Senators, on Thursday, overwhelmingly passed a vote of confidence on the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, despite the sexual harassment allegations levelled against him by Kogi Central Senator Natash Akpoti-Uduaghan.

Members of the upper chamber also urged Nigerians not to allow the allegations to serve as a distraction from the legislative responsibilities of the National Assembly.

The resolution followed a motion sponsored by the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, who represents Ekiti Central Senatorial District.

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan had accused Mr Akpabio of sexual harassment and reported the matter, along with her suspension from the Senate, to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).

The suspension of the Kogi senator has been controversial, with some critics alleging it was politically motivated.

Mr Bamidele, while presenting the motion during the plenary, stated that the allegations should be left for the courts to decide.

He cited Senate Rule 40, which prevents the legislative chamber from discussing issues already before a court of law.

The motion was seconded by the Deputy Minority Leader, Olalere Oyewumi, representing Osun West.

Despite the ongoing controversy, when the matter was put to a vote, most of the senators expressed their confidence in Mr Akpabio’s leadership.

Details later…

[premiumtimesng]

United States President Donald Trump has threatened a 200 percent tariff on alcohol from European Union (EU) countries.

The threat is in retaliation to the region’s “nasty 50% tariff on whisky” from the US.

The alcohol tariffs are the latest shots in an escalating trade war between the US and its top trading partners, a move initiated by Trump on Wednesday.

The US president had imposed a 25 percent tariff on all steel and aluminium coming into the country.

The EU responded by saying it would raise its levies on up to $28bn worth of US goods, including boats, bourbon and motorbikes, from April 1.

Trump later said he would respond to the countermeasures with additional levies, saying the White House would be “doing reciprocal tariffs so whatever they charge us with, we’re charging them. Nobody can complain about that”.

He said if the 50 percent tariff is not removed “immediately”, the US tariff will target all wines, Champagnes and alcoholic products coming out of EU represented countries.

“This will be great for the Wine and Champagne businesses in the US,” Trump said.

Ursula von der Leyen, European Commission president, said the response was intended to be “strong but proportionate”, and added that the EU stood “ready to engage in a meaningful dialogue”.

“Tariffs are taxes. They are bad for business and worse for consumers,” she said.

“Nobody needs that – on both sides, neither in the European Union nor in the United States.”

The commission president cautioned that the economic disruption threatened jobs and would drive prices up.

[TheCable]

Telegram's crypto wallet, developed by a third-party company called The Open Platform (TOP), has introduced new features for people who don't just use Telegram as a messaging app. The updates include multi-asset trading and yield functionalities.

Based on the TON blockchain, TOP launched the wallet in 2023. The company reported that over 100 million users have signed up for an account with Wallet on Telegram. Additionally, it noted that most of these users were new to the crypto ecosystem.

The wallet product has primarily been focused on the Toncoin cryptocurrency, which can be used on the Telegram platform to tip creators or pay for mini-games and apps. It also supports Bitcoin and USDT (on the TON blockchain). Since the initial launch, the wallet has also gained support of other currencies like Notcoin.

Following today's update, TOP says that users will be able to buy, sell, or hold crypto without any on-chain deposits. This makes it easier for newer users to get into crypto holding and trading.

The company is also introducing an earning component to the wallet for holding a certain amount of Toncoin. It said that while the average yield is 4%, it will vary based on validators' reward. Later this year, TOP plans to add yields for USDT holdings and launch loyalty programs that would benefit Toncoin holders.

Telegram Wallet has undergone a makeover as well, with a new navigation bar at the bottom and an easy way to switch between the Wallet, Trade, and Earn sections.

"This update enhances Wallet’s functionality, to meet consumers’ expectations for an open and wide market. With current update Wallet now operates as a fully-fledged crypto platform within Telegram while remaining as simple and accessible as ever. We also plan to implement a loyalty program specifically for Toncoin holders, to further boost the adoption of TON Ecosystem," TOP's CEO Andrew Rogozov said in a statement.

The new wallet update will start rolling out to users in March and April. TOP said that some features might be restricted in some countries based on local regulations.

Last December, Telegram founder Pavel Durov said that the company became profitable. The platform has more than 950 million monthly active users. Cryptocurrencies have contributed to the company's bottom-line thanks to integrations with content and mini app payments.

The story is updated after the company's input on yield and self-custody.

This article originally appeared on TechCrunch 

On March 13, the U.S.-based digital payments company Ripple announced that it has received a license from the Dubai Financial Services Authority (DFSA) to offer regulated crypto payments and services in the Dubai International Finance Centre (DIFC).

The DIFC is a free-economic zone in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) that fosters an innovative financial and technological ecosystem. The regulatory approval enables the company to provide its cross-border crypto payment services to financial organizations across the country.

With this license, Ripple became the first blockchain payments provider licensed in the DIFC, said DIFC CEO Arif Amiri. It is also the first license for Ripple in the Middle East.

Ripple CEO Brad Garlinghouse said, “Thanks to its early leadership in creating a supportive environment for tech and crypto innovation, the UAE is exceptionally well-placed to benefit.”

The final approval came months after Ripple secured an in-principle license from the DFSA in October 2024. The local policies mandated any company to establish an office in the region, among other conditions, to become eligible for a regulatory approval.

Since Ripple had already established its Middle East headquarters in DIFC in 2020, it didn’t take long for the company to receive the license. In fact, the company claims that around 20% of its global customer base exists in the Middle East.

Ripple has already secured over 60 regulatory licenses globally in countries such as Singapore and Ireland, in addition to several US states.

The XRP token didn’t have a dramatic reaction to the announcement of the DIFC license and was trading at $2.27 at press time.

[The Street]

Many years ago, when my teacher said nothing sells like sex, crime, and money, I didn’t fully understand what he meant. Yet, over the years, I’ve repeatedly seen that a judicious mix of these socio-economic ingredients is a spellbinder.

Apart from the tragic news about banditry, the suspense in Rivers State, and the heightened prostitution amongst politicians crossing carpet or finding new harems, nothing has hugged the headlines as relentlessly as the salacious tango between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

After weeks of trying to see, hear, and say no evil, I’m compelled to overcome the temptation of abstaining by yielding. It’s not an easy road, believe me – not for those genuinely trying to make sense of it, not for the busybodies and certainly not for the parties involved.

Managing their libido

It’s heartbreaking that despite the perennial underperformance of the legislature, managing the libido of its menfolk has piled on the hazards we must endure.

But it’s not a Nigerian thing, if that is any comfort. A 2016 study by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) on sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians indicates that 20 percent of women parliamentarians globally report sexual harassment during their terms. The hospitality and healthcare sectors follow the pecking order, with power relations influencing the trend in several industries, professions, and workspaces.

Allegations of sexual harassment or assault have indeed been weaponised in the past. From the Central Park Five in the US to Ivan Henry, and Perry Lott, exonerated only two years ago after serving 35 years for a rape conviction in Oklahoma, the literature is replete with cases of persons wrongfully convicted for sexual offences they did not commit. Lott won’t be the last.

What is behind seven…

Yet, Akpoti-Natasha’s allegation should be taken more seriously than just another regular nuisance from an under-performing legislative branch. The feedback from insiders has been puzzling. Akpabio and Akpoti-Natasha have been good friends, one source told me. In Akpabio’s Senate presidency, the source said, none of the other three female senators have enjoyed the privileges Akpoti-Uduaghan has, even though she is a first-timer.

Jealousy, I thought, especially when my source added that apart from her appointment as chairman of the juicy local content development committee, Akpoti-Natasha had been a part of the Senate president’s entourage on trips to several enchanting destinations before things fell apart. This source, I’ve known for years, is not given to flippancy. But I pressed for more.

Show me your friend…

The source added that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s husband, Emmanuel, a hard-working man, high chief, husband of one wife, and friend of the establishment but a non-legislator, had also executed several significant contracts for the National Assembly running into hundreds of millions of naira.

For anyone familiar with how things are done here, lavish travels and contracts for one’s buddies are only a tiny part of the fringe benefits. There is a common saying among Nigerian politicians that one does not give jobs to one’s enemies.

Yet, if it’s also true that one’s friends can sometimes tell a lot about who they are, then anyone who is Akpabio’s friend and gets special treatment cannot claim they’re strangers to his flippancy, a shortcoming for which he cannot help himself. Akpoti-Uduaghan should know him.

A lifestyle of rough jokes

As governor of Akwa Ibom State, he said before TV cameras at a zonal meeting in Port Harcourt that “hungry” state party chairmen of his former party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), should be given one million naira each for snacks at Mr. Biggs. Akpabio also famously said that whatever money cannot do, more money can do.

The bawdier variety range from telling young protesters last year that those who wanted to protest could do so “while the rest of us would be here eating.” Not to mention his off-colour quip about the Senate not being a night club or his pre-recess gaffe to “send prayers” (meaning money) to senators just before their holiday.

The man can’t help himself. He thinks the allegation against him is wokeism gone rogue and called it “a useless allegation of sexual harassment.” But the gravity goes beyond his insinuation that Akpoti-Uduaghan is fighting back for losing her “juicy” committee seat or his charge that she thinks of herself as finer than Snow White, a woman to kill for.

Under the rug

The point is that even though he has framed this dispute as a useless distraction, he should never have been the prosecutor and judge in his own case. Because he was involved – the second time in five years – the matter should have been referred to an independent panel or opened to the public.

Allegations of sexual harassment are often difficult to prove. Many incidents occur privately, leaving no direct witnesses or corroborative testimony. Claims usually rely on the complainant’s words, and documentation of circumstantial evidence is challenging.

Referring the matter to the Ethics and Privileges committee was supposed to create a veneer of impartiality. Still, Akpabio’s vindictiveness was apparent long before the committee returned the six-month suspension verdict on Akpoti-Uduaghan. The Senate president was pulling the strings.

It is not Akpoti-Uduaghan’s right to a fair, impartial hearing alone that was at stake, even though the absence of that should have been sufficient to discredit her punishment. Akpabio has also abridged the rights of the senator’s constituents in Kogi Central by this libidinous overreach.

He should have been more restrained.

A worrying record

Discipline of members shouldn’t be done lightly. Of eight senators suspended since 1999, three have been in the last two years under Akpabio’s presidency. In 236 years, the US Senate has censured nine members.

In South Africa, apart from the raft of parliamentarians who resigned after the so-called Travelgate scandal in the early 2000s, the most notable cases of censure since 1994 have been Julius Malema and Jacob Zuma, for different reasons.

Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele has said Akpoti-Uduaghan was not suspended for her allegation against the Senate president but for multiple breaches, from refusal to sit in her assigned seat, speaking without recognition, disruptive behaviour, and failure to appear before the Senate Ethics Committee, contrary to Senate Orders 2023 as amended.

With only four women out of 109 senators (both chambers of the National Assembly have eight of 490 members), this might sound like music to the ears of the male-dominated chamber. But in the hallways, just outside their gilded offices, the word is that after a previous sexual harassment allegation by Akpoti-Uduaghan against former presidential aide Reno Omokri, it’s time to teach her a lesson.

Spouses beware

Akpabio cannot come clean by asking his wife to tell us what a faithful husband he has been. Or telling us stories of how he spent the night at the Dangote Cement factory to make it to Akpoti-Uduaghan’s wedding. We have an idea what spouses would say in situations like this, and where he spent the night to attend his friend’s wedding is his business.

Enough of the salacious spellbinder. He should allow an independent investigation and publish the findings to bring closure to this sordid episode.

The ongoing controversy surrounding Senator Neda Bernards Imasuen is a glaring reflection of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. A man disbarred by the New York State Supreme Court in 2010 for fraudulent activities now leads the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions. The irony is staggering—how does an individual deemed unfit to practice law in the U.S. assume responsibility for upholding ethical standards in Nigeria’s legislature? His role in dismissing Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexual harassment petition against Senate President Godswill Akpabio exposes deep-seated issues of power abuse, institutional corruption, and gender-based oppression.

But this is bigger than Imasuen or Akpabio—it speaks to the broader erosion of governance in a country that continues to recycle tainted individuals into positions of power. Nigeria’s democracy, already struggling against systemic corruption, is being steadily dismantled by those entrusted to protect it. Public trust is continually eroded, impunity is normalized, and disgraced figures are rewarded instead of held accountable. This is the slow poisoning of a nation.

The Ethical Contradiction: A Man Barred for Misconduct Overseeing Ethics

Despite Imasuen’s reckless declaration of Natasha’s petition as ‘dead on arrival,’ his blatant mistreatment of a female senator, and his disregard for a court order, I do not want to rush to judgment. He not only ignored judicial directives but proceeded to push a six-month suspension recommendation before the Senate—an act of defiance that speaks volumes about how power is wielded in Nigeria.

However, we should not crucify him just yet. He is a product of a system that has allowed corruption to fester at every level. The same Nigerians now condemning him are themselves trapped in institutions riddled with corruption, ethical decay, and abuse of power. That said, let us hear from him. Before passing full judgment, he might have insights Nigerians do not yet have, particularly concerning his New York disbarment and other unresolved aspects of his past. If there is any credibility left in him, he should step forward and explain himself.

Yes, he was disbarred. Yes, he concealed it. Yes, he mistreated Natasha. But let us give him a chance to speak. He might possess information that the Nigerian public lacks. He should return to Arise TV or another credible platform to offer his defense. Silence will only deepen suspicions. If he believes his actions are defensible, let him make his case publicly.

Yet no amount of justification can erase the glaring contradiction of his past. His misconduct is not speculation—it is documented. He abandoned a client, embezzled funds, refused to comply with disciplinary authorities, and fled justice in America. This is the man charged with overseeing ethical matters in Nigeria’s Senate. His disbarment was not a minor infraction—it was a judicial decision marking him unfit to practice law. And yet, in Nigeria, such a person is seen as worthy of enforcing accountability.

Democratic institutions thrive on transparency, accountability, and ethical integrity. The Nigerian media, as a watchdog, must balance due process with a refusal to let critical ethical concerns be swept aside. The dismissal of Natasha’s petition is not just about political maneuvering; it reflects deep psychological barriers to addressing gender-based violence within Nigeria’s power structures.

When a woman in power is silenced, when due process is manipulated to shield the powerful, and when institutions meant to provide justice instead suppress the vulnerable, democracy itself is under siege. Natasha’s suspension is not an isolated event—it is a warning of the continued weaponization of power against those who refuse to conform to corrupt political hierarchies.

The Political Class: A System That Enables Corruption

The Nigerian political class has perfected the art of concealing scandals under the cover of new appointments. Those who should be facing consequences for their past misdeeds are instead elevated to higher offices. Imasuen is not an anomaly—he is a reflection of a system that thrives on impunity. Politicians with criminal backgrounds, unresolved fraud cases, and ethical stains continue to occupy powerful positions. Figures like Akpabio, with alleged unresolved cases with law enforcement, remain untouchable, shielded by institutional control over the media, police, and judiciary. But I say to them: time will catch up with you.

Nigeria has become a refuge for individuals who cannot survive in functional democracies due to their past crimes. They return, rebrand themselves, and flourish in a system that rewards rather than punishes corruption. The difference between Imasuen and other political figures is that he was reportedly barred for life. That he now chairs the Ethics Committee in the Senate—an institution meant to uphold accountability—is not just hypocrisy; it is an insult to governance.

The Call for Dignity

Stepping Aside for the Nation’s SakeI take no joy in saying this—but both Imasuen and Akpabio should temporarily step aside. They might believe that anything goes in Nigeria, that this too shall pass, but I implore them: have some dignity. If they fail to act with honor, the way global legal systems are evolving, they may eventually find themselves disgraced beyond repair. The honorable step for them is to resign—now, before the walls close in.

A Test for Nigeria’s Democratic Future

Nigeria’s democracy must rise above legal technicalities that allow ethically compromised individuals to infiltrate its highest offices. The unchecked abuse of power is a disease—one that spreads, corrodes, and ultimately dismantles any hope for justice and governance. The media, civil society, and political stakeholders must push for structural reforms that prioritize accountability, gender equity, and psychological fairness in addressing misconduct allegations.

This moment is a defining test for Nigeria’s democratic future. The world is watching, history is recording, and the window for impunity is closing. The question remains—will Nigeria finally hold its leaders accountable, or will it continue to enable the very forces that undermine its progress?

The pro-El-Rufai group argues that Agunloye’s ongoing trial by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) could be used by the Federal Government to undermine the party.

Meanwhile, SDP’s National Legal Adviser, Aderemi Abimbola, clarified to The Guardian that, contrary to speculation, only El-Rufai has formally joined the party, though discussions are ongoing with other political figures.

He revealed that the party has been receiving defectors from various northern states since the start of the year, adding that a group of APC supporters from Gombe recently visited the SDP headquarters.

“Just yesterday, supporters of the APC in Gombe were here. These were once key figures in the governor’s campaign. The situation escalated to the point that when the governor saw them on an aircraft, he was so frustrated that he wanted to slap one of them,” Abimbola recounted.

The legal adviser described El-Rufai’s move as a “major boost” for the SDP, noting that the former governor commands a strong political following, particularly in the North.

“Even before he officially joined, his supporters were already defecting to our party. His presence will strengthen the SDP significantly,” he said.

On demands for balancing the NWC membership, Abimbola dismissed the idea, stating:

He said: “There is no vacancy in our NWC, and no one can join SDP expecting an automatic ticket. Every candidate must contest in the primaries. Those who defect must understand they are joining as members first.”

Regarding speculation that former Sokoto State Governor Attahiru Bafarawa is considering joining the SDP, Abimbola said: “Until he publicly declares his membership, it remains a rumour.”

He also refuted claims that President Bola Tinubu controls the SDP, insisting, “If that were the case, I wouldn’t be here working under difficult conditions.”

At the party’s headquarters, pro-El-Rufai protesters carrying placards called for Agunloye’s removal, accusing him of mismanaging the party and arguing that he should clear his name over corruption allegations before continuing in office.

[NaijaNews]

…Imports from Thailand jump 60-fold in one year

…Over 50 small-scale millers shut down in 2024- RIMAN

The gains recorded in the Nigerian rice industry are fast fading as high production costs squeeze local millers, leaving room for foreign varieties to flood the markets across the nation.

Apart from the spiraling production costs, experts also attribute the influx of foreign rice to quality concerns of some local varieties as well as porous borders, especially in northern Nigeria.

Nigeria’s rice imports from Thailand surged 60-fold in one year, hitting 34,855 metric tons (MT) in 2024. This is the highest since 2017, according to data from the Thai Rice Exporters Association.

Data also show that Togo and Benin’s imports into Nigeria surged 175 percent and 105 percent to 144, 552 and 286,649 metric tons (MT) respectively in one year, with much of the rice smuggled into Nigeria through porous borders.

BusinessDay surveyed key rice markets across Lagos and found that more foreign parboiled varieties were on traders’ shelves than local brands.

Paddy rice isn’t enough

Peter Dama, national chairman of Rice Millers Association of Nigeria (RIMAN), said despite efforts by the government to promote domestic production, paddy output remains insufficient to meet the demand of millers.

“Rice millers cannot ramp up production and compete with cheaper imports with the high cost of paddy, energy costs and interest rates,” he said, noting that over 50 small-scale millers shut down operations last year.

He faulted the federal government’s duty-free import policy for rice exporters, noting that it might lead to the collapse of the local industry.

Nigeria needs 11 million MT of paddy to meet current domestic consumption but it produces about 4.8 million metric tons or 2.64 million metric tons of milled rice, according to the Rice Processors Association of Nigeria (RIPAN).

The association, in a 2023 snapshot report, said most millers had large unutilised capacity and hence huge overheads per unit of capacity utilised owing to macroeconomic challenges and scarcity of paddy that year.

Preference for foreign rice

Bashir Ismail, chief executive officer of Bashir Rice, said several millers, including Bashir Rice, shut down their operations in 2024 owing to paddy scarcity amid surging production costs.

“We have shut down our mill and we are now into the distribution of agro-inputs and commodities,” Ismail said. “Our rice cannot compete favourably with imported varieties and Nigerians still prefer to consume foreign rice than locally produced ones,” he noted.

According to him, the country’s rice production will decline with imported varieties filling the gap as the federal government cancelled the Anchor Borrowers Programme – a subsidy initiative for rice farmers.

“Our rice production has been declining and with the cancellation of the Anchor Borrowers Programme, it will drop further,” he noted.

Data from a new report by the United States Department of Agriculture on Nigeria’s rice production show that the country’s rice production declined by 6.7 percent in the 2024/2025 season to 5.23 million metric tons (MT) from 5.61 million MT in 2023/2024 season.

The data further indicate that the figure is the lowest the country has recorded since 2020 when the COVID-19 pandemic obstructed farming activities.

Chukwudi Ojinnaka, group managing director of Stine Rice, said most of the rice tagged as foreign in markets are local varieties rebranded as foreign owing to Nigerians’ high preference for foreign rice.