential primaries while still clinging to his office as CBN Governor. In the run-up to the 25 February 2023 presidential election, he introduced a Naira re-design, ostensibly with the approval of President Buhari, and apparently aimed, among other things, at stemming vote buying during the election. Tinubu’s supporters felt the policy was targeted at him.
Emefiele’s suspension, arrest and detention raise a number of issues:
One, is the question of the constitutionality of his suspension from office without the permission of the Senate. Though Lamido Sanusi Lamido was similarly suspended by the Jonathan government without the authorization of the parliament, the dethroned Emir of Kano challenged his suspension in court and the case had not fully run its course when he was appointed the Emir of Kano. He subsequently discontinued the case. There are also questions of why Emefiele had to be arrested by the DSS (which is in charge of internal security) if the allegations against him bothered primarily on corruption. People also wonder why someone who had served the country at such a top level and had not been convicted of any of the crimes for which he was being investigated could not have been saved the humiliation of being openly driven to an aircraft to be taken to Abuja (with one of the men who boarded the waiting aircraft holding a handcuff)? It may also be germane to pose the question of what the nation could possibly lose if the EFCC had simply invited Emefiele to their offices to explain any issues of interest. While the drama of the humiliation might have satisfied some yearning for the blood of their social class and ethnic/religious enemies, it will most likely complicate the management of the politics that is likely to flow from his suspension and arrest. For instance, critics are already accusing Tinubu of ethnic bias in bypassing Dr Kingsley Obiora, said to be the Deputy Governor heading the economic policy and research unit of the CBN (and the only Deputy Governor of the apex bank with a PhD) in favour of Adebisi Shonubi, a mechanical engineer and fellow Yoruba, as the Acting Governor of the CBN. Tinubu was similarly accused of bypassing the most senior Deputy Governors – Mrs Aisha N Ahmad, and Mr Edward Adamu – in favour of Mr Shonubi. No matter how one looks at it, a government that came to power with a huge legitimacy crisis as the Tinubu government did, does not need such distractions, especially when it is still grappling with the effects of the manner in which the fuel subsidy was removed and is yet to pluck any low hanging fruits to shore up its legitimacy base.
Two, it will be difficult for Emefiele’s suspension not to be linked to vendetta. During the campaigns, there was a general belief by supporters of Bola Tinubu, that Emefiele’s Naira re-design policy was targeted at Tinubu who was believed to have the heaviest war chest for vote buying. If this was really the main reason for his suspension and arrest, what happens to Buhari who openly said he endorsed the Naira re-design policy? There is similarly the question of why Emefiele’s arrest should be a priority to the new government and the criteria that made his arrest more imperative than the arrest of other functionaries of the government suspected of having grossly abused their offices?
Three, despite the fact that it is right to call public officers who abused their office to account, I believe the timing in the case of Emefiele was wrong. I am generally opposed to the idea of a new government starting with cleaning the Augean stable or going after its political enemies in the guise of doing so. I call this the ‘Buhari sin’ because the Buhari government, rather than focus on whatever agenda they had for the country on coming to power, wasted precious time and resources demonizing the Jonathan government. If I were to advise the Tinubu government, I would favour suspending publicly going after any former official until he has spent at least one-year office and has successfully plucked some low hanging fruits that would broaden his legitimacy base. Officials that have questions to answer could be invited quietly for clarifications while the financial crime fighting agencies will be tasked with carrying out the necessary investigations outside media glare.
Four, since Emefiele must have acted in many of the cases of suspected infractions and impunity on the instructions of power brokers or society’s ‘untouchables’, would the President be able to also summon or arrest such people? If Tinubu is not able to arrest such people, would that not open him up to charges of picking up a soft target? And if he is able to arrest some of the names the public are likely to insist should also be arrested, will he be able to manage the politics from that and at the same time seamlessly implement whatever programme he has for the country? I am not saying that a new government cannot fight corruption and impunity but our experience has shown that this ‘gra-gra’ approach has not really worked. I believe that a thoughtful and quiet approach that cannot be easily coupled to vendetta offers a new leader the opportunity of fighting crimes without distractions by the politics of doing so.
Within minutes of the release of the video of President Bola Tinubu signing the students’ loan bill into law, it was trending on Twitter as was the name of Chief of Staff Femi Gbajabiamila, who sponsored the bill in his former life as Speaker.
Apart from the Nigeria Maritime University which was charging N81,500 per semester in 2019 – the highest in a federal university – the average tuition is about N45,000. State universities charge between N60,000 and N120,000, while polytechnics and colleges of education charge less of course, but only slightly less than federal universities.
Strangely, the word, “tuition,” does not exist in the bills of public universities. In the make-believe world of officialdom, tuition is “free,” in the sort of way that salvation is free, but the message is delivered at a cost. Universities still charge under sundry headings like acceptance fees, departmental charges, course registration, result verification and so on, but shy away from calling it tuition.
Private universities are in a class of their own. A number of them charge fees almost comparable to those in schools in neighbouring countries, particularly Ghana, a favourite destination of middle-class Nigerian families.
But the bulk of higher education students — in fact, about 90 percent according to the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) — are in public schools. Out of the 110 private higher institutions, only about two or three, particularly Covenant and Afe Babalola universities, are able to fill their quota. The rest are struggling.
If public institutions of higher learning are charging about N90,000, a fraction of what even those below middle-class pay for their children in private secondary schools (increasingly the place of choice for Nigerians across income levels), it would seem rather awkward, if not ridiculous, that they’re unwilling to pay more for higher education.
In an article in ThisDay last September 23, former pro-chancellor of Ambrose Alli University, Lawson A. Omokhodion, said he believed that a typical public university could survive on tuition fees of N250,000 per session, whereas universities currently receive only about one-third of that as fees.
How, therefore, can students’ loans be justified under this unsustainable cost structure? I think it can, but not at the scale contemplated by the new law. And certainly not within the existing structure of the public university system. With a few exceptions, the public university system is no longer fit for purpose. The system is retrograde, stifling and underperforming.
Pouring resources into the system as it currently is, whether directly, or indirectly through infusion of students’ loans, is throwing good money after bad. I’m aware that long-established systems are difficult to dismantle. But the present economic difficulties make it foolish to turn a blind eye to structural changes for temporary political benefits.
Nigeria has 49 federal universities, 59 state-government-owned universities and 110 private universities. The first two categories are underperforming and overwhelmed. It’s difficult to say exactly how much of it is a funding or management problem.
For example, federal allocations to Nigeria’s top 10 federal universities in 2023 range from N25.84 billion to Ahmadu Bello University, to N22.37 billion to the University of Lagos; and from N19.28 billion to the University of Ibadan to N14.31 billion to the Federal University of Technology, Owerri. Yet, the bulk of these sums can hardly cover overheads, a malaise that tends to highlight corruption and sheer lack of imagination.
A number of private universities are glorified secondary schools. On top of the pie sits the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), a federal bureaucracy that struggles to find its left from its right. Except the system is fixed – and quickly – the students’ loan would at best be a waste or at worst an enabler for producing more garbage.
Students’ loan is not new in Nigeria, and is quite different from bursary which is still provided by a number of states for indigenes, and is not repayable. Some states even provide scholarships for students in specific areas of need. The students’ loan board was set up by General Yakubu Gowon’s government in 1974 to provide loans to students repayable after 20 years of graduation. At the time, the loans were disbursed to students through the universities.
Beneficiaries of state or federal government bursaries were excluded from the loans, which targeted the poorest of the poor. But then there were only six federal government universities with an estimated total student population in 1970/71 of about 16,000.
In 1993, the military promulgated a decree to establish the Nigeria Education Bank and eight years later the university autonomy bill was passed, which was supposed to unleash the creative capacity of the schools, but sadly this has not been the case.
The state of our universities reminds me of what Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, once told university administrators at a time when he had to tackle Israel’s backwardness and unleash its innovative and creative spirit.
“Even though I have the utmost respect for the study of humanities,” he said, “If I had to share government shekel between Tibetan poetry and microelectronics, I would have no hesitation putting the money in the latter.” Nigeria’s institutions of higher learning, especially public universities, have lost their way, led astray by the military, politicians, and sadly, university administrators, too.
For a start, the federal university system has to be dismantled and reduced to only two or three per zone, at least one of which should be devoted to STEM, the study of science, technology, engineering and mathematics.
The rest can be taken up by either state governments who wish to do so and can afford it or may reorganise into autonomous units for teaching special skills. It’s only after such a restructuring that students’ loans can make any significant long-term impact. And the loan cannot and should not be for all courses, as is contemplated in the current law
It should be restricted to only students in any of the STEM courses rather than making it an all-comers affair. Also, as it was in the Gowon era, and for wider coverage, beneficiaries of bursary should be excluded and universities must start charging tuition and betting on outstanding STEM students and innovators.
The financial threshold for the students’ loans should also be adjusted from applicants/families earning less than N500,000 yearly to those earning N720,000 or less. Over time, schools with a demonstrable capacity to attract higher endowments could get slightly more than others.
I find it difficult to understand the rationale for having the Education Bank branches in all 36 states of the country as proposed by the law, if the loans will be disbursed through the schools to the students. With a strong ICT backbone, the country does not need more than two branches of the bank at this time.
Boards of the numerous parastatals, MDAs and commissions are some of the major public sector waste pipes. We don’t need another 12-member board with all the costs attached to compound our misery.
I understand the temptation among politicians to milk every opportunity, including this one. The branches would yet be fresh dumping grounds for incompetents dispatched by politicians either to fill quotas or to settle IOUs. The danger in multiplying branches, however, is that they would also multiply bureaucracy, inefficiency and sooner than later, we might be spending funds set aside for students’ loans to service overheads.
The bank board should be leaner. I honestly do not know what the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) are doing there, whereas the National Association of Nigerian Students is excluded. It doesn’t make sense.
The law is a good start but needs to be saved from the surrounding ruins to be useful to students and serviceable to the schools.
Two weeks after Prof Yemi Osinbajo left office as Vice President, I have noticed an undue attention on him. Since these unwarranted attacks have the same theme, I am pretty convinced that they are sponsored from the same source with bile, pettiness and envy as the motives.
Unless you are a man of great evil inclinations, you’ll never find any genuine reason to vilify someone like Osinbajo. For eight years, he did his job very well to the admiration of many Nigerians and several foreign dignitaries; within the limits of what the Constitution permits a VP, and the extent to which the principal delegates. The man has never been accused of corruption, abuse of office, sexual irresponsibility or any unethical behaviour, for which many a politician is notorious.
He stood by President Buhari solidly; with remarkable counsel even if not known to many and not in the public domain, it is clearly the case. He offered his best to the nation and left honourably in a blaze of glory. He now deserves his rest in the company of his beautiful and equally amiable wife. But some resentful and bitter elements are not contented to let him.
The first venomous piece was written by Bob Majiri Oghene Etemiku and was entitled ‘’Buhari’s blood runs through Osinbajo’s white agbada’’. Published in The Guardian of May 24, the article was livid in rage that the then Emir of Kano, His Royal Majesty Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, had stated that Nigeria had lost a good opportunity in not choosing Osinbajo as its President. Sanusi made the remarks on Labour Day at the launch of a book written by 25 writers and journalists in honour of the former Vice President. I am honoured to be one of the 25 authors of the book.
Sanusi’s remark is a truism many still hold dear till today. If it has turned out to be a painful axiom to some, we have no apologies. Vitalis Obidiaghaa (another of the 25 writers) has already written a befitting rebuttal to Etemiku’s diatribe which The Guardian published on June 8.
Just yesterday, I saw another piece of convoluted tirade with the title ‘’Will Osinbajo rue missed opportunities?’’, written by Bolanle Bolawole, a former editor of The Punch newspaper who later served as the Chairman of the paper’s Editorial Board. At the end of the long drivel, Bolawole advertises a lecture he would be giving at the University of Ibadan on the task before President Bola Tinubu. That’s when I realized his motive. In his wisdom, he thought that the best way to presage his fawning lecture on President Tinubu is to be nasty to the man who contested for the job with him. This has become the basic tactic of some of today’s fortune seekers who parade themselves as opinion writers. Just hack down the perceived opponents of the king, and your invitation to the palace would be ready! And we have seen this kind of tactic pay out in many ways in our clime.
As usual with his ilk, Bolawole is questioning why Osinbajo dared to contest in the APC primary. This is a staple query of all anti-Osinbajo elements in Yoruba land. For them, it is the easiest way to denigrate the former VP and reach out to the new sheriff in town. But I won’t dignify the writer with even the most mundane reference to the Constitutional right of all adult Nigerians to pursue their political ambition. Nor would I wonder why he carefully left out the meeting of Southwest elders of the APC led by Chief Bisi Akande where the matter was properly discussed with a resolve ahead of the primaries that it was entirely in order for Osinbajo and others like Amosun, Fayemi to run in the primaries side by side with Tinubu.
Bolawole then asks what Prof Osinbajo got from the Buhari administration for the South West; what role did the former VP play in resolving ASUU strikes; Did Osinbajo confront former Attorney General Abubarkar Malami; what did Osinbajo do when Christians were being victimized and what advice did he give to the President on resolving Boko Haram attacks. Did Osinbajo speak out after the lynching of Deborah Samuel at College of Education Sokoto?
The only query Bolawole did not raise in his article is why the former VP did not prevent the sun from setting! Suffice it to say that no Vice President ever comes out to berate his boss for not taking his advice. I am sure Senator Kashim Shettima won’t do it. But I know for sure that the former VP offered in all circumstances the best advice, counsel and suggestions on how best the nation could be governed. And in all cases he queried, the immediate past VP is known by insiders to have risen up with the right advice to the President and rebuke where necessary to certain ministers. But these matters not being public does not mean they didn't happen, and I expect more details from people like Laolu Akande now that the VP is out of office.
And yes the then VP is also bound by the overall decisions of the government, irrespective of what his views are.
It would amount to a disingenuous ingratitude for anybody to ask what the Buhari administration did for the South West. The Lagos-Abeokuta-Ibadan rail service; the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway; the concrete refurbishment of Mile Two-Gbagada expressway in Lagos are major federal investments. Without the administration’s FX subsidy and other supports, the Dangote Refinery in Lagos would have been a stillbirth. The honour to MKO Abiola; the recognition of June 12 and Tinubu’s election are all due to Buhari. The total overhaul of the National Theatre is also a very important federal intervention. I challenge Bolawole to tell us what the South-South region, the nation’s treasure base got in the period under review.
In Ikenne LGA, no one you ask would mince words to detail the impact of the VP. And a simple Google search will reveal state of the art hospitals in Iperu and Ikenne towns, solar powered lights on the roads and hundreds more model classrooms in several of the schools among tonnes of other infrastructural and Human Capital Development impacts.
The coldblooded murder of Deborah Samuel last year is a painful reminder of the impunity of Islamic fundamentalists in our midst. Prof Osinbajo vociferously condemns these tendencies. But why is Bolawole not calling out Sokoto State government for its refusal to prosecute the murderers? Why is our former editor so silent on the divisively sectarian and patently inciting messages of Nasir el Rufai in that viral video?
As the new President is settling down, many pundits are working hard to attract his attention. I get that. But I should caution that there is so much for the new President to do; so, all these obsessions with Osinbajo are actually a distraction. It is therefore counterproductive for the new administration and the height of meanness to keep dredging up old tales against the former VP.
May be people like Bolawole who is an operative in the intellectual public sphere in our country should get a copy of the book "Osinbajo STRIDES" so he can properly acquaint himself with the impact the VP has made, not just in the Villa, but since the '80s when he was Special Adviser to the then Attorney-General Prince Bola Ajibola. Afterwards, he can then return to make informed commentary on Prof. Osinbajo. What he wrote in that article is certainly filled with baseless insinuations and claims which Bolawole would have tongue-lashed a reporter for in his days as newspaper editor!
On Monday, the President signed into law a bill establishing an education bank that will provide interest-free loans to “indigent students.” The clumsily titled bill, “An Act to Provide Easy Access to Higher Education For Nigerians Through Interest-Free Loans From Nigeria Education Bank Established in this Act with a View To Provide Education for All Nigerians and for Related Matters” has reportedly been in the works since 2016. According to presidential aides, the initiative will help “indigent students” fund educational pursuits in public institutions, be they in universities, polytechnics, or vocational training centres.
People object to student loans for many useful reasons, but this initiative does not yet look like it will ensnare the destinies of the students who take them. Whether it will be properly managed is another argument altogether.
Where things get interesting is the income requirement. To access the loan, the student or their family must not make more than a N500, 000 income per annum. For a law that will supposedly provide “easy access to higher education…for all Nigerians,” this is a curious characterisation of who belongs to the indigent class. If a law that supports the indigent pegs the income level at <N42,000 per family monthly, then we have an interesting inkling into what the government classifies as “indigent.”
Nigeria’s poverty rate has typically been measured through dollar figures. Presently, the official and international measure of poverty rate is counted as living on less than $1.90 daily. When the National Bureau of Statistics launched the results of the 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index Survey that found that 63 per cent of persons living within Nigeria (133 million people) are multidimensionally poor, they did not mark their assessment of poverty through income level. They used other descriptive means. What resonates between those who calculate the average poverty rate in dollars and those who focus on qualitative means is that most Nigerians are poor and such poverty is not only about money but also access to certain facilities.
While a broad category of Nigerians will fall under the <N500, 000 mark, I still wonder at the image of the “ideal” (or un-ideal) low-income family that exists in the mind of the bill drafters and the government officials who pushed into a law. If such a family has a car, the average monthly sum they are not supposed to exceed is less than the costs of filling up the petrol tank under the new fuel pricing regime. I suppose it does not matter to the bill drafters how many people must comprise this hypothetical family, as long as they live on less than N42,000 monthly. Besides, how do they define their idea of “family” given the complexities of the Nigerian socio-cultural realities? Does “family” mean the nuclear variety or the extended one? Monogamous vs. polygamous families, which one?
In these very challenging economic times, earning even N5m annually does not take most families out of the indigent zone. Statistically, the average Nigerian spends more than 90 per cent of their income on food alone. Beyond eating, an average family in Nigeria also must buy diesel for their generator in addition to their paying for electricity, healthcare, security, education, and generally pick the slack in all areas where the government is lacking. You could earn ten times the figure used to set the mark for student loans for the “indigent” and still be impoverished. That is why it is curious that lawmakers would calibrate a loan facility meant for the indigent at N500,000 or less annually.
Even the Nigerian government that pays a N30,000 minimum wage has serially admitted that the sum gives people meager purchasing power. By setting income qualifications for student loans at N500,000 or less, the government shows how incoherently it conceives of the idea of indigence. While they accept, on the one hand, that majority of Nigerians are impoverished and their earnings cannot sustain them, their idea of indigence on the other hand is inchoate. You practically need to be destitute to apply for the loan.
Now, I quite understand that the government does not want the student loan funds abused by people who do not need them. However, tying access to the loans to such poor income earnings means the people for whom the loans are supposedly meant are exactly those who would be unable to access them.
First, in today’s Nigeria, living on N500,000 or less annually—either as an individual or as a family—means your chances of going to school and staying long there enough to aspire for tertiary or vocational education are already slimmed from the outset. It is a no-brainer that the people who live on < N42000 monthly (or <N1400 daily) are the ones least likely to go to even primary or secondary school and highly likely to drop out if they even get started at all. There are many foundational problems that one would encounter if one had to live within those means, and the promise of future loan access will not resolve any of them. Did the drafters of the bill conduct research that showed that people in the <N500,000 or less income category are in greater danger of being unable to pursue their educational pursuits than those who earn N43,000?
Second, the inflation rate in Nigeria is too high for any set sum to be reasonable beyond a few years. Why make a law about income requirements when what N500,000 was worth in January 2023 is nowhere close to either its present or future value? We do not need a soothsayer to foretell that today’s N500,000 will be a chicken feed in 2033. Those who debated the bill must be out of touch with Nigeria’s reality to assume that adjusting income requirements to a sum less than what even the least paid civil servant earns annually makes reasonable sense.
They should have left the income requirements segment open, so each family decides if they want to proceed or not. You could earn N10m annually and still need loan support because your four children happen to be in the tertiary institutions at around the same time. There is no reason to close off a major segment of Nigerians who will actually need the loan facility from accessing it. Life in Nigeria is too precarious to assume that all of us are not hovering around the indigent bracket. Realities differ, and bureaucrats need not be wading through sociological complexities to determine loan qualification. They should have let anyone wanting to take a loan do so, as long as they repay it.
Overall, restricting a facility meant for the “indigent” class to N500,000 and below shows that we are once again dealing with a general Nigerian problem of quantitative illiteracy. Nigeria has a problematic relationship with figures. We treat numbers like they are magical rather than a reasonable abstraction of reality, and that is why we tend to calibrate them inordinately. How can a country where a bag of rice costs around N40,000 bracket consider living on even a mere N42,000 monthly as anywhere outside indigence?
So, how do you intend to provide education for all Nigerians, as the newly signed law boasts, when you have a poor idea of what constitutes poverty in the country? How do you even generate the means of social uplift across all segments when you have yet to develop a reasonable idea of how much it takes to both survive and thrive within the present Nigerian socioeconomic realities? If the government fulfils its promises of increasing the minimum wage anytime soon, even the least paid worker will likely be thrown out of the income bracket that can get the loan. So, who are those indigent people for whom the education bank will be built?
Damilola Adeparusi, a Nigerian chef, has just unofficially overtaken the recently announced record holder of world's longest cooking marathon, Hilda Baci, also a Nigerian, who has just been confirmed and certified as the official record holder of Guinness World Records' cook-a-thon.
On this issue, many have been holding different opinions which have led to altercations between the chefs' supporters since Damilola had entered into the contest. Some believe that it's unethical on the part of Damilola to attempt to break same record that has just been set by a fellow Nigerian, Hilda.
They argue that Damilola ought to have exercised patience at least for some years like Hilda did before she attempted to break the same record which was previously set by an Indian Chef, Lata Tondon in September 2019. Tondon cooked for 87 hours, and held the record for 4 years after overtaken a male American chef, Rickey Lumpkin, who set the record for cooking for 68 hours in 2018.
In opposition to the above submission, another set of people saw nothing wrong in attempting to break a record whether it has just or long been set. It isn't a bad idea for one to test his/her ability irrespective of the time of engagement provided that the rules of the game sees nothing wrong with the move.
They believe that since Guinness World Records' rules and regulations do not specify or set out a duration at which a current record holder needs to hold the record before another can overtake him/her, Damilola had done nothing wrong. To them, it's offensively impolite to cast aspersion on the innocent girl who set to cook for 120 hours to break Hilda's 100 hours cook-a-thon.
Some reckon that it's critically important for Damilola's critics to look into the issue based on what Guinness World Records rules draw up rather than allowing their emotions to override their judgements.
Guinness World Records is open to anyone irrespective of colour, tribe, level of education and others as long as the contestant has the strength to carry out the activity and is ready to follow the rules and guidelines. Except for those who are below 16 years old, everyone is welcome and allowed by Guinness World Records to try his/her luck.
Furthermore, there is no rule that states that if a newly contestant overtakes the previous record holder during the time that the latter awaits to be certified or is just being handed a certificate, the record or the certificate of the holder will be canceled or he/she will be denied entitlement to the record being set. Both contestants, of course, will be issued certificates after Guinness World Record have confirmed and are satisfied that both followed the set guidelines. Record holders can co-exist at the same time.
Hence, I do not think there is a reason to see Chef Damilola's attempt to show the world her ability as an envy or a way to deny Chef Hilda her entitlement. Whether contestants come from same country, region, tribe, community or family, Guinness World Records are less concerned.
Their aim and target is the diligence being displayed by contestants; contestants' thoroughness and attention to rules and guidelines of the game, and contestants' ability to outshine or overtake the previous record holder. The interval or duration between the time record is set and the time record is broken is immaterial to Guinness World Records.
Undoubtedly, records are meant to be broken. Instead of reprimanding and castigating Damilola or seeing her as a stumbling block to her fellow compatriot's success, she ought to be applauded for attempting to bring another glory to her fatherland, Nigeria. If Damilola did not do her best to try to break the record for Nigeria back to back, another person from another country will surely do it, and the consecutive glory may elude Nigeria.
In my view, I do not see Damilola as someone who is in competition with Hilda. I see her as someone who's inspired by her fellow Nigerian to prove her worth, and bring glory to Nigeria like her motivator, Hilda Baci. To engage in marathon cooking isn't an easy task. It's dishonourable to reject anyone of the chefs. Both are heroines that ought to be celebrated.
Ademola 'Bablow' Babalola.
Peter Obi is a hypocrite, he is not ideologically aligned with any democratic process or struggle. Just as he opportunistically appeared at the winners chapel 'Shiloh', Papa Adeboye's Redemption camp, Eneche's 'Dome' and many other places of christian religious gatherings. The 'Yes Daddy' crooner remembered to honour June 12 for the FIRST time too. Peter Obi religious campaign script is POOR and WEAK! His hypocrisy is HELLISH as well as his opportunistic tendencies typically characterised by strong dispositions and drives similar to his mentor Olusegun Obasanjo who benefited from other people's misfortune throughout, particularly the sacrifice of Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (MKO).
Peter Obi in his usual hypocritical style on June 12, our democracy day, posited: "Today is June 12, June 12 marked in our dear country as Democracy Day . It is a historic day that deserves to be celebrated. On that day in 1993, we the people of Nigeria stated our unreserved preference for true democracy. Though under military rule, we freely chose a transparent voting method. Our votes reflected our true choice as a people. Our choice on that day defied divisions of ethnicity, religion and region." This is certainly not a good idea to demonstrate progressive mindset. It is a dubious mindset of an opportunist who usually benefit from other people's efforts.
Interestingly, Okwute forgot or cleverly concealed his involvement in the activities that truncated the people's mandate. He was the 'man-friday' of the Abacha government and benefited from the inglorious era of despotism. Peter was alleged to be part of the brains behind Arthur Nzeribe's ABN. In the recent past months I have written extensively on the characteristics of Peter 'Gregory' Obi one of which is "Peter Obi A Capitalist With A Socialist Cap" His capacity for mischief surpassed the Minna 'Evil genius'. Peter is sufficiently dubious minded. What a duplicitous mindset.
Unfortunately, many of the social media age children don't know the true story of our democracy vis-a-vis June 12, that's why you see them clamouring for a gold digger, opportunist and an unrepentant liars to become a president. Peter Obi was solidly in support of evil policies and backed Emefiele amid rising inflation, chaotic foreign exchange regime, high interest rate, among other glaring economic challenges. He was packaged as a messiah by those who have successfully highjacked and manipulated the minds of unsuspecting gullible followers excited about magic particularly the restive youths.
His words: “People are talking about the Central Bank Governor, first let me assure you that the CBN governor will maintain his independence, he will be respected. Again, it is not the problem of the person there. CBN has a role in monetary policy. Then, you have the fiscal ecosystem. It’s like you go to a football match and the person who is supposed to be playing a particular wing is no longer there" Again, the loquacious trader turned politician is a master in the art smooth talking. Talks very confidently in a way that is likely to persuade people, but may not be sincere or honest. ...the smooth-talking con-man at his best.
Likewise, Olusegun Obasanjo one of Peter's sponsors: I am usually pained whenever I see Obj talking about democracy or mentorship. He was the greatest showman and beneficiary of God's immeasurable grace. Obasanjo was a direct beneficiary of the struggle of our collective sacrifice. He became President C-in-C of the federal republic of Nigeria on account of Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola MKO's mandate 'June 12'. Sadly, throughout his inglorious era nothing for MKO. June 12 was a no go area. Thankfully some of us pushed for a replacement for our democracy day celebration in honor of MKO and June 12 replaced May 29, the preferred day of the junta.
In conclusion, I like to dedicate this article that focuses on June 12, to ever green memory of Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (MKO) who championed the Democracy that many of our past leaders have opportunistically enjoyed. Finally, I salute the courage of our patriots who stood up for Equity, Fair play and Justice. Equally, I recognize those who I personally reach out to during the consultation on the desirability of June 12 as our democracy day: former President Goodluck Jonathan, Asíwájú Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Dr Okwe Nwodo, Chief Wole Olanipekun, Prof Wole Soyinka WS, Femi Falana, Yele Sowore and many others. I salute you all. Nigeria will rise again.
Richard Odusanya
Mind Restructuring Enthusiast.
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“Don't pity me! I asked for the job (of president). I campaigned for it. No excuses! I will live up to the bill” – President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
“Nigeria’s wealth is the commonwealth of all; it belongs to everyone and I promise...that with your help and the help of God, we will set this country on the right path...We have been bruised (and) our body is not the same again (but) we will do the right thing by the grace of God...We need your prayers... I can tell you (that) I for one, I am a silent worker (achiever); I am not a noise-maker but I listen and I hear” – Mrs. Oluremi Tinubu, mint-fresh First Lady of Nigeria.
The question I asked here last week’s as to whether President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not put the wrong foot first with his “fuel subsidy has gone” statement in his inaugural address of 29th May, 2023 elicited an avalanche of rejoinders from the esteemed readers of this column, both in my TREASURES column in the New Telegraph newspaper on Wednesdays and here online. Many more called personally to express an opinion and/ or offer advice. I appreciate you all! What the reactions proved to me is that this column/writer is well read, without sounding immodest, and also that the issue of fuel subsidy touches the raw nerves of many Nigerians, rich and poor alike. No faith, no tribe, no political party – and not even the apolitical - is spared. Family, friends and foes alike are impacted. Whether for or against, the views expressed were passionate. I print here today a few of those views. I will return to make some closing remarks.
“My dear brother and darling Comrade, with due respect, the issue seems to be dialectical, so to speak” – Wale Olanipekun.
One of your best! Thanks without limits. There's really no need to put a question mark on it. Honestly, you were even mild; it's the worst foot put first! I pray he never takes a similar step like that - for his sake and ours! Let's continue to pray fervently and fast that he may get it right. May this first technical mishap be the last! - Adegbenga Abe.
What an awesome piece, speaking truth to power!A good move, though wrongly timed, from Mr. President. The chances are that the APC pre-2015 electioneering campaign of less than N100/litre pump price is attainable, given various revelations on ground coupled with sincere political will. God preserve us all and keep Mr. President for us! The Lord bless your wisdom and stabilise your goings for being a blessing to our generation with your write-ups! - Awodire Oyewole.
I share the same view with you. An aphorism states that when a native hen or fowl is taken to a new environment, the first thing it does is to stand on one leg or foot to study the environment and, thereafter, stand on two legs. All the same, it (the subsidy removal) has happened and we have to bear with Mr. President. Drastic decisions like this one are good for us. Imagine a few citizens of Nigeria collecting trillions of Naira as "fuel subsidy" from a country gasping for survival, causing more than 180 million Nigerians to begin to directly or indirectly look for ways of survival! I like the President and I believe he will perform well and bring succour to the citizens who are waiting for a messiah. - Onome Clarke.
I was never and can ever be an admirer of Tinubu's kind of politics! He was in the vanguard of the opposition to subsidy removal tagged "Occupy Nigeria” in 2012 as a result of which we were inflicted with the unnecessary pain of fuel subsidy. I don't fancy him at all! - Tunde Samuel.
Beautiful write-up! I salute your courage! I share your thoughts. I am only waiting for the matter at the tribunal to be over before putting down my thoughts in writing. The thoughts are the same as yours. Have an amazing day, my dear. Lade Bonuola.
Frank talks! Very good and timely advice! I am proud of you. -Richard Alli.
A great write up indeed! Highly commendable! -Prof. Akinwumi Akinbo.
I hope your message gets to the president for him to read it personally. -James Awolowo Olayemi.
All well-meaning people thought that Tinubu would be given a period of grace, say July or September, before the subsidy is totally removed. And this, after announcing palliative measures that would immediately be put in place - Isaac Isedowo.
Sir, you made my day! Your article shows that you are not a bootlicker and that you expected nothing from Tinubu, like some others who are throwing caution to the wind and defending the indefensible. My thoughts, as you pointed out, were that the president would give us a breathing space, having been suffocated nearly to death by the preceding government. Not doing so, as you correctly mentioned, is insensitivity and wickedness. Hope he changes his ways! Nigeria is not Lagos! God bless you! –Adegbite.
You may have noticed that lately I have said nothing in response to your articles. I didn't because I was beginning to have my own doubts if you, like most Yoruba colleagues I know and worked with, have decided to put anything Yoruba before Nigeria as a country that needs to survive. This piece gladdens my heart because it confirms that you have not lost it to "awalokon" I can feel that you wrote from deep in your heart and, somehow, you fear now, like some of us have always been afraid of, that Tinubu at old age is not exactly the Tinubu who captured Lagos and paced it to date. May God continue to guide and help Nigeria out of the various hurdles ahead en-route true nationhood! - Henry Atenaga.
How I thoroughly enjoyed this! This is where the boys are separated from the men and it is why I can stick out my neck for you any day! Some would have thought that in this season when everyone is trying to get into the 'good books' of the new sheriff in town, no one would dare speak truth to power! But you are different! You have never fitted into the general mould. I salute your courage and your fellow-feeling. I pray that God will multiply your breed across the landscape: Men and women who will value principles beyond pecuniary considerations! The new government must have a human face and demonstrate that it can feel the pulse and the pains of the ordinary man. It is the only way to enjoy continued goodwill from a people hoping to recover their humanity -Oludaisi Okun.
I read your opinion on “Tinubu: Putting the wrong foot first?” in Sahara Reporters’ news website of June 7, 2023. I must commend you for speaking my mind. – Moshood A., Auchi, Edo state."
Well, these are the rejoinders that we can accommodate here today; we shall return with many more next week, God willing. So many things gladdened my heart after my initial disappointment with the way Tinubu went about the removal of fuel subsidy; not that I am opposed to the removal of subsidy per se. I have argued ceaselessly that it has to go but when the cart is put before the horse, we owe it a duty to draw attention to the anomaly and call for caution. Now that caution has been taken, I am well and good. President Tinubu has met with Labour and both are working on something. The president has said there will be palliatives, a new wage structure and other policies to cushion the devastating impact of fuel subsidy removal. As a very comfortable member of the vastly-diminished middle class by the grace of God, if I can feel the deleterious impact of fuel subsidy removal the way I do, I imagine what ordinary folks must be going through. And those of us that have a voice, the privilege, opportunity and platform to speak out must do so as forcefully as we can, if not for ourselves, then, for the downtrodden and less privileged who have been long-suffering but have no voice, so to say. We must not allow friendship or expectations of any kind to cloud our sense of duty and responsibility.
Take another look at the quotes above: The president does not want to be treated with kid gloves. He is a heavyweight fighter; he does not have a glass chin. So, why shouldn't we hit him as hard as we can? The tough guy that he is, we must hit him really hard before he can feel the pinch or punch. I pledge to do that regularly here in the interest of all, the president’s inclusive! And what do you make of the First Lady’s quote as well? She is a listener and being a pastor, she is familiar with the biblical story of Blind Bartimaeus: The more the crowd tried to shut up Bartimaeus, the louder he screamed until Jesus heard him. If we do not shout loud enough for a listening First Lady and a silent achiever to hear us and act, it is our fault! Of course, where the need arises to give kudos, we shall not hesitate to do so with aplomb!
The Recording Academy, organisers of Grammy Awards, has created a category for ‘Best African Music Performance.
The category was among the three new ones announced by the academy in a statement released via its website.
The other two newly created categories are Best Pop Dance Recording and Best Alternative Jazz Album.
According to the statement, the new categories will receive nominations beginning with next year’s show.
The addition of the Best African Music Performance category reflects how African acts such as Burna Boy, Wizkid, and Tems—along with the rise of the Afrobeats genre—have become global chart-topping stars and streaming juggernauts, the statement reads in part.
The Grammy Best African Music Performance category is open to both contemporary and traditional music from the African continent including Afrobeats, Afro-pop, Amapiano, High Life, Fuji etc.
Famous Nigerian singer, David Adeleke, aka Davido, has finally admitted to having a child with his rumoured fourth babymama, Larissa London.
The ‘Omo Baba Olowo’ crooner stated that he has a son called Dawson who lives in London.
He stated this in a recent podcast interview.
Davido said he named his daughters, Imade and Hailey after his late mother, stressing that his second daughter, Hailey is a replica of his mom.
He said, I named both of them [my daughters] after my mum. Hailey, she is the exact replica of my mum; my second daughter, she is just like my mum. It’s crazy. It’s like she came in her.
I have a son too. His name is Dawson. He lives in London right now.
Davido lost his first son, Ifeanyi Adeleke in a swimming pool accident at his Banana Island residence last October.
The sudden but predicted removal of fuel subsidy has sparked some fireworks and a lot of incoherence about the Nigerian economy and its sociopolitical currents. In the matter of subsidy, I suspect that there is as much consensus as confusion. The major presidential candidates all committed to removing fuel subsidy, although with different nuances about what comes before and after. Notably, Mr. Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, promised to first establish the exact amount of consumption as to establish the volumetric impact of subsidy. He would then reduce it by 50% at the first instance with simultaneous mitigators. President Ahmed Bola Tinubu promised swift removal of subsidy and reinvestment of the savings in infrastructure. Atiku’s plan is not very different from the two.
But none of them has a coherent plan about how the manner of removal of subsidy entails any of the strategic objectives they intend to achieve in the economy. Now, think about it. Nigeria has the lowest minimum wage in the world, or at least any of its comparable countries. Let us take a few examples. Pakistani is a comparable country to Nigeria in terms of population, diversities, and economic development. Its minimum wage is $111. South Africa has a minimum wage of $226, while Saudi Arabia has $958. Minimum wage in neighboring Chad is $108.2. War-torn DRC has a minimum way of $92.47. Nigeria’s minimum wage is $68, the lowest in the World. Besides, Nigeria is one of the poorest countries in the world with an estimated 80-90m very poor citizens. The recent NBS estimates report that 143m Nigerians are multidimensionally poor. The current unemployment is about 33.4%. The concern should be how proper pricing of an essential product like premium motor spirit (PMS) would impact on the livelihood and wellbeing of majority of these citizens.
In the context of pervasive poverty, any serious economic plan must relate actions like removal of subsidy to managing poverty. The sad part is that poverty is self-perpetuating. It does not reduce itself except there is an effective policy response. So, the reasonable prediction is that unless something drastic is done, poverty will continue to increase. The minimum you would expect from a serious economic plan in Nigeria about removing subsidy should be that it argues how the removal will reduce poverty, or at least not worsen it. The only policy response of the Buhari administration was a proposed N5,000 one off cash transfer to about 40milion households.
The intersection of the economics of subsidy removal and the economics of poverty reduction in Nigeria frames the fight over subsidy removal. The two broad camps opposing each other on the wisdom of the abrupt and complete removal of fuel subsidy are looking through two different lenses: efficiency and equity. The efficiency camp focuses on the balance sheet of government. Subsidy creates a big hole there and contributes to fiscal bankruptcy of the federal government. When a government spends double the amount it budgets for education and health to subsidize a product used mostly by rich citizens who can afford to pay for their use, then the provision of such goods or services is patently inefficient. Twentieth-century economics rates high the idea of market efficiency based on the theories of Kenneth Arrow and Gerard Debreu. That theory holds that a market can be competitive and efficient (under some assumptions) at the right prices that converge all subjective preferences. At this price, the demand matches supply. The free market requires flexible prices that reflect the equilibrium points where supply equals demand. We know that in the real world, markets are rarely perfect and fully competitive because of both externalities and asymmetries.
The concern for efficiency in the consumption of PMS is two-fold. First, efficient pricing will remove the federal government from paying for PMS and reduce the public sector borrowing requirement for a heavily indebted, low revenue country like Nigeria, that spent 78% of its revenue in 2022 servicing debts. In the past, the NNPC would pay the difference between market prices and actual costs. This created room for serious fraud. Today, NNPC imports the PMS and sells to marketers at costs and mark-up. The landing costs which NPPC incurs on behalf of the government constitute the ‘subsidy payment’. What matters for government in the subsidy case is that market for PMS will now be one that consumers pay for what they consume. This is cost-efficiency. The second value of price efficiency is that people will make efficient use of the product, consuming when they need it and can afford it, and forbearing when they don’t need it and can forbear. If the price equals costs, there would be no need to subsidize the supply and no incentive to smuggle the product through the borders because there is no price differential.
Nigerian porous requires policing. But it is cheaper to achieve the same objective through pricing. In this case, the price in-state is the same or close to the same as the price out-state. How much will government save if it allows the price of PMS to equal the cost at any time? It estimates that it could save about N10trillion annually. The argument is that the saving will go into building infrastructure, which will drive up growth and improve welfare.
The efficiency logic goes together with the argument about the proper role of government. Public sector economics believes that a state properly plays three roles in a society: allocative, distributive and stabilization roles. The allocative role of the state prescribes efficiency, which requires that the state allocates resources to where it is most efficiently utilized. Proper pricing is one mechanism of attaining allocative efficiency. The distributive role relates to concern about what is happening to the wellbeing of citizens. The official orthodoxy of the Washington Consensus used to be that ‘a rising tide lifts all the boats’. In the subsidy debate, it translates to saying ‘we recognize that the removal of subsidy will cause hardship to many. But don’t worry, trust us. Once we invest the savings into infrastructure there will be good life for all”. But the thing though is that the return of investment in infrastructure for citizens will not correlate to ending the suffering, even in the long term. In the short term, the investment will not mitigate the extreme hardship that the poor and vulnerable citizens will suffer. A rising tide does not lift all boats. It depends on the nature of the current, what the boat is made of and how it is steered.
Whereas government will focus on efficiency rather than equity, the labour movement and associated groups pick up the equity lens. The state overriding obligation for the security and wellbeing of the people commits it to more than efficiency considerations. In fact, efficiency must be coupled with equity. The mistake of the subsidy debate is to assume that the existence of subsidy as an equity issue dispense with efficiency from an economic perspective. As the first African Noble Laureate in Economics, W. Arthur Lewis put it in his classic text on economic growth, efficiency translates to economizing. That is, ensuring we produce more with less. Subsidy administration can be efficient and inefficient. We can target it to the group that needs it and in the measure it needs it, without damaging incentive for economizing. The main problem may not be the existence of subsidies as much as the gross inefficiency and corruption in their administration.
Most Nigerian elites seems to agree that fuel subsidy should be removed. But the elite consensus to remove the entire subsidy and expose the working and unemployed poor to poverty and immiseration does not translate to a consensus to attack many layers and levels of entrenched inefficiency in Nigerian political economy. The Orosanya Report recommended rationalization of parastatals and agencies to reduce costs of governance. Successive Nigerian leaders have refused to implement the report because it will result in powerful elites losing high paying political jobs. Nigerian legislators earn the highest in the world with a bankrupting economy. The annual salary and benefits of a Nigerian senator is about N350m while that of a minimum wage earner is less than N400,000. Despite clamor and street protests, legislators have refused to cut the gross waste. Nigeria loses about 470,00 bpd (amounting to $700m monthly) of its crude to thieves working for top military and political leaders. There is no consensus to go hard on oil bunkering because it is Nigerian military and political leaders who are involved in the criminality. We have accepted this inefficiency in our stride.
There is no doubt that Nigeria can ill-afford this level of subsidy payment with its low revenue profile. The fiscal crisis of the Nigerian economy is endemic and needs a drastic action to stabilize. That brings up the third role of government in public finance: stabilization. The government should consider how its fiscal and monetary policies affect employment, prices, and productivity. The inflationary impact of subsidy removal may undermine growth and economic recovery. It may reduce household consumption and aggravate poverty. This is why some who support the removal of subsidy are worried at its abrupt and reckless removal. As part of the government’s stabilization role, it must think of mitigation of the social and economic impacts of the policy.
It is difficult to convince any empathetic person that people living on less than N30,000 monthly should buy petrol at N535 per liter. If they pay the associated costs of the increase in petrol prices, we expect they will have less to expend on consumables that improve their wellbeing and enable them to escape poverty. So as food inflation rises at the heels of subsidy removal, we expect access to basic nutrition, health, and education to reduce, worsening poverty and inequality. The federal government is responding by promising an increase in minimum wage. Labor unions will surely bargain for mitigation for workers. But the population of Nigerian in formal employment is negligible. What happens to the rest of Nigerians in informal sector with no regular jobs or those tapped in the bottom million who cannot externalize the pass-through costs of petrol? Those are the victims of the Nigerian economy designed to cater to the wellbeing of the rich and political elites. In the short to medium term, none of the conventional mitigations, including the ridiculous N5,000 cash transfer to 40million poor household. will shield the over 80milion poor Nigerian from the crushing impact of the drastic spike in energy price.
The point to make is that Nigeria’s economy is designed to produce inequality and inequity expressed by the consensus to remove fuel subsidy for its obvious inefficiency. Because the economy is steeped in inefficiency it continues to be unproductive. When its unproductivity leads to fiscal collapse as we are verging close, the elites take a purgatory action by sacrificing again its weakest members. Concerns for equity in the wake of the elite consensus to remove petrol subsidy should not be only to increase the minimum wage or provide public buses to transport workers to work in urban cities. It should extend to revising the fundamental structure of the Nigerian economy that makes it the least protective of the citizens and the most effective in producing poverty and inequality.
Nigeria is not just one of the most inefficient and poorest countries in the world, it is also one of the most unequal and privileged. With Gini Coefficient of 35.1% and lowest social protection, even in the West African region, it is obvious that the usual World Bank palliatives will not succor the real victims of the subsidy removal. Oxfam rightly observed that the drivers of poverty and inequality in Nigeria are the almost complete focus of national budget on sectors and projects that cater to the rich, the erosion of labor protection in pursuit of neoliberal policies, and the total absence of social protection for the people. The removal of fuel subsidy in the manner solicited without significant recasting of the Nigerian economy will enhance these drivers.
The Nigerian constitution glibly proclaims that Nigeria is a social welfare state. But its political economy always ambles towards an incoherent pseudo-capitalist state. Should we trust the Tinubu administration to alter the structure of the Nigerian economy to reduce its inequality and improve social protection for the working and unemployed poor? Well, evidence from over two decades of ‘progressive’ leadership in Lagos State does not convince. As Tinubu and his successors made Lagos rich, they kicked millions into more poverty and underdevelopment. The two Lagos live side by side: one in high-rise buildings and the other in dignified slums. This inequity is not just a Lagos problem. It is a Nigerian problem. The Nigerian economy works only for the privileged few.
As the federal government and labor leaders agree to save Nigeria from fiscal collapse by accepting the draconic removal of fuel subsidy, we know that once again, Nigeria has outsourced its inefficiency to its unprotected poor. Save the nation and damn the poor.