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Nigerian music legend Innocent Idibia, better known as Tuface, made a surprise appearance at the Edo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal sitting in Abuja on Wednesday.

He arrived at the tribunal with his new lover, Natasha Osawaru, who is the Deputy Majority Leader of Edo state House of Assemblym.

 
 

The duo appeared in court, spent some minutes, before heading out.

The tribunal is set to deliver judgment on the petition by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate, Asue Ighodalo, challenging the victory of Governor Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State.

 

Osawaru, the granddaughter of billionaire Gabriel Igbinedion, got engaged by 2Face following his separation from his wife, Annie Marculey.

Since then, the singer and the lawmaker have been spotted together in public on multiple occasions.

Recently, the Edo lawmaker recently updated her Instagram bio to reflect the singer’s surname, Idibia.

The duo appeared in court, spent some minutes, before heading out.

[Dailytrust]

The Tesla electric vehicle, Model Y, has become the best-selling in China and Norway in March 2025.

Elon Musk, the billionaire owner of Tesla, confirmed this in a separate X statement on Wednesday.

According to data on the revamped Model Y, performance showed that 43,370 units of the car were sold in March 2025 to become the best-selling battery electric vehicle in China.

Commenting in a terse statement on X, Musk said, “Tesla Model Y is #1 in China.”

Similarly, in Norway, a report showed that Tesla’s Model Y sold 1819 units in March alone. Also, the data indicate that 2792 units of Model X were sold in the first quarter of 2025.

Earlier, Elon Musk stated that “Tesla actually literally makes the best-selling car on Earth of any kind. That’s two years in a row.”

The development comes amid a surge in the attacks on Tesla vehicles, dealerships, storage lots, and charging stations in some parts of the United States.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI, has launched a task force to kerb attacks on Tesla vehicles.

In a related development, recall that President Donald Trump recently announced a 25 percent tariff on automobile imports to boost the domestic car industry, which is expected to kickoff on Wednesday, 2 April, 2025.

[DailyPost]

 

Despite the recent upward adjustments of the Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) petrol by different prices, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has left its unchanged at N880 per litre in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

The Nation’s investigation at all NNPCL retail outlets in the city revealed the uniform price of N880 per litre.

In Lagos, the corporation has retained pump price at N860 while other major marketers have increased to between N930-N980. 

Its Chief Corporate Communications Officer, Mr. Olufemi Soneye attributed the stability of price in the state-owned oil firm’s outlets to its determination to adhere to its core mandate.

The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) mandates the NNPCL to guarantee energy security for the country.

 

Asked why has NNPCL left the pump price unchanged, Soneye told The Nation in Whatsapp text message that its for energy security mandate.

He further noted the PIA mandates NNPCL to be the supplier of last resort.

Soneye said: “Energy security. The law mandates NNPC to be the supplier of last resort.”

Asked whether NNPCL was sustaining the pump price at a loss, he said “not really.”
NNPCL’s refineries Port Harcourt and Warri have been operational, also supplying products to the domestic market.

 

It refines its own feedstock from its upstream firm- National Petroleum Development Company (NPDC) and JVCs.

Its sustenance of the pump price despite the changes in most components of the petrol pricing template such as crude oil price increase and exchange rate shows a maintenance of a slim profit margin for energy security.

The Nation’s investigation at the petrol stations in Abuja showed that some major oil marketers sold the product from between N950 per litre to N970 per litre. 

Some independent marketers vended the petrol for N990 per litre with little or no patronage.

But the NNPCL outlets recorded significant patronage.

Dangote affiliate petrol station, MRS  vended the product for N950 per litre after adjusting the price from N880 per litre.

The management of Dangote Refinery on March 19 announced the temporary suspension of sale of petrol in Naira.

According to the announcement, the NNPCL had stopped the sale of feedstock to the plant in Naira.

[TheNation]

The Sokoto State Commissioner of Health, Faruk Wurno, has expressed deep concern over the use of harmful traditional practices by local barbers in treating metal poisoning cases.

Wurno condemned the practice of making incisions on patients’ stomachs as a form of treatment and called for its immediate cessation.

Speaking during the presentation of government-supplied drugs for metal poisoning treatment at General Hospital Tureta on Wednesday, Wurno emphasised the need for affected individuals to seek medical attention at hospitals instead of resorting to unsafe traditional methods.

“The practice of making incisions on the stomach of patients suffering from metal poisoning must stop immediately. Instead, those showing symptoms should be rushed to hospitals for proper medical care,” the commissioner directed.

 

Wurno, represented by the Executive Director of the State Hospital Services Management Board, Bello Attahiru, assured that the government would distribute the essential drugs to all general hospitals handling metal poisoning cases.

 

Sokoto

Receiving the medical supplies, the Chairman of Tureta Local Government Council, Aliyu Tureta, expressed gratitude, noting that the provision of the drugs was timely.

Tureta assured that the local government would ensure proper utilisation of the medicines for their intended purpose, highlighting the council’s earlier efforts in addressing the health crisis.

The state government’s intervention is expected to curb the dangerous traditional treatment methods and improve access to safer and more effective medical care for affected patients. The first

[Punch]

La Liga said Wednesday Barcelona did not have the financial capacity to register players Dani Olmo and Pau Victor and still lack it, ahead of a decision by Spain’s sports council (CSD) over the duo’s eligibility to play.

In January Barcelona announced a deal had been reached to sell VIP boxes at the club’s Camp Nou stadium, currently being rebuilt, worth a reported 100 million euros ($108 million), which gave them the financial fair play room for new licences for the players.

La Liga said Barcelona used an unnamed auditor between December 31 and January 3 which recorded the deal on the club’s books, but their current auditor no longer includes it in the club’s interim financial statements for the first part of the 2024-25 season.

“No amount from the (VIP box deal) is ultimately recorded in the profit and loss accounts, contrary to what had been certified by the club and the auditor at the time of said transaction,” said La Liga in a statement.

La Liga said they were reporting the auditor Barcelona used between December 31 and January 3 to the Accounting and Auditing Institute.

“Barcelona… did not have on December 31, 2024, or on January 3, 2025, nor has it had since that date, nor does it currently have, (the financial fair play capacity) for the registration of the players Dani Olmo and Pau Victor,” continued La Liga’s statement.

Barcelona declined to comment when asked about the matter by AFP.

On January 8 the CSD granted Barcelona precautionary permission to use Olmo and Victor, after La Liga said Barca failed to register them before a deadline at the end of December when their temporary licences they were given after signing last summer expired.

The CSD decided Olmo and Victor could be selected by Barca until they make a definitive ruling in the club’s case against La Liga and the Spanish football federation (RFEF), who did not let the club renew their registrations. The ruling is set to come on or before April 7.

The players were initially registered on a short-term basis, as Barcelona took advantage of a financial loophole following an injury to defender Andreas Christensen.

Olmo, currently injured, has played 13 times since then, scoring two goals and providing four assists, while Victor has five substitute appearances.

[Vanguard]

President Bola Tinubu will depart Abuja today for Paris, the French capital.

In a statement, Bayo Onanuga, special adviser to the president on information and strategy, said during the “short working visit”, Tinubu will review his administration’s achievements so far.

“President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will depart for Paris, France, today on a short working visit,” the statement reads.

 

“During the visit, the President will appraise his administration’s midterm performance and assess key milestones.

 

“He will also use the retreat to review the progress of ongoing reforms and engage in strategic planning ahead of his administration’s second anniversary.

“This period of reflection will inform plans to deepen ongoing reforms and accelerate national development priorities in the coming year.

“Recent economic strides reinforce the President’s commitment to these efforts, as evidenced by the Central Bank of Nigeria reporting a significant increase in net foreign exchange reserves to $23.11 billion — a testament to the administration’s fiscal reforms since 2023 when net reserves were $3.99 billion.”

 

He said while away, Tinubu will remain “fully engaged” with his cabinet and continue to oversee governance activities.

Onanuga added that the president will return to Nigeria in about two weeks.

The president has embarked on a raft of “working/private visits” to France since his inauguration on May 29, 2023.

Shortly after winning the presidential election in 2023, Tinubu departed for Paris.

 

In January 2024, Tinubu travelled to France for a “private visit”.

In November of the same year, the president landed in the European country for a “state visit”.

In January 2025, Tinubu was in France again for a private visit.

[TheCable]

2025 has already been a chaotic year for both Bitcoin (CRYPTO: BTC) and Solana (CRYPTO: SOL), with the former losing 6% of its value and the latter losing 28% even as both are exposed to major catalysts in the form of an emerging apparently pro-crypto regulatory regime in the U.S.

But through the rest of the year, there could be a lot of upward action in both of these coins. Here's which one is the better option for an investment of $2,000.

A question of appetite for risk

Bitcoin is the safer of these coins, which makes it the better choice for conservative investors. The reason for that is Bitcoin does not need to compete with other chains for investors' capital on the basis of its technology or the value of the projects in its blockchain ecosystem.

Think about buying gold. Nobody expects that gold will get any upgrades that make it easier to use as a store of value; people buy it because it's scarce, and it's energy-intensive to mine. It's the same idea with Bitcoin. As there can only be 21 million Bitcoins that ever exist, every new coin that's mined and purchased is a coin that someone else can't have.

The world could change a vast amount over the coming years, and those central precepts would still remain true, and the coin would retain value due to its scarcity. But, generally, investments that have a shot at retaining most of their value are not as effective at positioning investors to gain from changes to that value, as the assets themselves are less likely to change. So it's reasonable to expect that there will not be as much growth with an investment in Bitcoin compared to an investment in an alternative like Solana.

For Solana, consider it to be closer to an ecosystem that you're betting will expand and become prosperous. If the many projects hosted on Solana's chain flourish (and based on their ever-increasing application revenues over time it seems like that's the case), there will be more demand for the coin, as the coin is a prerequisite for taking most actions when using the chain. If, on the other hand, a more effective chain comes along that beats Solana on its technical chops, it might be a problem.

In terms of the future segments that could drive Solana to higher values, artificial intelligence (AI) is likely to be the most important. There are already a slew of projects on Solana claiming to offer infrastructure for AI agents to hold resources on and interact with the blockchain. But it remains to be seen if those projects will actually generate value in a way that attracts more capital to invest in Solana or its tokens.

Therein lies the risk: While an AI-fueled boom would send the coin's price higher by increasing the total value stored on the chain as distributed in its tokens, such a boom would need to be more than a flash in the pan to keep the price rising over the long term. And it's too early to tell what might happen, which implies that investors will be taking a significant risk if they buy Solana, even if the upside could be tremendous.

Give these investments plenty of time to deliver their value

Regardless of whether you prefer the higher-risk proposition of Solana or the safer pick of Bitcoin, you're going to need to retain your coins for at least a few years to give time for the investment theses for each to play out in full.

On that front, Bitcoin is probably the asset that will require the longer hold to fully benefit. Its increasing mining difficulty occurs over the course of years, and in all probability, decades. It is possible to sell your coins before those long periods have elapsed, but you'll be leaving money on the table by doing so.

In contrast, a lot can change with Solana in just a couple of years, especially considering the pace at which trends in cryptocurrency segments come and go. So far, the most durable trend that the chain has claimed as its own is the meme coin casino -- a dubious distinction, but a driver of its value nonetheless. Ongoing success in more serious segments like AI agents, AI infrastructure, or decentralized finance (DeFi) would do a lot to ensure that the chain's value survives as the world changes around it.

[The Motley Fool ]

So far, crypto markets haven’t behaved as expected under the Trump Administration. Investors hoped that regulatory reform and policies like a Bitcoin Strategic Reserve would drive prices appreciably higher. But it’s been the opposite. Bitcoin has fallen from highs well above $100,000 at the beginning of the year to a trough in the mid-80,000s for most of March.

Crypto prices have suffered from being increasingly correlated with traditional assets like stocks and bonds, which have been hit by macroeconomic uncertainty. Tariffs — surcharges the U.S. places on imports from other countries — have Wall Street worried about a global recession. Crypto investors have been steering clear of crypto assets, which are seen as relatively risky.

“This is all about markets’ ‘risk appetite’ which continues to deteriorate, and for the time being drives a wedge between crypto assets and gold, which continues to be the ‘safe haven’ of choice,” said Marc Ostwald, Chief Economist & Global Strategist at ADM Investor Services International.

“[That’s] in no small part driven by central bank FX reserve managers, who are seeking to reduce USD exposure, which has long been a source of concern to them.”

As the global financial and trade system becomes more fragmented, investors are seeking alternatives to riskier assets, including dollars. For now, that means turning to gold, which is up 18% year-to-date.

But that could change, said Omid Malekan, an adjunct professor at Columbia Business School and author of "The Story of the Blockchain: A Beginner's Guide to the Technology That Nobody Understands." Bitcoin could be the new gold soon enough.

“I think the entire [future] is uncertain and in some ways unknowable, because there are many crosscurrents and both crypto and tariffs are new. Some people argue that crypto is just a risk-on tech asset and would sell off due to tariffs. But bitcoin has found footing in some circles as ‘digital gold’ and the physical variety is soaring on the tariff news. So which will it be?”

In other words, economic uncertainty could lead investors to seek out bitcoin just as they have sought out gold in recent months.

Another note of positivity: the impact of tariffs on crypto could be “priced in” and the worst might be over already, said Zach Pandl, head of research at Grayscale, a leading crypto asset management firm.

President Trump is due to announce U.S. tariffs on Wednesday, April 2, at 4 p.m. ET—what’s known as “Liberation Day.” According to reports, he’ll lay out “reciprocal tariffs” against 15 countries that have levied tariffs against the U.S., including China, Canada and Mexico.

Pandl estimates tariffs have so far taken 2% off economic growth this year. But Liberation Day might actually stop the worst of the pain felt in financial markets. “If we see an announcement [on Wednesday] that is tough but phased, and focused on the 15 countries they seem to be targeting, my expectation is that markets will rally on that news,” Pandl told CoinDesk.

“Potentially once we get through this announcement, crypto markets can focus back on the fundamentals which are very positive.”

Pandl said announcements like Circle’s IPO wouldn’t be happening if institutions didn’t have a high degree of confidence in the digital assets sector and the policies around it.

Moreover, Pandl, a former macro-economist at Goldman Sachs, believes that tariffs will increase the appetite for currencies that aren’t dollars.

“I think tariffs will weaken the dominant role of the dollar and create space for competitors including bitcoin. Prices have gone down in the short run. But the first few months of the Trump Administration have raised my conviction in the longer term for bitcoin as a global monetary asset.”

Pendl still believes that bitcoin will hit new all-time highs this year, despite current pessimism around prices. “I wouldn’t have quit my Wall Street job if I didn’t think bitcoin will be the winner in the long term,” he said.

[CoinDesk]

In Nigeria’s murky political landscape, where opposition voices are often stifled, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s ordeal stands out as a glaring example of how power is wielded against those who dare to challenge the status quo. The relentless political persecution she has faced before, during, and after her election into the Senate reveals a disturbing trend of intimidation, gender bias, and an apparent fear of her rising influence.

From the moment she declared her intention to contest for the Kogi Central Senatorial seat, Natasha has been subjected to a series of orchestrated attacks. The political establishment, particularly the ruling party in Kogi State, has continuously thrown roadblocks in her way. The latest chapter in this troubling saga is her ongoing suspension from the Senate, a move that reeks of political witch-hunting.

In fact, before the election, it was no doubt a rough road to the Senate.  This is as Natasha her political ambition has always been met with hostility from entrenched political forces. As a woman in a male-dominated political space, she was never going to have it easy. However, the level of resistance she encountered went beyond mere political rivalry; it became a full-blown war against her person.

 

Her 2019 gubernatorial ambition in Kogi State was met with a violent and systematic crackdown. Her campaign offices were attacked, her supporters were harassed, and she faced relentless smear campaigns in the media. Rather than engage her on the issues, her opponents resorted to intimidation tactics designed to break her spirit. The same pattern followed her senatorial bid in 2023.

From the moment she secured the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), all manner of legal and extra-legal obstacles were thrown her way. Her candidacy was challenged in court on flimsy grounds, and there were multiple attempts to manipulate the electoral process to ensure she did not emerge victorious. However, despite the numerous hurdles, Natasha triumphed, winning the Senate seat in a keenly contested election. But even after her victory, the battle did not end.

The moment Natasha was sworn into office, it became clear that certain powerful forces were not ready to accept her presence in the Senate. The political persecution she endured before her election seamlessly transitioned into a new phase, one that involved attempts to frustrate her legislative efforts and, eventually, remove her from office.

 

The situation reached a boiling point when she was suspended from the Senate under controversial circumstances. The reason given for her suspension was a supposed breach of parliamentary rules, but many political analysts believe it was nothing more than a calculated move to silence her for crying out loud that she was being harassed sexually by the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio.

Her suspension followed a series of confrontations with powerful figures within the National Assembly and her state government. Unlike many lawmakers who prefer to toe the line of political godfathers, Natasha has remained vocal in her criticism of policies that do not favor the people she represents. This, undoubtedly, made her a target.

Given her travails, it is not out of context to ask, “Is she a victim of being a woman, or rather is it because she is a fearless woman in a man’s world?

 

In answering the foregoing question, one cannot overlook the gender dynamics at play in Natasha’s travails. Nigerian politics has long been an exclusive club for men, with women often relegated to the background. When women dare to challenge this dominance, they are met with aggressive resistance, and Natasha’s case is a classic example.

From verbal attacks laced with sexist undertones to physical threats and outright political exclusion, Natasha has faced it all. The hostility towards her is reminiscent of the experiences of other female politicians in Nigeria who have had to fight twice as hard as their male counterparts to gain recognition and respect.

Rather than judge her based on her capabilities and contributions, many of her critics have chosen to focus on her gender, using it as a weapon to discredit her. If she were a man, would she have faced the same level of opposition? This question lingers in the minds of many who have followed her political journey.

 

There is no denying the fact that Kogi State has a reputation for political turbulence, and Natasha’s struggles cannot be divorced from the power play within the state. Her victory in the senatorial election was a significant blow to the ruling party in the state, as she defeated a candidate who had the backing of the former governor, Yahaya Bello.

The ruling party in Kogi has made no secret of its disdain for Natasha. The state’s political machinery has been mobilized against her at every turn. The legal battles, the threats, the propaganda, all point to a coordinated effort to undermine her influence.

One of the most telling signs of this political vendetta was the alleged role played by state-sponsored thugs in disrupting her campaign activities before the election. Even after winning, her victory was contested in court in what many saw as a desperate attempt to keep her out of the Senate.

 

Concerning her suspension from the Senate, it is not an exaggeration to opine that it is a dangerous precedent. In fact, her suspension from the Senate is not just an attack on her but a dangerous precedent that could be used to silence other dissenting voices. If a senator can be suspended simply for speaking out about her plight in the Senate, what does that say about the state of democracy in Nigeria?

Her suspension also raises questions about the impartiality of the leadership of the Senate. If parliamentary rules were truly the issue, why have other senators who have engaged in far more controversial activities not faced the same fate? The selective application of disciplinary measures suggests that Natasha’s case is politically motivated.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it cannot be wrong to contextually scream, “Enough is enough!” The persecution of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan must stop. It is time for those behind this unrelenting campaign against her to step back and allow her to perform her legislative duties without intimidation.

 

The Senate must revisit her suspension and ensure that due process is followed. If she is guilty of any offense, let it be addressed in a fair and transparent manner, not through politically motivated vendettas. More importantly, the political class in Kogi State must recognize that democracy thrives on diversity of opinions. The constant attempt to shut out opposition figures does not bode well for the state or the country at large.

Natasha has shown remarkable resilience in the face of adversity. She has refused to be cowed by the intimidation tactics used against her. Her story is an inspiration to many young Nigerians, particularly women, who aspire to leadership positions. If she can stand her ground despite the odds, then others can too.

 

Just today, April 1, 2025, she defies Kogi rally ban, even confirms Sallah visit to constituency, and announced that she would not back out on her plan to return to her constituency for the Sallah break. She also urged her supporters to disregard speculations making the round that she has cancelled her scheduled visit.

Without a doubt, the political war against Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is excessive and unjustifiable. It is a reflection of a broader problem in Nigeria’s political system, where opposition voices are often treated as enemies rather than partners in governance.

It is time for the powers that be to allow Natasha to breathe. She won her election fair and square, and she deserves to serve her people without undue interference. This roforofo fight against her must stop—haba, wetin happen?

 

The recent tragic incident in Uromi, Edo State, where a vigilante group allegedly killed 16 hunters of Northern Nigeria extraction, has sparked national outrage. The media has been flooded with reports, some portraying the people of Uromi as hostile and unjust in their actions. However, the deeper, underlying issues that led to this unfortunate event have been largely ignored. A critical question must be asked: Who pushed the people of Uromi to the wall?

Without a doubt, Uromi, and neighboring communities in Esanland have been witnessing a history of hostility and survival from the hands of herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction. For years, Uromi, a largely agrarian community, has been under siege from armed herdsmen. The people have suffered relentless attacks, farm destruction, kidnappings, and killings. The tension between herders and farmers in Nigeria is well documented, but in Uromi, it has been particularly intense. Their plight has often been overlooked by both state and federal governments, leaving them to fend for themselves in the face of grave security threats.

The people of Uromi are not aggressors; they are victims who have had to adopt self-defense mechanisms for their survival. The killing of the 16 hunters, while tragic, cannot be viewed in isolation. It is a culmination of years of terror, frustration, and a desperate attempt to secure their land and lives.

 

To aptly put it, Uromi people have been fight a silent war as they have been under attack. There have been several documented cases of herdsmen attacks on Uromi and other Esan communities. In 2018, suspected armed herdsmen attacked a farm settlement in Uromi, killing farmers and displacing many families. The attack left the community in mourning and heightened fears among locals.

Again, in 2020, gunmen, believed to be herdsmen, stormed another farming settlement, killing four people and destroying large hectares of farmland. The police response was lackluster, as no arrests were made, and the community was left to deal with the trauma alone.

In 2022, another brutal attack took place in Uromi, where a farmer and his son were slaughtered in cold blood while working on their farm. Their only crime was resisting the invasion of their farmlands by cattle. In response to this growing insecurity, many communities, including Uromi, formed local vigilante groups to protect themselves.

 

Despite the incessant attack on the people of Uromi, it is widely alleged that the government has been silent to the people’s response for years, even as pleas from the people of Uromi for better security have fallen on deaf ears. Without a doubt, the government has failed to provide adequate policing or deploy military forces to curb the activities of these violent herdsmen. This neglect has fueled local efforts to establish self-defense groups, a move that some authorities have criticized, despite providing no alternatives.

When people are pushed to their limits, when their sources of livelihood are threatened, and when they live in constant fear for their lives, self-defense becomes inevitable. The people of Uromi, like many other Nigerians facing similar threats, have been left with no choice but to take matters into their own hands.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask, given the unfolding tragedy, “Was the killings in Uromi perpetrated due to self-defense or murder?

 

According to reports, the 16 men who were killed by the Uromi vigilante group were found with arms. The vigilantes, already on high alert due to past attacks, likely saw them as a potential threat. In a region where armed men have frequently carried out massacres, such an encounter was bound to escalate.

However, rather than painting the Uromi people as ruthless murderers, it is imperative to understand their fears and the history that shaped their response. It is easy to condemn an action without considering the buildup of events that led to it. It is important to ask whether these 16 men were truly hunters or if they had other motives, especially in a region that has suffered immense trauma from armed groups.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient in this context to urge the government to look beyond the Killings.  While investigating the incident in Uromi is necessary, the Nigerian government must look beyond the killings and address the root cause of the conflict. The real issue at hand is the unchecked movement of armed herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction, who invade farms and disrupt the livelihoods of people in the South. The government must recognize that this pattern of violence, displacement, and destruction is the primary factor fueling tensions between local communities and these groups.

 

It is unacceptable for individuals to roam freely with dangerous weapons under the guise of being hunters or herdsmen. This has led to consistent clashes, with innocent farming communities like Uromi bearing the brunt of the violence. If the government is truly interested in peace and justice, it must take immediate steps to regulate the movement of these armed groups and put an end to their activities.

For too long, the government has turned a blind eye to the complaints of farmers in the South, who continuously suffer losses due to cattle destruction of their crops and attacks from armed herdsmen. This neglect has left communities with no option but to resort to self-help, which can sometimes lead to tragic incidents like the recent one in Uromi. Instead of merely condemning the actions of the vigilantes, the government must take decisive action to prevent future clashes by addressing the issue from its root.

In fact, the Nigerian government must step in, not just to investigate this latest tragedy, but to address the root cause of the conflict. It is not enough to condemn the killings in Uromi while ignoring the years of attacks on the community. Justice must be served on both sides. If indeed the slain men were innocent hunters, then the perpetrators should face the law. However, if they were part of the larger insecurity problem in the region, the government must acknowledge this and act accordingly.

 

Moreover, security agencies must do more than issue statements. There must be a proactive approach to ensuring that all Nigerian communities, including Uromi, are protected from armed non-state actors. Policies should be put in place to prevent future conflicts and ensure that no community feels abandoned or forced into vigilantism.

To the view of this writer, by virtue of being an Edolite, having socialized with many Uromi people, particularly in his secondary school days, the people of Uromi are not evil, nor are they bloodthirsty. They are hospitable, peace-loving people who have endured years of suffering in silence. They have been pushed to the brink, left to defend themselves in the absence of government protection. The real question remains: Who pushed Uromi to the wall?

Until the Nigerian government takes decisive action to protect vulnerable communities, similar incidents are likely to occur across the country. It is time to address the underlying security crisis, restore faith in law enforcement, and ensure that no community is left to fight for its survival alone. The government must look at the bigger picture and acknowledge that allowing armed herdsmen and hunters to move freely is a threat to national security. Only then can lasting peace be achieved.