Popular Nigerian crossdresser Idris Okuneye, widely known as Bobrisky, has reacted to United States President Donald Trump’s recent order recognizing only two genders—male and female.

The policy, part of a series of executive orders signed by Trump on his first day back in office, seeks to establish the recognition of only two genders across all U.S. government policies.

The president confirmed this decision during his inaugural address, stating: “As of today, it will henceforth be the official policy of the United States government that there are only two genders, male and female.”

In response to the announcement, Bobrisky dismissed concerns about the policy, expressing confidence in her identity as a woman.

Bobrisky wrote on Instagram: “I don’t have business with Trump. Trump said we have only two genders, right? And I said I am now a woman that has undergo everything. If they ask for evidence, I will show them, simple.”

Controversial Nigerian rapper Darlington Achakpo, famously known as Speed Darlington, has finally walked free after enduring two grueling months in police custody—a detention marked by allegations of abuse of power and disregard for judicial orders.

His lawyer, Stan Alieke, announced the long-awaited release on Instagram, expressing gratitude to all who stood by the embattled artist.

However, Alieke did not mince words as he vowed to hold the police and other complicit individuals accountable for what he described as a brazen violation of his client’s rights. He called Speed Darlington’s prolonged incarceration not only unlawful but a chilling example of systemic injustice.

He wrote;

“Delighted to announce that our client, Mr Darlington Achakpo Aka Speed Darlington (Akpi) has regained his freedom after two months of illegal incarceration.

“For the record, as his team of lawyers, we will be exploring every angle of the law to ensure that he gets justice for his fundamental human right which was deprived of him by the Nigerian Police Force and for the unfair/ unjust treatment he was subjected to.

“Mr Achakpo extends his gratitude to everyone who threw in their support and Special thanks to my colleagues, Mr Marshal Abubakar Esq, Barr Deji Adeyanju, Barr Hamza Nuh, Barr David. ~ Freedom cometh by struggle”

The rapper’s troubles began when he accused Grammy Award-winning singer Burna Boy of engaging in an immoral relationship with embattled U.S. rapper and music mogul Sean Combs, also known as P. Diddy.

These explosive claims led to his arrest and subsequent release on bail. But in late 2024, Speed Darlington was rearrested for allegedly violating his bail conditions, a move his legal team contends was part of a larger plot to silence him.

Despite a December 23, 2024, order from Justice M.S. Liman directing the police to either charge him within 48 hours or release him unconditionally, law enforcement defied the directive, holding him without perceived justification

Nigerian billionaire businessman and socialite Obi Cubana has made headlines after hosting a lavish house party that had social media buzzing.

The event, which took place at his luxurious Abuja mansion, was shared with the public through a viral video posted by content creator, Outside With Charlie, who attended the event.

The mansion, which boasts a massive swimming pool, became a focal point for the event’s glamour

Guests were treated to an array of delicious dishes, with professional butchers and grillers on hand to prepare fresh roasted beef, ensuring no shortage of food at the extravagant gathering.

But the indulgence didn’t stop there. A competition at the party saw some lucky guests walking away with mouth watering prizes, including bone straight hair, high-heeled shoes, and a cash prize of $1000 (approximately N1.5 million).

As videos and photos from the party circulated on social media, many fans gushed over the lavish display, commenting on the luxurious nature of the gathering and the generous gifts awarded to the guests.

Niger State residents have not learnt from the recent tragic tanker explosion as hundreds gathered to scoop oil from another fallen truck.

Reports obtained by Naija News on Tuesday revealed that another tanker fell on Monday in Bida.

The latest incident comes just two days following a tragic tanker explosion in the state that resulted in the deaths of over 90 individuals and left many others injured.

A widely shared video on social media depicted young individuals congregating around the disabled truck.

While some attempted to collect the contents, others hurriedly dispersed in various directions, seemingly to avoid becoming involved in another hazardous situation.

According to Premium Times, a local resident named Yinusa Jiya remarked, “The people were not even afraid despite earlier assumption that it was petrol.”

Another eyewitness, Fatimah Mohammed, who spoke to journalists on the latest event noted that the tanker was transporting groundnut oil.

“It fell around AYM Shafa filling station yesterday (Monday) and residents stole huge amounts of the groundnut oil dripping from the tanker,” she added.

The development came two days after the deadly tanker explosion that killed about 98 people around Dikko Junction, Gurara LGA, Niger State.

It is worth noting that there has been an increasing death toll from the recent explosion, as some individuals who were injured have succumbed to their wounds in medical facilities.

In response to this tragic event, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has instructed the National Orientation Agency (NOA) to enhance its campaign against the dangerous practice of scooping fuel during such incidents.

The Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) has expressed concern regarding the rising casualty figures and the severity of burn injuries.

The Niger State Emergency Management Agency (NSEMA) reported that 86 bodies were interred in a mass burial on Sunday.

Numerous other victims are currently receiving treatment for first-degree burns in various hospitals.

Authorities have attributed the significant loss of life and injuries to the actions of individuals attempting to scoop fuel, which ignited the fire.

Niger State has experienced multiple incidents in the past that have resulted in considerable fatalities.

On September 8, 2024, more than 50 travellers lost their lives in a midnight tanker explosion along the Agaie-Badeggi road.

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has given President Bola Tinubu 48 hours to reverse the recent 50% telcos tariff hike.

SERAP, in a statement, said failure to do so by the Tinubu administration means they will be charged in court.

“The Tinubu administration and telcos must immediately reverse the unlawful increase in calls and data costs. We’ll see in court if the 50% tariff hike is not reversed within 48 hours,” SERAP said.

The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) on Monday, January 20, approved the raising of telecoms tariff by 50 per cent in what shareholders believe was approved in a bid to improve telecom services.

The approved increase was disclosed in a statement signed by NCC Director of Public Affairs, Mr. Reuben Muoka.

“The adjustment, capped at a maximum of 50 per cent of current tariffs, though lower than the over 100 per cent requested by some network operators, was arrived at taking into account ongoing industry reforms that will positively influence sustainability.

“These adjustments will remain within the tariff bands stipulated in the 2013 NCC Cost Study, and requests will be reviewed on a case-by-case basis as is the commission’s standard practice for tariff reviews. It will be implemented in strict adherence to the recently issued NCC Guidance on Tariff Simplification, 2024.”

NCC noted that tariff rates have remained static since 2013, despite the increasing costs of operation faced by telecom operators, adding that the approved adjustment is aimed at addressing the significant gap between operational costs and current tariffs while ensuring that the delivery of services to consumers is not compromised.

“These adjustments will support the ability of operators to continue investing in infrastructure and innovation, ultimately benefiting consumers through improved services and connectivity, including better network quality, enhanced customer service, and greater coverage.”

Retail outlets owned by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited have raised the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit, also known as petrol, from N965 to N990 per litre in the Federal Capital Territory.

 They also increased their price in Lagos from N925 to N960 per litre.

This is even as the price of crude oil showed a marginal decline on Tuesday.

Checks by our correspondents at some of the filling stations indicated that the prices have been adjusted.

The amount is N20, or 2.1 per cent more than the N970 retail price announced by the Dangote refinery in partnership with MRS filling station, Ardova, and Heyden.

The price adjustment reflects ongoing market dynamics and aligns with the deregulation policy in the petroleum sector, which allows prices to fluctuate based on supply and demand.

This increase follows recent developments in the sector, including the commencement of loading operations at the Dangote refinery, expected to reshape the fuel supply chain in Nigeria.

Recall that on Friday, the pump prices of petrol rose to between N1,050 and N1,150 per litre following the hike in the cost of the commodity by the Dangote Petroleum Refinery and various depot owners.

The $20bn plant raised its PMS from N899/litre to N955/litre at its loading gantry.

Dealers confirmed that PMS prices would continue to rise since the major component in fuel production, crude oil, has been on the upward swing lately.

At an NNPCL outlet at Airport Junction, our correspondents observed that the station sold at N990 per litre from N965 it sold on Monday.

Another station at Life Camp listed its products at N970 per litre but was not selling to waiting customers when our correspondent visited.

Another station at Mabuchi was still selling at its previous price of N965 per litre.

Meanwhile, major and independent marketers have increased petrol prices to a peak cost of N1,030 per litre.

Checks indicated that filling stations located along Airport Road, Central Area and Nyanya in Abuja increased their retail cost between N990 and N1,030 per litre.

The amount represents an increase of N60 or 6.18 per cent from N970 it sold its products last week Friday.

AYM Shafa and Matrix filling stations along the airport road sold at N1,000 per litre while Shema station sold at N1,030.

As petrol consumers adjust to the new pump price, experts predict further changes in petrol pricing as Nigeria continues to align its energy policies with global market realities.

A source at the private depot informed that loading activity commenced fully on Monday with bulk marketers loading products from the Dangote refinery.

The source said, “Refined petroleum sales commenced fully today with no issues at all. Marketers have increased their prices between N965 and N975 per litre at depots but at filling stations, a litre increased above N1,000 in Lagos. In Akwa Ibom, prices increased to N1,100.”

Reacting, an oil and gas expert, Olatide Jeremiah, said the refinery, Depot and Pump price changes are a reflection of market forces and a testament to the petroleum sector being deregulated.

He said, “The refinery, depot and pump price changes are a reflection of market forces and a testament to the petroleum sector being deregulated. Deregulation is one major solution to fuel scarcity and hike in pump prices.

“This hike is temporary; it’s an effect of former President Biden’s ban on Russian oil companies. As of this morning, Brent crude oil prices fall to $80 per barrel as Trump assumes the Presidency.”

Meanwhile, Brent crude oil futures dropped to $79.98 per barrel on Monday, from $81 last Friday.

Brent crude for March delivery was down 1.5 per cent to trade at $79.66 per barrel at 11.20 am ET while WTI crude for February delivery declined 1.8 per cent to $76.46 per barrel.

But following the inauguration yesterday, the Brent crude rose again marginally to $80.05.

The US under Joe Biden, the immediate past president, had intensified sanctions on Russia, imposing heavy fines on its vessels.

Our correspondents observed that most NNPC stations in Lagos and Ogun sold PMS at the rate of N925/litre until around noon when the price was jerked up.

It was noted that the NNPC at Alapere and others in Lagos started selling the product at N960 around 3 pm Tuesday.

A tricycle rider said there was a long queue of buyers at one of the NNPC stations in Ketu earlier on Tuesday morning when the station retained its price at N925. However, it was said that the queue disappeared with the announcement of the new price.

“Wr thought they wanted to bring down the price initially, but it is going up again,” the tricycle rider complained as he searched for passengers.

Aside from the NNPC, other filling stations sold PMS at different rates ranging between N960 and N1,000.

It was observed that MRS, Heyden and Ardova filling stations have started selling Dangote refinery’s PMS at N970/litre.

As of Tuesday, TotalEnergies sold the product at N985; Matrix, N980; SGR in Mowe, N999; Petrocam, N1,000; Danco; N970; As-Sallam; N990; Sedabuk, N950; and Gatelink, N980, all along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway.

Our correspondent learnt that some of the filling stations are still selling the old stock they purchased at the rate of N899.

President Donald Trump has announced his intention to end birthright citizenship, which grants automatic US citizenship to anyone born on American soil.

On Monday, he signed an executive order called “Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship” in the Oval Office after his inauguration.

The order applies to babies born after February 19. 

Experts say this decision will likely face legal challenges because it changes how the 14th Amendment has been understood for over 150 years.

What is birthright citizenship?

The 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, passed in 1868, created birthright citizenship. It says that “all persons born” in the United States “are citizens of the United States.”

It was meant to give citizenship to freed slaves after the Civil War. This amendment also overturned the Dred Scott v. Sandford decision from 1857, which said African Americans could not be U.S. citizens.

In 1898, the U.S. Supreme Court confirmed the idea of birthright citizenship in the case of United States v. Wong Kim Ark. Wong Kim Ark was born in the U.S. to Chinese immigrant parents.

After traveling to China, he was not allowed to reenter the U.S. The Court decided that because he was born in the U.S., he was a citizen, no matter his parents’ immigration status.

Who Would Be Affected?

The policy seeks to exclude two groups of infants from citizenship:

• Babies born to mothers who are in the U.S. unlawfully and fathers who are not citizens or permanent residents.
• Babies born to mothers temporarily in the U.S., like on student, work, or tourist visas, and fathers who are neither citizens nor permanent residents.

The policy also defines parents as “male and female biological progenitors.” This means it excludes nonbinary and queer couples.

Impact on Families and Babies

If this order is enforced, many newborns would not be U.S. citizens. These babies might not get birth certificates, Social Security numbers, or passports. Without these, it would be harder for them to access services or travel. Families, especially those with undocumented or temporary immigration status, would face tough challenges. Mothers could be at risk of deportation shortly after giving birth.

Does This Follow the 14th Amendment?

Many legal experts think this order goes against the 14th Amendment. For over 150 years, this amendment has granted citizenship to anyone born on U.S. soil, no matter their parents’ immigration status.

Trump says people have wanted this change for a long time. He believes his administration has strong legal arguments to defend the policy. However, experts think the courts will likely block the order.

Along with this order, other policies were announced to reduce immigration and deport millions of undocumented people.

A 2016 Pew Research study said 250,000 babies were born to undocumented parents in the U.S. that year. By 2022, 1.2 million U.S. citizens were children of undocumented parents. The Migration Policy Institute predicts that ending birthright citizenship could create 4.7 million undocumented people by 2050.

In an interview with NBC’s Meet the Press, Trump said that children of undocumented immigrants, even if born in the U.S., should be deported with their families.

“I don’t want to be breaking up families,” Trump said last December. “So the only way you don’t break up the family is you keep them together and you have to send them all back.”

The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, has rejected the proposed use of N8 billion to sensitise consumers on how to pay electricity bill, describing it as the height of profligacy, wastefulness, corruption.

NLC also blamed perceived incompetent headship of the Ministry of Power and National Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC, for the unending grid collapses.

The union lamented that National Grid has collapsed under this Minister more than all the previous ministers in the history of Nigeria combined.

Labour made its views known in a statement titled “BEFORE THE POWER SECTOR COLLAPSES: N8 BILLION BUDGET FOR ELECTRICITY BILL SENSITIZATION IS ASHAMEFUL TESTAMENT TO INCOMPETENCE AND WASTEFULNESS”.

NLC equally demanded for a comprehensive audit of the entire power sector budget and others to unearth other potential avenues for corruption and financial recklessness.

In the statement by its President, Joe Ajaero, NLC challenged the power minister to tell Nigerians how much dividend it has received from the DISCOs and other privatised entities since the last 12 years of privatisation in lieu of its 40 percent ownership of the privatized entities.

The NLC statement read in parts: “We will continue to monitor developments in this regard and will not hesitate to mobilise against any attempt to use the budget process as a vehicle for waste and corruption.

“Asking for N8 billion to teach us how to pay bills to DISCOs owned by private entities is entirely questionable and speaks to the deeper worries of Nigerians as to the distinction between those in government and those who bought the electricity companies.

“It is laughable to believe that what is important to Nigerians, especially as it concerns the power sector now is to be sensitised on why they should pay more for electricity in the midst of constant grid failure and overwhelming darkness.

“This is annoying and speaks to the depth of crass contempt and disdain with which some individuals occupying the nation’s corridors of power hold the citizens.

“If the leadership of the power sector are compelled to reduce the number of times they spend at the National Assembly, perhaps, they would have more time to focus on their job and reduce the embarrassing situation in the sector.

“Sensitization campaigns should not cost a fraction of this amount, especially in a country where schools are underfunded, hospitals lack basic equipment, and infrastructure is crumbling.

“This allocation is not just wasteful; it is a slap in the face of every hardworking Nigerian struggling to make ends meet.

“Unless the perceived incompetence and wastefulness in the Ministry of Power and the NERC is addressed urgently, the nation’s power sector may collapse completely.

“We urge the President of the federation to take steps to rein in the burgeoning appetites of those in the Power Ministry and NERC, to reinvigorate the sector and save it from total collapse.”

Nigeria’s total public debt rose to N142.3 trillion as of September 30, 2024, representing an increase of 5.97 per cent (N8.02tn) compared to N134.3tn in June 2024.

The debt, comprising external and domestic obligations, reflects the significant impact of exchange rate depreciation on external borrowings when converted to naira terms.

Data from the Debt Management Office showed that external debt in dollar terms increased marginally by 0.29 per cent, from $42.90bn in June to $43.03bn in September.

However, in naira terms, external debt surged by 9.22 per cent, rising from N63.07tn to N68.89tn within the quarter.

This sharp increase was attributed to the depreciation of the naira, with the exchange rate weakening from N1,470.19/$ in June to N1,601.03/$ by the end of September.

Domestic debt, on the other hand, reduced by 5.34 per cent in dollar terms, falling from $48.45bn in June to $45.87bn in September.

However, domestic debt in naira terms rose by 3.10 per cent, increasing from N71.22tn to N73.43tn during the period.

The Federal Government’s external debt accounted for $38.12bn in September, up from $38.01bn in June, while states and the Federal Capital Territory held $4.91bn in external debt, a slight increase from $4.89bn.

For domestic debt, the Federal Government’s obligations rose from N66.96tn to N69.22tn, while states and the FCT recorded a minor reduction from N4.27tn to N4.21tn.

Overall, Nigeria’s total public debt in dollar terms fell by 2.70 per cent, from $91.35bn in June to $88.89bn in September.

However, the naira-denominated debt burden remained substantial.

The rising debt profile, particularly in naira terms, raises concerns over debt sustainability, especially with the exchange rate volatility driving up the local currency cost of external obligations.

Further analysis by The PUNCH showed that the Federal Government’s domestic debt stock of N69.22tn as of September 30, 2024, was largely driven by increased issuance of Federal Government bonds and a rise in promissory notes, highlighting the government’s reliance on domestic borrowing to meet fiscal obligations.

Analysis of the debt by instruments shows that Federal Government bonds remained the largest component, rising by 4.47 per cent to N54.65tn in September from N52.32tn in June.

This represents 78.95 per cent of the total domestic debt stock, up from 78.13 per cent in the previous quarter.

The issuance of bonds in naira accounted for the majority of the increase, as the dollar-denominated bond was newly introduced to the domestic debt stock at N1.47tn.

The PUNCH earlier reported that Nigeria successfully launched its first-ever domestic dollar-denominated bond, seeing over $900m in subscriptions.

The $500m bond, coordinated by the Africa Finance Corporation, marked a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s economic development and highlights the growing confidence in the country’s capital market.

The five-year bond, which was issued at par with a 9.75 per cent annual coupon, witnessed a 180 per cent subscription.

This domestic bond added N1.47tn to Nigeria’s domestic debt.

Further analysis showed that Nigerian Treasury Bills, the second-largest component, experienced a marginal decline, falling by 0.66 per cent to N11.73tn from N11.81tn in the previous quarter.

The reduction aligns with efforts to moderate short-term debt instruments, likely in response to concerns over rollover risks and rising interest rates.

Promissory notes, issued to settle government obligations such as contractor payments, grew by 5.80 per cent to N1.77tn in September from N1.67tn in June.

This includes a significant increase in foreign-denominated promissory notes, which rose from N1.18tn to N1.19tn, reflecting adjustments due to currency fluctuations.

FGN Sukuk, a key instrument for infrastructure funding, decreased by 9.14 per cent to N992.56bn, down from N1.09tn.

Meanwhile, FGN Savings Bonds increased by 16.11 per cent, rising to N64.09bn from N55.20bn, reflecting higher participation by retail investors.

The Green Bond component remained unchanged at N15bn, maintaining its minimal contribution of 0.02 per cent to the domestic debt stock.

The overall increase in domestic debt highlights the Federal Government’s growing dependence on local markets to finance budget deficits amid constrained foreign exchange reserves and limited external borrowing options.

While the bond market continues to dominate, the expansion in promissory notes and retail-focused savings bonds indicates a broadening of the domestic debt portfolio.

Economic analysts have repeatedly raised concerns about the sustainability of the rising debt levels, particularly as interest payments consume a significant portion of government revenue.

Earlier, the Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Public Enterprises, Dr Muda Yusuf, warned that Nigeria may end up in a vicious circle, noting the country may end up in a debt trap.

He said, “I think there is a need for us to be very conscious of and watch the rate of growth of our public debt. Because it could create macro-economic challenges especially if the burden of debt service continues to grow.”

Yusuf added that there is a need for the government to reduce the exposure to foreign debts because the number has grown so due to the exchange rate.

The modest decline in short-term instruments like treasury bills could mitigate refinancing risks, but the reliance on long-term bonds may increase the overall cost of debt servicing in the long term.

Analysis of Nigeria’s external debt stock of $43.03bn by the end of September 2024 shows a largely stable external debt profile, with changes driven by minor adjustments in multilateral and bilateral obligations.

According to data from the DMO, multilateral debt rose by 0.67 per cent from $21.62bn in June to $21.77bn in September, maintaining its dominance with 50.60 per cent of the total external debt.

This increase was largely influenced by additional disbursements from institutions such as the World Bank’s International Development Association, which saw its obligations increase by $513.06m to $16.84bn.

Bilateral loans decreased slightly by 1.33 per cent, dropping from $5.89bn in June to $5.81bn in September.

China, Nigeria’s largest bilateral lender, saw a reduction of $99.98m in outstanding loans, while obligations to other bilateral lenders like France and Germany remained relatively stable.

Commercial loans, consisting primarily of Eurobonds, were unchanged at $15.12bn, representing 35.14 per cent of the total external debt.

Similarly, syndicated loans and obligations to Deutsche Bank saw minimal fluctuations, with syndicated loans remaining at $270m and a small increase of $59.02m in other commercial obligations.

The marginal rise in external debt highlights the Federal Government’s cautious approach to international borrowing amid ongoing fiscal constraints and exchange rate volatility.

However, the naira’s depreciation, from N1,470.19/$ in June to N1,601.03/$ in September, has exacerbated the burden of external debt in local currency terms.

Nigeria raised $2.2bn through its Eurobond auction in December last year, marking a pivotal moment in the country’s ongoing efforts to address its growing fiscal deficit.

This auction, which saw the issuance of two bonds with varying tenors, follows the government’s return to the international capital markets for the first time since March 2022.

The funds raised would primarily be used to support Nigeria’s 2024 budget, which is under strain due to persistent revenue shortfalls and mounting public spending.

While Nigeria recorded a total subscription of over $9bn, only $2.2bn was allotted.

The allotments are $700m for the 6.5-year bond priced at 9.625 per cent and a larger $1.5bn for the 10-year bond priced at 10.375 per cent.

This means that Nigeria’s external debt is expected to rise further when the DMO releases the Q4 2024 data.

In a related development, the Federal Government has reiterated its commitment to aggressive revenue generation to fund critical infrastructure and drive economic growth.

According to a press statement, the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Abubakar Bagudu, stated this on Tuesday during the defence of his ministry’s 2025 financial estimates before the National Assembly Joint Committees on National Planning in Abuja.

Bagudu credited President Bola Tinubu’s leadership for steering the economy in the right direction, adding that the administration remains determined to sustain the ongoing reforms.

He noted that the Renewed Hope Agenda is yielding positive results, with the government addressing decades of underinvestment in critical sectors.

“President Bola Tinubu has steered the economy in the right direction, and we are determined to stay the course,” he told lawmakers led by Senator Yahaya Abdullahi and Hon. Isiaka Ibrahim.

He highlighted the country’s GDP growth of over 3 per cent for three consecutive quarters, contrasting it with less than 1 per cent growth in some industrialised nations.

He also noted a significant reduction in the fiscal deficit from over 6.1 per cent in 2023 to less than 4 per cent in 2024, a development acknowledged by global business leaders and rating agencies.

Bagudu pointed out that the government’s reforms, including the removal of fuel and forex subsidies, have enhanced liquidity at the sub-national level, with FAAC allocations to states and local governments increasing.

He assured legislators that the upward trend would be sustained through innovative revenue-generation strategies. According to him, the petroleum, solid minerals, and creative industries have been tasked with unlocking their full potential to boost national income.

The minister outlined plans to fund critical infrastructure such as housing, roads, and railways through initiatives like the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Fund, Consumer Credit schemes, agriculture and mortgage funds, and energy transition projects.

He was quoted in the statement as saying, “As the chief marketer of the Renewed Hope Agenda and Agenda 2050 strategies, the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning is poised to intensify its innovative financing to take forward the delivery of the Renewed Hope Infrastructure, including housing, roads and railway.

“We shall more aggressively raise funding for our creative and high-impact programmes, including Renewed Hope Infrastructure Fund, Consumer Credit, National Agriculture Development Fund, Mortgage Fund, CNG Energy transition, Student Loans Fund, and support to NANO and MSMEs.”

He also stated that crude oil production would be ramped up beyond the current estimate of 2.06 million barrels per day as the Crude Oil Theft Committee intensifies efforts to curb losses.

Bagudu urged the National Assembly to pass key tax reform bills, noting that these measures are crucial for achieving the government’s 18 per cent revenue-to-GDP target.

He assured legislators that the Tinubu administration remains focused on inclusive economic growth, promising increased revenue to support higher expenditure.

The minister said the economic reforms had earned respect from development partners, with strengthened bilateral relations between Nigeria and countries such as China, the United Kingdom, and the European Union.

He highlighted recent high-level agreements signed with these partners, which he said would support the country’s development agenda.

The sight was not just bewildering it was also shocking. Dateline was Thursday, May 29, 2003. Venue was Aso Rock Presidential Villa. It was the cake-cutting ceremony to celebrate the second term victory and second swearing-in ceremony of then President Matthew Okikiolakan Aremu Olusegun Obasanjo. Joining Obasanjo to cut the celebration cake were two governors and some party leaders of the supposed opposition All Peoples Party, APP (which later became All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, before a faction of it morphed into General Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change, CPC.

By this time, the only other opposition party, the Alliance for Democracy, AD, had lost all but one of its six governors in the South-West geo-political zone, which was its stronghold. Apart from Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos State, who survived through his grit, determination and an insider dealing of a leader of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the other five bit the political dust. Adebayo Adefarati of Ondo State, Lam Adeshina of Oyo State, Niyi Adebayo of Ekiti State, Segun Osoba of Ogun State, and Bisi Akande of Osun State, all lost the governorship election of that year. Through subterfuge, reliance on ethno-cultural bias, alleged manipulation of election results, and strategic deception, Obasanjo was able to bulldoze his way through and get PDP to take over the five states. 

In fact, according to a February 25, 2004 Report extracted from the 2001-2009 Archive of the US State Department, “the elections (of 2003) also resulted in the ruling PDP winning 70 percent of the seats in the national legislature and 75 percent of the state governorship.” That was how strong the PDP was.

Prior to the bizarre events of May 2003, and under the guise of forming a Government of National Unity, GNU, Obasanjo, upon assuming office in 1999, rewarded the National Chairman of the APP, Senator Mahmud Waziri, with appointment as his Presidential Adviser on Inter-Party Affairs. Meanwhile, Obasanjo had two other Presidential Advisers on National Assembly Matters and another one on Political Affairs. So, what was the brief of Waziri, if not to use him as an instrument of destabilisation of the APP?

In that same 1999, for AD, Obasanjo reached for and appointed one of the leaders of Afenifere and AD, late Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige (Bola Ige), SAN, as minister of power. He then grabbed Dupe Adelaja, daughter of Afenifere and National Democratic Coalition, NADECO, Leader, Pa Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, and appointed her as Minister of State, Defence. All these happened between 1999 and 2003.

So, how did these two opposition parties disappear from the political firmament – or as they would love to delude themselves, become a shapeless shadow? It is because those who are supposed to be in the opposition are afflicted with a cocktail of malaise that renders them both toothless and irrelevant over time. This report has codified them into 10.

QUOTES

The spirit of Mammon is in bed with many Nigerian politicians. Money is like an elixir for the politician because the primary reason why many of them go into politics is to make money

Due to the fickle and fluid state of affairs, many do not have the stamina to stand against the might of the ruling party. Blackmail, intimidation, abuse of court processes and other such unholy acts are used to whip opposition politicians in line

 

Because of loss of faith in the ability of the EMB to be above board, opposition politicians seek shelter in the ruling party where they are almost always certain to win and return to office

 

Deep-seated uncertainty

In his seminal work of February, 2002, titled: ‘Viable Party System As Basis Of Democracy’, Professor Omo Omoruyi of the famed Centre for Democratic Studies, CDS, pricked the conscience. He posited: “The notion of the deep-seated uncertainty (about Nigeria) has to do with the relationship between the past, the present and the future. When it affects a country, it can be a severe crisis. This is the problem in Nigeria today. I shall try to apply the concept of deep-seated uncertainty to three areas of Nigerian political life: The lingering political problems; the declining faith in the political order; and the notion of winners and losers.”

Socio-economic contradictions

In the course of doing this report, it was discovered that the social and economic contradictions inherent in Nigeria’s political sphere make it difficult, if not impossible, for opposition to thrive with a view to making the progressive change that should dominate conversations before and after the fact.

In a political system that is neo-patrimonial and largely based on links of connections and patronage between political stakeholders and stockholders, delinking abhorrent behavioural instincts from activities on the political terrain becomes difficult.

This report may not be able to dig deeper into the theoretical underpinning of competitive party behaviours. But there are the Vote-seeking parties; Office-seeking parties; and Policy-seeking parties. Unfortunately for Nigerians, it does not appear that any of the parties in operation today fits the policy-seeking model. As has been proved since 1999, the parties align with the office-seeking model but stretches it further by asphyxiating the political space

What is worse, Professor Omoruyi insists that the now common refrain of ‘THERE IS NO VACANCY IN ASO ROCK’, a statement which was introduced into Nigeria’s politics by PDP and now a hackneyed phrase for the APC, is abhorrent to party politics.

According to Omoruyi, what Nigerians should appreciate is that democracy is anchored on the feeling or faith under three conditions: “That there would be another election; That the winner is not the winner for all time; and That the loser is not the loser for all time.

“Consequently,” he continued, “democracy abhors the expression which can only mean one of two things or both, which are: there would not be a free and fair nomination process within the ruling party; and that there would not be a free and fair election process in 2003.”

Therefore, he concluded, “the meaning of both would be the following: That the two processes would be massively rigged to achieve the predetermined ends; that the President’s men are at work to implement a programme directed at the two ends; that the process of choosing party offices within the ruling party would be applied to achieve the same ends; that the process of divide and rule would be implemented to deal with other parties; that the electoral law coming out of the National Assembly on the next election would be such as to as to achieve the predetermined ends; and that the use of “faked” security reports as an argument to determine the schedule of elections in 2002 for the local government must be seen within the context of the two ends.”

Voters inducement

It has also been suggested that political parties do clinch power through the inducement of a section of the voting public and will go to great lengths to equally induce leaders of the opposition not to ‘disturb’ its grip on power. Late Dr. Wahab Dosunmu, Second Republic Minister of Housing blazed the ignominious trail of jumping from AD to PDP.

Asked about the possible implications of his move, he simply said people should go to court and test the provisions of the law. He was soon followed by Oluseye Ogunlewe also from AD to PDP and was rewarded with a ministerial post. Once there was no challenge to these two, the floodgate was opened. Even the attempt to stem the tide, rendering vacant seats of legislators who jump ship without conditions precedent by law, is yet to bear the desired dividend because of the convoluted and up-and-down judicial pronouncements coming from the courts.

So, Vanguard has carefully codified into10 the reasons parties that are supposed to play the role of opposition end up becoming toothless.

1.Greed of political actors

Exploring the etymology of the word greed is unnecessary here. A simple look at your average politician and his ways signposts him as a greedy fellow. Defined as “intense and selfish for something, especially wealth, power or food,” the politician who finds himself on the losing side craves that which he lost but does so without scruples. As if possessed by the spirit of avarice, it is about him and what he can get. That is why a politician who espoused all the virtuous concepts of RIGHT, becomes a legislator and jumps ship from his party to another party, (usually the ruling party) so as to partake in the privileges and benefits of being part of the same.

2.Role of money

The spirit of Mammon is in bed with many Nigerian politicians. Money is like an elixir for the politician because the primary reason why many of them go into politics is to make money. You can be in opposition and earn respect but you can not be in opposition and make money. It is even more difficult in a culture of winner-takes-all. Because he has nothing truly strategic to offer his constituents, he must explore all avenues of making money so that he can begin to stockpile palliatives that he would distribute. Instead of engaging critical thinking and availing his constituents visible dividends of democracy in the area of infrastructural development in education, health and other areas, many want the money. Sometimes, the money is not even used to palliate the constituents, it is to engage in sartorial flamboyance and acquisition of properties and choice cars. You can not make money as an opposition politician, so you jump ship. Labour Party, LP, which, according to the results of the House of Representatives elections of February last year, won 35 seats, now has 17 seats – 18 Reps have joined APC.

3.Pressure from constituents

Because a people deserve the type of leaders they get, constituents and followers are also complicit in this craze to defect to the ruling party. In an environment where poverty has been so weaponised, many followers of politicians also want to ‘belong’ – that is, they want to be where the action is happening. Seeing members of the ruling party being serenaded with palliatives, constituents sometimes pile pressure on their political leaders who are ready and willing to jump ship not necessarily to better the lot of the followers but to satisfy a desire that had been latent and looking for an avenue to blossom.

4.Fear of losing political relevance

After every election, politicians take stock, scan the environment and seek to make the most of their new office. For people who lack scruples but find themselves in opposition, they weigh their options. Members of the ruling party are almost always the news makers – mostly, for the wrong reasons. The opposition candidates enjoy a season of honeymoon in the limelight but soon fizzle out because of the toxic nature of the political space. Political correctness then becomes the order of the day. That way opposition politicians would not be seen to be attempting to upturn the applecart. The less forceful he or she is in the House of Representatives or Senate or State House of Assembly, the higher the chances of becoming a committee chair or a vice chairman. It is the fear of losing relevance that ends up making some opposition politicians engage political correctness as a standard practice. This leads to waffling and double speak. But the polity is structured in a manner that embraces idiocy, sycophancy and praise-singing hence politicians fear losing relevance and would go to any length to remain ‘relevant’, including keeping silent in the face of oppression

5.AGIP political orientation

Some politicians, since 1999, have become known as AGIP (And Government In Power) politicians. From AD, to PDP, APP, ANPP, ACN, ACD, CPC, LP, some politicians have traversed all the parties listed. For them, any party that clinches the federal power becomes a nestling place for them. It is not about what they want to offer the people but what they can get by being on the winning side. Politicians like that do not stay in opposition to fight for something other than self. To wait and expect something constructive or meaningful from such individuals would be like waiting for Godot.

6.Absence of a second address

Some politicians who may have trained in one profession or the other have never practiced for a day. Seeing politics as a sure means of acquiring wealth and power, they jumped in either through ancestry or patrimonial connection or success-by-association. Having become so comfortable with feeding fat on the largesse of the government, they have no other means of livelihood than to be addressed as honourables or distinguished.

The world of the unknown outside politics and public office would make such politicians do just about anything to continue to benefit, including jumping from the opposition to the ruling party. They have no job other than politics.

7.Lack of sustainable party structure

Whereas we can blame the individuals as being responsible for the weakness of the opposition, it should be understood that the political parties themselves act as mere Special Purpose Vehicles, SPVs, to acquire power either as vote-seeking or office-seeking parties. Having a sustainable party structure is not the same as having an organogram that outlines offices and schedules. It is about having an entity that is firm and grounded on norms and values that ideas are hoisted on. It is also about adherence to organisational protocol. It is this lack of accountable structure that leads to the collapse of the opposition parties. It is this same absence of sustainable party structure that makes an individual or just a handful of them to hijack the affairs of a political party and threaten to destroy it, even while already in bed with the ruling party.

8.Absence of internal party democracy

Stemming from the above, there is a discount of internal democracy in political parties in Nigeria. It is an affliction and it runs through all the parties. The consequence of this is that politicians of quintessential persona who espouse virtues of decency and uprightness are thrown aside for others who have the means or connection. Even party constitution and electoral guidelines put together by the parties are not adhered to. This leads to the emergence of candidates who do not have serious bonding to the parties, hence they easily migrate to the ruling party once they win elections. In fact, some politicians in ruling parties, having lost tickets, buy their way into opposition parties, clinch tickets, win elections and jump right back to the ruling party, thereby weakening the base of the so-called opposition.

9.State capture by ruling party leaders

Another major contributing factor to the weakening of the opposition is the issue of state capture by the ruling party operatives. What happens is that every aspect of government and its institutions is compromised to work for and be subservient to the ruling party. The judiciary, legislature, intelligence services, senior civil servants, et al become malleable to the dictates of the ruling party or what is known as the cabal around the presidency. Because of the fickle and fluid state of affairs, many do not have the stamina to stand against the might of the ruling party. Blackmail, intimidation, abuse of court processes and other such unholy acts are used to whip opposition politicians in line. This asphyxiates the political space where the opposition wants to play and, therefore, renders discombobulate, whatever meaningful attempts at raising the bar of opposition against the ruling party.

10.Loss of faith electoral umpire

The biggest elephant in the room is the electoral umpire and its shenanigans. Were the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, above board in its functions, politicians generally (and not just opposition) would be confident in their capacity to mobilise, go into the field and contest without fear of being rigged out. The February 25, 2004 Report extracted from the 2001-2009 Archive of the US State Department, that said “the elections (of 2003) also resulted in the ruling PDP winning 70 percent of the seats in the national legislature and 75 percent of the state governorship,” was a mere reference to the power of rigging carried out by the PDP with the connivance of INEC. Today’s APC and INEC are in bed, just as PDP was. But nothing lasts forever. Because of the electoral process that condones cheating, use of money to compromise officials and might of the ruling party to rig at will in collusion with the election management body, opposition politicians drift to the ruling party where they are sure to exploit the benefits of bandwagon. Because of loss of faith in the ability of the EMB to be above board, opposition politicians seek shelter in the ruling party where they are almost always certain to win and return to office. As a former chairman of APC unashamedly once said, “once you join our party, all sins are forgiven.”