The Divisional Police Officer of Agbarho Police Station in Ughelli North Local Government Area of Delta State was ambushed and killed on Sunday night.

The Delta Police Command confirmed the incident to The Nation on Monday morning. 

Spokesman of the Command, SP Bright Edafe, said: “It is confirmed, the DPO Agbarho was killed and the Orerokpe DPO was injured. It was an ambush”.

The DPO was said to have resumed at the station just a few days ago.

According to sources, the DPO with his Orerokpe counterpart, CSP Paul and their men were ambushed around 1am at Owodokpokpo – the rail station axis of the town, while on their way for an operation. 

It was learnt that the Orerokpe DPO was rushed to an undisclosed hospital in critical condition. 

Several residents of the area who spoke with The Nation on Monday morning recounted their sleepless night as a result of the heavy sounds of gunshots.

[TheNation]

The Minister of Sports, John Enoh, has condemned the Libyan authorities’ treatment of the Super Eagles team ahead of its second leg match slated for Tuesday in the country.

The Nigerian contingent, who were billed to land in Benghazi for the second leg of their 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier against Libya, scheduled for Tuesday, was unexpectedly diverted mid-flight to Al Abraq, a small airport typically reserved for hajj operations.

The unexpected diversion left the players and officials stranded without any assistance from the Libyan Football Federation, which failed to provide transportation.

Reacting to the development in a statement on Monday, Enoh said he had reported the incident to all necessary authorities, adding that the focus was the safety of the senior men’s team.

The minister described the current situation of the Super Eagles as an ‘almost hostage’ situation.

The statement reads, “I strongly condemn the obnoxious treatment meted out to players and officials of the Senior National Team, the Super Eagles, who arrived in Libya yesterday, the 13th of October, for the reverse version of the match played on Friday in Uyo, the AFCON 2025 Group D qualifiers.

“The National Team was en route to Benghazi but was diverted on approach the airport(with very scant attention to their safety) to Al Abaq Airport, which is hours away from Benghazi, where their match is slated to take place.

“All through the night, I have escalated the matter and involved all necessary authorities. From the Foreign Affairs Minister, the National Security Adviser, the DG NIA, Amaju Pinnick, our CAF Executive member. I have also remained in touch with both the president of the NFF, who is on the ground with the team and the Chairman of Value Jet, owners of the plane that airlifted the team to Libya.

“All hands must be on deck to protect our National Team. The Team have succinctly stated that they have been unattended to for upwards of about 15 hrs since arrival, with no food, no accommodation, left in a mosquito-infested environment and cordoned off by Libyan security not to step out of the airport, and they have access to nothing. To say the least, they face an almost ‘hostage’ situation. These are sportsmen set to compete in an AFCON qualifying match come Tuesday!

“For now, our primary concern is the safety of the members of our national team. With the events of the past hours, their safety is not guaranteed, and the team insists they’re unable to go ahead with the match not just because of the trauma and consequent psychological torture but also because of fear for their safety.

The minister stated that he had directed the Nigeria Football Federation President to lay a formal complaint to the Confederation of African Football to take action on the matter.

He said, “As Sports Minister, I have instructed the NFF president to lay a formal complaint to CAF without prejudice to any actions already taken. This must be on record and thoroughly addressed. This morning, I was on a conference call with the CAF President and CAF Secretary General.

“While the CAF President’s concern seems to be what to do to get the national team to participate in tomorrow’s match, I have instead informed CAF that the concern of the Government and people of Nigeria is first, the safety of the team and their safe return, urging that CAF should focus on working with us to achieve this. There must be a serious adverse conseqùence to the Libyan football federation for this unspeakable behaviour.

“This can not be done by insisting that Nigeria still takes part in this match, given the very obvious situation. I strongly condemn the obnoxious treatment meted out to players and officials of the Senior National Team, the Super Eagles, who arrived in Libya yesterday, the 13th of October, for the reverse version of the match played on Friday in Uyo, the AFCON 2025 Group D qualifiers.

“The National Team was en route to Benghazi but was diverted on approach the airport(with very scant attention to their safety), to Al Abaq Airport, which is hours away from Benghazi, where their match is slated to take place.”

Enoh stated that he has escalated the ill-treatment meted out to the Super Eagles by the Libyan authorities since they landed at the Al Abaq Airport on Sunday to all concerned authorities.

He added, “All through the night, I have escalated the matter and involved all necessary authorities. From the Foreign Affairs Minister, the National Security Adviser, the DG NIA, Amaju Pinnick, our CAF Executive member.

“I have also remained in touch with both the president of the NFF, who is on the ground with the team and the Chairman of Value Jet, owners of the plane that airlifted the team to Libya. All hands must be on deck to protect our National Team.

“The Team have succinctly stated that they have been unattended to for upwards of about 15 hrs since arrival, with no food, no accommodation, left in a mosquito-infested environment and cordoned off by Libyan security not to step out of the airport, and they have access to nothing.

“To say the least, they face an almost ‘hostage’ situation. These are sportsmen set to compete in an AFCON qualifying match come Tuesday! For now, our primary concern is the safety of the members of our national team.”

The world is in turmoil. Various peoples are planning, strategising and re-strategising. The Middle East is meeting, especially as war is being brought to its doorsteps. The Americans want their November elections quickly out of the way so they can focus on their domination the world, irrespective of who wins the elections.

Their European first cousins are quite busy with the same agenda, but also how to handle their domineering first cousin in the North. Some ask: should Europeans not abandon the unwinnable war in Ukraine just as Benjamin Netanyahu has abandoned the Israeli hostages in Gaza and, let President Zelensky fool himself around the world with his stupid “Victory Plan”?

Russia and China are fairly focused even as South America and the Caribbean are uniting to find solutions to their problems.

All are busy strategising, except Africa bogged down with an African Union, AU, which has impaired vision and a poor leadership at its Commission whose chair, Moussa Faki Muhammad, is beholden to a fumbling France. As the rest of the world prepares for a possible international conflagration, African leaders are busy hopping from one foreign capital to the other attending ‘summits’.

When African leaders fly to Washington attending US-Africa Summit, Beijing for China-Africa FOCAC, Tokyo for Japan-Africa TICAD, Moscow for Russia-Africa Summit, Istanbul for Turkey-Africa Summit, Seoul for South-Korea- Africa Summit, Brussels for EU-Africa ‘Partnership’ and is summoned by a confused Zelensky for an Ukraine-Africa Summit, what time would they have to govern? Are there no costs to the African countries for these travels with retinue of officials who must be paid Estacode? The 55 African countries are behaving like cows led by a foreign herder or his under-aged child, armed with nothing more than a stick.

 While we wait for the next African leaders’ summit, perhaps called by Kosovo, it is time we start thinking. For a start, why can’t African leaders have a common position at these endless summits rather than allow the host to pull individual African leaders into a side room for so called bilateral talks?

Africa is suffering from such low esteem that after October 4, 2024 when the European Court of Justice, ECJ, ruled that European countries must stop stealing the fisheries and agricultural products of Western Sahara and, the European Union arrogantly vowed to continue, no African country raised a voice! Yet the Europeans are supposed to be our partners who for centuries have been lecturing the world about separation of powers and obeying court judgements. So, why don’t we have the courage to tell them to obey the final judgement of their own court?

A fundamental thing Africa lacks is leadership, and you do not need to be an elected or appointed leader of the AU, to provide that leadership. One of the most trying periods in Africa was in 1975-76 when the US insisted that the pro-people MPLA party in Angola, must be stopped from governing the new country. Rather, it instructed Africa to choose one of its two puppets: Holden Roberto of the FNLA or Jonas Savimbi of UNITA.

 When this was resisted, the US cobbled a force composed of the FNLA, UNITA, American mercenaries and Apartheid South Africa’s military to overrun Angola. When this was not working well, it sent its Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, on a trip through Africa directly warning African countries not to recognise the MPLA government. But at the January 11, 1976, OAU, now AU, Summit in Addis Ababa, then Nigeria Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed, stood up to denounce the US. He declared that: “Africa has come of age. It’s no longer under the orbit of any extra continental power. It should no longer take orders from any country, however powerful.”

Nigeria was not holding any position in the continental organisation when it took that principled stand that swayed the continent and, led to the recognition of the MPLA government.

Today, 48 years later, Nigeria needs to once again, step out to lead Africa out of a quagmire. First, let me alert the African people that the joint statement by the EU President von der Leyen and High Representative/Vice-President Josep Borrell that Europeans will not obey the European Court ruling on resources being stolen from Western Sahara, is not so much about a wilful and pointed rejection of a decision of their own court. It is more a plan to ensure a type of unending Israeli-Palestinian conflict in Africa. The Palestinian conflict has its roots in the November 2, 1917 colonial Britain gift of Palestinian lands to European Jews and adherents of Judaism. Britain gave the lands it did not own, to other peoples.

This is what the United States also did in Africa. On December 4, 2022, it issued its infamous ‘Proclamation on Recognizing The Sovereignty Of The Kingdom Of Morocco Over The Western Sahara.’ It read in part: “I, DONALD J. TRUMP, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim that, the United States recognizes that the entire Western Sahara territory is part of the Kingdom of Morocco.”

So, the US purports to give the Western Sahara lands it does not own, to Morocco. What the European Union is doing, is simply to implement the US proclamation which will ensure an unending conflict on the African continent.

Nigeria needs to step in and lead Africa out of this Euro-American trap. What we need to do is first to tell the EU it cannot be lawless in Africa. Two, that Europeans must obey their own court by stopping the theft of Western Sahara wealth. Three, drag the EU to the International Court of Justice, ICJ, over the matter just as South Africa, dragged Israel over the massacre in Gaza. Four, take the EU and its leadership before the United Nations. Five, demand that Morocco obeys the outstanding judgements of the ICJ, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the European Court. Six, get the AU to sanction Morocco for its occupation of a member country, and assist the Saharawi to live in peace within secured borders.

To effect these, the Tinubu administration should immediately stop any trade with Morocco on products like phosphate and fisheries looted from Western Sahara. It should ban all sardines from Morocco unless the latter can prove that they are not from Western Sahara waters. Also, it should stop the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline passing through Western Sahara unless it gets the endorsement of the POLISARIO government.

Generally, Nigeria should help get Africa to reset so it is no longer played around like ball on the world field.

Super Eagles forward, Victor Boniface, has raised his voice after the team were left stranded at Al Abraq International Airport in Libya, ahead Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) qualifier against the Mediterranean Knights.

Blueprint reports that Super Eagles players and officials were stranded at the airport after arriving in Libya on Sunday evening, a development which has prompted the NFF to mull boycotting the game.

Speaking on the incident via his X account on Monday morning, Boniface, a Bayer Leverkusen forward said the Nigerian team have been stranded at the Libyan airport for about 13 hours.

“Been at the airport for almost 13 hours no food no wifi nowhere to sleep. African we can do better,” Boniface wrote.

[blueprint]

Last week, I attended the book launch of renowned author and writer, Professor Tunde Olusunle. He launched two books. One of them is *Oriṣiriṣi: Vistas on contemporary politics in Nigeria.* In the book, the author noted how “Nigeria’s political class has perfected the art of recycling mediocrity,” One of the highlights of the book is “leadership ineptness”. I can bet that if the author had delayed the book launch, he would have added the proposed *Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages* to the list of *Oriṣiriṣi!*

What God cannot do, does not exist. A bill seeking to establish the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages has passed its first reading in the House of Representatives. For the first time, Nigerian languages will be taught in a specialised university. The reason is simple. Nigerian languages are well sought after around the world, including my native *Igala* language in Kogi State. I am also glad because the *Ngas* language in Plateau State would also gain prominence and my wife would be happy. I can’t thank Rt. Hon Benjamin Kalu, the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives enough for sponsoring such an important bill in the country’s legislative annals.

From what I gathered, the school would be located in Aba, in Abia state, and aims to “promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and culture for national development.” The institution will offer academic and professional programmes, including diplomas, degrees, and postgraduate research with a focus on Nigerian languages and cultures. It aims to “produce socially mature persons with the capacity to communicate, understand, and use Nigerian languages for national development”. We indeed have great thinkers in the country.

The last time I checked, there are *62 federal universities in Nigeria.* This almost works out at two federal universities per state in the nation’s 36 state structure. This number is too low for Rt Hon Benjamin Kalu and his co-sponsors. They want it to be at par with state universities across the country and for the larger population to be “socially mature to communicate, understand and use the Nigerian languages for national development.” This is good because the only problem they have identified is that Nigerians are not socially mature in the use of national languages, and it has hindered sustainable growth and development in the country.

Let me put it simply. The sponsors of this bill need to be chaperoned to Eagle Square in the “three arms zone” in Abuja and thoroughly flogged. The consultants who developed the concept notes should be conscripted into the Nigerian Army and deployed to the theatre of counter-insurgency operations in the North East. Let them use their conceptual “ingenuity” for the benefit of the country up there. This is what they have reduced the country to. It might be a political strategy as the proposed university would be cited in Aba, a city that is known for commerce and industry. However, what I know is that there is a *National Institute for Nigerian Languages (NINLAN),* also in Aba, Abia State. According to relevant information, “NINLAN is an Inter-University Centre for Nigerian Language Studies, under the regulation of the National Universities Commission (NUC) in Aba and established in 1993 as the apex institution for research, teaching, documentation, and coordination of studies in Nigerian languages.”

NINLAN’s mission is “to have accurate documentation of all Nigerian languages and develop standard orthographies for them by the year 2025, promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and to be the apex world-class centre for teaching, learning, and research into Nigerian languages, leading ultimately to a linguistic foundation for national unity, industrialization and socio-economic growth.” What I do not know is whether the plan is to change NINLAN to Bola Ahmed Federal University of Nigerian Languages. More so, NINLAN is a Federal Government tertiary institution and a unique and specialized tertiary educational Institution that runs a range of programmes. For example, the Institute currently runs three academic programmes. Its National Certificate of Education (NCE) programme is a combined honours programme in a Nigerian language and any other subject.

The Nigerian Language options include Efik, Fulfulde, Hausa, Ibibio, Igbo, Kanuri, Tiv, Urhobo and Yoruba. The Institute runs a Sub-Degree/Diploma Programme in Nigerian Languages, Communication Studies, Education, Linguistics, Library and Information Science, Translation Studies, and French, leading to the award of Diploma. It also runs Postgraduate diploma courses in Education (PGDE), Linguistics (PGDL), Translation Studies (PGDTS), Library and Information Science (PGDLIS), Communication Studies (PGDCOM); and a 12-month Graduate Conversion Programme for Graduates of disciplines other than Nigerian Languages.

Now here is the main gist. In August 2024, the federal government approved the upgrade of the National Institute for Nigerian Languages (NINLAN) into a degree-awarding institution to offer full-time degree programs in a range of disciplines that includes Bachelor’s degrees in Early Education, Business Education, Library and Information Science, Igbo and Community Studies, Igbo Language, Linguistics, and Mass Communication. Starting from the 2024/2025 academic session, NINLAN will deliver these courses in affiliation with Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka.

In the light of the above revelation, I do not know what Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu is up to with the quest to establish a Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages in Aba again. Is it to rival the National Institute for Nigerian Languages? Because his proposal is a very obvious duplication. Maybe he wants to add to the list of federal universities in his home state as the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. Maybe he wants to position himself for relevance in the political hierarchy of the state and the country. And the choice of name for the proposed institution is indicative. These are my assumptions and I stand to be corrected. Did I remind us that Nigerian language are thought in most conventional Nigerian universities? Have we forgotten the long existing *Institute for African Studies* at the University of Ibadan which is a repository of various Nigerian cultures?

However, I have a suggestion to help the bill scale second reading. The proposed university should be sited in the federal capital territory and with campuses in all states in the federation because the objective is to “promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and culture for national development.”. Please don’t get me wrong. I am excited because I am *Igala* and the *Igala* language would be studied across the country too. The “ingenuity” of Rt. Hon Benjamin Kalu and the co-sponsors of the bill must be commended and appreciated. This is another *Oriṣiriṣi.*

Ocheja, a military historian and doctoral researcher, is an alumnus of the Nigerian Defence Academy.

In a period of less than four weeks, representatives from 186 countries that confirmed their participation would be assembling in the splendid city of Baku, the Azerbaijani capital to showcase their efforts to limit global warming and host discussions to prepare for future climate change.

The expected delegates, numbering between twenty to forty thousand, coupled with about the same number of activists and other interested parties are expected to discuss the adaptation and mitigation efforts required to achieve significant positive outcomes in the coming years towards tackling climate change.

Each country has its nationally determined goals and priorities (NDCs), and these are also the points of dissonances.

Azerbaijan, speaking through their minister of environment Mansour Babayev, says they want this year’s summit to give attention to making climate finance more available, accessible and affordable to developing countries so that they can achieve their climate ambitions and implement their their NDCs.

Beyond the hackneyed issues of mitigation and adaptation, the hosts this year have stated the goal of working with others to find ways for an increase in financing climate mitigation by the Least Developed Countries, LDCs.

Determined to assist these African and other developing countries to prepare themselves well with platforms and the usual debates, Azerbaijan dispatched several teams to visit to hear the expectations and vulnerabilities of those countries.

If this works out well, Africa would be delighted with this vision and commitment of Azerbaijan’s long-serving national leader, President Haydar Aliyev and his people who have shown a rare willingness and commitment to climate positive actions much earlier than the growing, intense awareness of the climate action seen in recent years.
Azerbaijani capital, Baku (they say its historically correct name is Baki) is a repository of climate actions and policies for as long as the city had been in existence. A visit to the sprawling city would convince even the most disinclined critics that its choice as the host of COP29 global conference is not by accident.
When my hotel said at the point of check-in that their fitness centre was unfortunately out of use, I asked to be shown a public park runners could use.

For those readers who would be there 11-22 next month, November for this event, they would see that virtually all the major city streets are characterized by greenery, designed as parks and gardens geared towards sustainable lifestyles. This is the city as it had always been, not a design change or make-believe to attract the hosting rights of the COP.

Away from capital, even the newly-recovered, Armenian-occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh in the latest round of war between the neighbouring countries have been designated as a “Green Energy Zone.”
With this, the region is set to witness a climate resilient development that would transport it to the future in terms of greenery and resilience.

The country’s passion for the green agenda is equally manifested by the achievements of two key sectors – oil and gas and electric energy sectors.

As is Nigeria, Azerbaijan is an oil and gas economy. They are not in OPEC but they are, like Russia -the world’s second largest oil producer- in a sort of community with the organization, working together to decide the price of oil and other oil commodity policies. Together, they make up what they call “OPEC plus.”

It then follows that the country would be concerned, as we are here, with the growing Western rhetoric of a hastened, total ban on the use of fossil fuels. Until the Russian war with Ukraine started, the developed economies of the West were taking a number of concretely aggressive measures to limit oil production and its uses, telling their banks to stop funding oil and gas development in countries such as ours.
Azerbaijan today produces between 700,000-800,000 thousand barrels a day and SOCAR, the fully state-owned national oil and gas company headquartered in Baku is currently making strategic shift as it evolves from a traditional oil and gas company to a comprehensive energy provider with medium and long-term decarbonization targets they would further unveil at COP29.

In October 2023, Azerbaijan completed a 230 MW solar plant in Garadagh, near Baku, sending another strong message of their passion for their green agenda. This was quickly followed by the laying of the foundation of two new stations to bring available capacity to 1GW (one gigawatt), marking a major step in the march to their energy transition.

In the medium term, Azerbaijan aims to generate 30 per cent of its energy from renewable sources by 2030.

While the country’s available electricity supply is put at 5 GW, regular consumption is currently at about 3.5G W, rising to a maximum of up to 4.5 GW.

Azerbaijani food culture is, as to be expected, significantly different from our own. But visiting Nigerians would have plenty to eat – and pleasantly 6 in the Old City, parts of which are designated as UNESCO heritage sites.

The French have a great reputation for being consumers of bread, but the Azerbaijanis eat on the average 100 per cent more bread than do the French citizens.

The Hausas will find themselves at home with their grilled meats-some of it much like our suya- and their Chay (tea), served freshly brewed, hot, and strong.

The Yorubas would not miss their hot peppered meals. Baku is not like other places where you ask them to give hot peppers, and they bring you curry powder or Tabasco. If they ask for it, they will

Although 90 per cent of them are Muslim, they don’t flock to the mosques as we do here. After 70 years of communist control under the Soviet system, many don’t remember how to pray five times in a day. Or even the direction of the Qibla. Yet, here and there, you can see women in their Hijab and a designated prayer place in public places. The city has beautiful mosques and a colourful orthodox-type cathedral.

When you see the free flow of alcohol and its consumption, you would think you are in a European capital or a major metropolis. In addition, they have a budding wine industry that has begun receiving global recognition.
In readiness for the climate conference, the host country has transformed the Baku stadium into a multi-venue meeting centre. The UN agencies alone have 120 meeting pavilions. There are several medical centres and a large number of fire trucks in the facility. The Green Zone has a setting to contain well-ordered demonstrations and protests, usually characterizing COP. Anything outside the approved protest guidelines will be met with a firm response. This country places law and order on a very high level, and a warning to our activists is that they should not take this lightly.
The city itself has prepared a list of 144 hotels in the third, fourth, and five-star categories, and the booking platforms are already released. A user-friendly, fast-track visas platform is available 24/7, and transportation would be available free of charge.

Baku, which is notorious for its slow movement of traffic, is promising transport management using mostly buses. Given the big inflow of people during the conference, this should mark a reduction of carbon imprint.
Negotiators at the Glasgow COP26 climate change summit agreed in November 2021 to create a global carbon credit offset trading market. By this, countries could emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gases (GHGs) and to sell the excess number of credits allowed them by the UN.

Africa, which in total is responsible for only two per cent of the world’s greenhouse emissions, is increasingly becoming more or less the shopping mall for carbon credits.
A growing number of African countries see a strategic opportunity to leverage the continent’s renewable resources to earn money while advancing global climate goals.
This is, however, being seen by the activist community as a precursor to a new colonial rule in Africa.

Rich countries, including some in the Middle East, are on a buying spree of swathes of African forests under the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change, UN-FCCC, to counter emissions by preventing deforestation.

Gabon, one of the most forested African countries, is on the record as the first country on the continent to make carbon credits available for sale.

Since then, others, including Kenya, Malawi, Togo, Burundi, and Rwanda, have entered the trade.

For example, a company called Blue Carbon, founded by Sheikh Ahmed Dalmook Al Maktoum, a member of the royal family of Dubai, has signed MOUs with the governments of Liberia, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe to manage huge swathes of their forests and produce carbon credits from conservation activities.
Notable carbon projects in Kenya include the Northern Rangeland Trust Carbon Project, the Kasigu Wildlife Corridor Project, and the Mikono Panuja Project.

These projects, in a way, give the wealthy countries and corporations a lisence to continue to pollute the planet.

Last year, the Vice President of Nigeria inaugurated a committee of experts to advise the government on the activation of a sustainable carbon market.

On the basis of this committee’s recommendations, the government is hoping to ensure the creation of “an efficient carbon market ecosystem” expected to fetch the country more than two thousand, five hundred million Dollars ($2.5 billion). Nigeria has a very hard decision to make.

With growing fears of such deals tending to
breach community land ownership and violate people’s rights to have a say in the development of their land, African governments are coming under increasing criticism from international NGOs, urging them to halt the relapses into colonialism by the way of foreign rule over their territories.

How all these play out – the pro and con- at COP29 – will have a significant impact on the African, nay world order.

Shehu, journalism and PR practitioner.

Our habits, when we buy groceries, we question what we buy. Is this flour pure, are there stones in the rice, does the soap lather well? If you buy a motorbike, or a fairly used car, you ask about the mileage, is the after sales good. Even when you buy a pencil you fuse over it and nothing. You question each and everything all the time. Except for one thing. When you chose your government. You ask so many questions over a mosquito coil that last five hours, does it give too much smoke or give out smell, will it kill mosquitoes. So, before you vote away four years ask how will they advance our country–Sharukh Khan

Abeg, Can I Get Some Answers?

My people, Nigerians! We are champions of interrogation when it comes to everyday things. We can sniff out a fake designer bag faster than a customs officer at Murtala Muhammed Airport. We inspect tomatoes like we’re performing surgery, and haggle over the price of pepper like our lives depend on it. But when it comes to those vying for the highest office or even the lowest offices in the land? We suddenly become shy.

Let’s face it, my fellow Nigerians, we’re masters of scrutiny when it comes to our daily lives. We can spot a fake N50 note from a mile away, but when it comes to our leaders, we suddenly turn a blind eye. It’s like buying a bag of rice without checking for stones – we’re setting ourselves up for disappointment. We need to ask the tough questions, like “Oga, how will you make our roads better than those in Dubai?” or “Madam, what’s your plan to make our hospitals rival those in the US?”

Think about it: We question the purity of our garri, the mileage on a ‘tokunbo’ car, even the sharpness of a pencil. But the folks who will be steering the ship of state for the next four years? We just…accept whatever they dish out? Haba! This is not the way of the wise Nigerian, and maybe we should even ask, who is a wise Nigerian?

We’re quick to complain about ‘bad governance’, but how can we expect good governance if we don’t ask the right questions BEFORE the ballot box becomes a magic show? It’s like buying a ‘pure water’ sachet without checking if it’s truly sealed – you’re just asking for trouble.

Beyond the ‘Owambe’ Politics

Yes, election season in Nigeria is a spectacle. Politicians transform into Father Christmas, promising everything but the kitchen sink. Music blares, crowds gather, and accusations fly faster than ‘suya’ at a barbecue. But amidst the fanfare, are we asking the tough questions?

Before we dance to the campaign jingles and collect the Ankara with their faces plastered on it, we need to ask:

• “Oga, how will you fix our schools so our pikin can learn better than us?” (Education)
• “Madam, what’s your plan for our hospitals? We don’t want to be traveling to India for every headache.” (Healthcare)
• “Sir, how will you tackle this ‘light’ situation? My generator is tired!” (Power supply)
• “Madam, this insecurity is giving us high blood pressure. What’s the plan?” (Security)
• “Oga, how will you fight corruption? We are tired of hearing stories that touch.” (Anti-corruption)

These are not ‘bonus’ questions. These are the ‘main exams’! We need to assess their track record, their vision, and their commitment to actually doing the work. It’s not about the loudest voice or the biggest crowd; it’s about the candidate with the best plan for our Nigeria.

Digging Deeper Than ‘Agbada’

We need to go beyond the ‘aso ebi’ and the fancy speeches. Let’s delve into the nitty-gritty:

• Economic policies: Will they create jobs for our graduates who are roaming the streets? Will they empower our market women and our farmers?
• Social agenda: Will they promote unity amongst all our tribes and religions? Will they ensure equal opportunities for our women and our youth?
• Leadership style: Will they be transparent and accountable, or will they disappear with our money like those before them?
• Foreign policy: Will they make Nigeria proud on the world stage, or will we be the butt of jokes at the UN?

We need leaders with integrity, competence, and a genuine passion for serving the people. Not those who see politics as a business venture or a path to personal enrichment.

Some say, “My vote doesn’t matter.” That’s like saying, “One grain of garri doesn’t make eba.” But my friend, it’s the collection of those grains that fills our stomach! Our votes are our power. We must:

• Register and guard our PVCs like it’s the key to Aso Rock.
• Come out en masse on election day and vote wisely.
• Hold our elected officials accountable. No more sleeping on the job!

Imagine if we applied the same level of skepticism we use when buying a second-hand phone to our politicians’ promises. “Is this really a 4G network or just 2G in disguise?” or “Will this ‘transformation agenda’ really bring change or just more of the same?” We mustn’t be satisfied with empty promises; we need concrete plans and tangible results. Our leaders should be held to the same standards as our favorite jollof rice – if it’s not up to par, we send it back!

We can’t keep doing the same thing and expecting different results. It’s time to break the cycle of apathy and take charge of our destiny.

The power to transform Nigeria lies within us. Let’s demand more from our leaders. Let’s make informed decisions. Let’s build a Nigeria where every citizen has a voice and a chance to thrive.

The next time you step into that voting booth, remember: You’re not just choosing a leader; you’re choosing the future of Nigeria. Ask the right questions, demand the right answers, and let’s create a Nigeria we can all be proud of. As it’s time to move beyond the politics of “my brother, my sister, my tribe” and focus on the issues that truly matter. We need leaders who’ll make Nigeria work for everyone, not just their cronies. So, let’s ask the right questions and demand real answers. Let’s make our votes count and hold our leaders accountable. As said in Igbo, “Onye aghala nwanne ya” – be your brother’s keeper. Let’s keep our leaders on their toes and build a Nigeria where everyone has a chance to thrive. Will Nigeria win—Only time will tell.

In Arabian folklore, the genie is a spirit depicted as being imprisoned inside a bottle or oil lamp. No matter how impregnable the walls of its captivity are, the moment it is summoned, the spirit comes out and grants the wishes of the one who invoked it. Trust them for their gift of incredible ingenuity, in the thick of their daily pain, Nigerians trip above their existential woes to summon the genius within them. Their latest invocation is a perfect-fit moniker which they affix to their president’s lapel. To them, their president’s diverse self-procured prefixes – Asiwaju, Jagaban etc – are miscasts today. “T-Pain” is his super fit. To be able to arrive at this moniker, Nigerians travelled through thorns and briers in search of existence. In the last 17 months, suffering and pain have been the first guests Nigerians see at cockcrow, sunset and at dusk.

Noelia Bueno-Gómez, in his journal article, “Conceptualizing suffering and pain” published in the Philosophy, Ethics, and Humanities in Medicine (2017) described suffering as an unpleasant, anguishing experience which severely affects a person at a psychophysical and existential level. Nigerians can relate with this definition, using the government of the day as an empirical example. Bueno-Gómez said when a human being is inflicted with this form of social and existential turmoil, like the excruciating poverty Nigerians undergo at the moment whose expiry no one can tell, the pain from it is comparable to a medical ailment.

But, why T-Pain? Are Nigerians suggesting that their president is wicked? Indeed, the last 17 months under his watch have been a very harrowing experience. Masochism occurs when one who inflicts pain on another derives pleasure and enjoyment in watching their victim experience such pain. Similar to it, sadism is the enjoyment of such inflicting of pain on someone else. By labeling their president T-Pain, are Nigerians saying he is a masochist or sadist?

The T-Pain moniker for the president is a borrowing from the stage name of an American singer named Faheem Rashad Najm. Born September 30, 1984 in Tallahassee, Florida, Najm’s professional alias of T-Pain has successfully drowned his real name. That stage name, eerie as it may sound, is a shortened form for “Tallahassee Pain”. The musician chose it to remind himself of the hardship and excruciating pain he experienced while living Tallahassee. Songwriter and record producer, T-Pain’s musical prowess stems from popularizing creative use of Auto-Tune pitch correction, a creation known to be used with extreme parameter settings in electronic-styled vocal performances. He blends R&B and hip hop throughout the 2000s and this shot him up as a prominent figure in both musical genres. The genie that pounced on those who couched Najm’s alias as moniker for the Nigerian president results from the unbearable pains the people suffer under his watch. Incidentally, “T” begins both the president’s name and his recent alias.

Countless times, the president and his minders have claimed they are reformists miscast as sadists. And that, like reformists all over the world, their heroism will come long after. But, aren’t there examples of reformists in countries of the world who deaden pains of reforms on their people? So, why did this government choose a reform model that is inhuman and inflicts maximum pain on the greatest number of the people? Is inflicting pains innate in the architects of the present reform? Against this background, the question that comes up is, how much of their president do the Nigerian people know? Did Nigerians know T-Pain enough when they voted him as their president?

In May, 1975, as Federal Commissioner for Works under Murtala Muhammed, Olusegun Obasanjo forcibly took over a building occupied by the US Embassy. The US Embassy building stood strategically behind the Federal Cabinet Office. Earlier in 1974, while a student of the Royal College of Defence, Obasanjo’s thesis centered on the unfavourable relationship between Britain and Nigeria. The work lamented the paucity of British economic assistance to Nigeria, vis a vis the humongous economic benefits it made from the country. To be fair to Obasanjo, for two years, the Murtala government had issued warnings upon warnings to the US to relocate from the building, stating that it wanted it for public use. So, angered by what he termed American arrogance, Obasanjo just woke up that day in May and crudely ordered soldiers of his Corps of Engineers to round up the US Embassy building. Frightened, the Americans ran like a snake escaping the gripping claws and maniacal jaws of the mongoose.

Twenty four years after, on November 20, 1999, as civilian president, Obasanjo ordered an invasion of a predominantly Ijaw town of Bayelsa State called Odi, leading to the massacre of an approximate 1000 civilians. Nigerians should have known that, as that English proverb goes, as they laid their beds, so shall they lay on it. They had elected an unrepentant dictator. Two years after, that same president ordered another massacre of unarmed civilians in Zabi-Biam area of Benue State in an invasion codenamed “Operation No Living Thing.” It was a mass execution of hundreds of unarmed Tivs by the Nigerian Army which happened between October 20 and 24, 2001. The Odi villagers had killed 12 men of the Nigerian police on November 4. In Zaki-Biam, men of the Nigerian army were ordered to avenge the killing of 19 of their men whose mutilated bodies were recovered on October 12, 2001. Till date, no soldier was ever punished for the massacres, nor did anyone suffer for this gruesome vengeance.

In the final analysis, as revealed by the above and subsequent others, Nigerians may actually be their own problem. In the criminal and wicked leadership they suffer, the Nigerian cannot be totally exonerated. The people’s undoing may actually be the general atmosphere of unscience that pervades the Nigerian mind. This has led to Nigerians’ inability to scientifically and critically appraise those who put themselves forward to lead them. The same way religious charlatans fleece them out of their ignorance, subjecting them to harrowing spiritual tasks that have no foundation in reality, is the way Nigerians are victims of political shylocks and narcissists masquerading as leaders.

Take another example. On October 13, 2000, hurting and grumpy as a result of inter-ethnic attacks between Fulani herders and their Oyo State hosts in the Oke-Ogun area of the state, General Muhmmadu Buhari, accompanied by Gen Buba Marwa, a former military administrator of Lagos State, had stormed Ibadan, the state capital. Wearing long faces, Buhari and his Arewa entourage sought and got audience with the state government under Late Alhaji Lam Adesina.

When it was his time to speak, spitting fire, Buhari said: “Your Excellency, our visit here is to discuss with you and your government of our displeasure about the incident of clashes between two peoples… the Fulani cattle-rearers and merchants are today being harassed, attacked and killed like in Saki. In the month of May, 2000, 68 bodies of Fulani cattle-rearers were recovered and buried under the supervision and protection from a team of Mobile Police from Oyo State Command.” Replying, Governor Adesina expressed disappointment that Buhari, a national leader and former Head of State, could descend into such “my people…your people” narrative.

In 2015, Nigerians went ahead to elect that same man, with such narrow-minded obsession with an ethnic superiority mentality, as president. The rest, as they say, is history. Buhari ran one of the most closet-minded governments in the history of Nigeria. He preferenced his northern people ahead of every other tribe and dealt with others as expendable specimens.

Before coming into office, the duo of Goodluck Jonathan and Umaru Yar’Adua also demonstrated tendencies which shouldn’t make their eventual manifestations in power strange. If, in spite of widespread knowledge that they harboured personal traits unbecoming of national leadership, the people still went ahead to elect such characters into office, such people can be likened to a farmer who knew that the farmland he ploughed and planted groundnut seeds on was squirrel-infested, yet howled helplessly when squirrels make mincemeat of his groundnuts. To avoid this, as America matches towards the November elections, every effort is being made to expose character traits in Donald Trump and Kamala Harris which may impact negatively on the quality of the presidency of America.

Unless they want to deliberately deceive the world, those who have had close association with our president, especially before his coming into office, will confess that he is a cold-hearted political calculator. A great giver who gave in a way that positively embarrasses the receiver, there is hardly any state in Nigeria where there isn’t someone or a group of people who have benefitted from his giving. In accepting his bucks, however, no one asks for his shop. It is said that he patterned his giving after Chief MKO Abiola who was known for such eye-popping generosity. Though he was a bit thrifty in the first few months of being in office as governor of Lagos State, the tsunami of his Chicago certificate scandal in the year 2000 was an about-turn for him. He emerged therefrom with the Yoruba philosophy that whoever pre-pours water on the intended path they hope to tread will navigate through an already comfortably wet route.

From journalists to judges, lawyers, political icons to government officials – name them – the extent of IOUs that T-Pain accumulated in the hearts of the high and mighty in Nigeria is unbelievably massive. However, he does most of the giving with an eye on self, something in the realm of narcissism. How do you think T-Pain was able to navigate through a hostile presidency under Muhammadu Buhari, to emerge the Nigerian president? Unbeknown to the somnambulist president, Tinubu the candidate had run a water-tight ring round him. Buhari was probably the only one in Aso Rock who had not been swept off his feet by the T-Pain person-purchase mystique. Even in running his presidency, T-Pain still believes in this person-purchase mystique as device of rule.

In 2010, T-Pain invited a gubernatorial candidate to his Bourdillon home. He gave him such money (an amount I don’t want to mention) that the politician almost fainted. The cash filled a whole bus. Fazed and as if hit by a tempest, the candidate prostrated in appreciation. The politician told me that T-Pain coldly upbraided him for thanking him. He didn’t give the money because he was Santa Claus, T-Pain said in a voice devoid of blood which grated like that of an underworld Capon. “I gave you the money because you are the one who can take that state for me,” he told the candidate. The politician won and throughout his eight years in office, T-Pain was exposed to plum cheese of the state.

My reading of Nigerians and the Nigerian electorate is that they have very poor reading of their subjects, leading to warped choices. T-Pain’s giving obviously towers more than his failings. It was the giving that Nigerians saw in their assessment of him at the polls, rather than his ability or a pedigree of pro-people interventions. No one bothered to come to the right conclusion that T-Pain is a functional giver who gives because of himself. It is why, in the last 17 months, apart from a coterie of aides and hangers-on who have benefitted tremendously from his presidency, the common man has not fared well in it at all. Apart from accidental benefits, I have asked, without answer, to be shown what good T-Pain has done for the people since he began politicking. And I am not talking about dashing out money.

Last Thursday, the First Lady, T-Pain II, also threw money at the situation. It was a perfect proverbial situation. As the Yoruba say, “Òwú tí ìyá gbòn lomo ń ran” meaning, you cannot stop a familial motherhood trait from emulation by the offspring.  At the Palace of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, T-Pain II was said to have pledged the sum of N1b while inaugurating a hostel and a 2.7 kilometer road donated to the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) by Ogunwusi. Thereafter, she went on a bumbling spree. According to her, the T-Pain-led administration was still very young and it should not be blamed for the current economic pains. Mrs. T-Pain has been variously pilloried for that unfeeling statement. “We are just 18 months into our administration; we are not the cause of the current situation; we are trying to fix it and secure the future” she said. This is a converse to her husband’s more realistic claim that he was not complaining as he knew the massive nature of the problems Nigeria faced before he opted for its leadership.

If you ask me, Mrs. T-Pain’s claim oscillates within the orbit of the usual anti-people assumption and self-righteousness of a larger mindset. Does she feel the pain of suffering Nigerians? Does she know that Nigerians are dying due to her husband’s very inhuman reforms? As usual, just like colonialists who sold God to us while filching our commonwealth, Madam T-Pain mumbled that same recourse to the Omnipotent at the OAU event. “With God on our side…” she assured of a better Nigeria. Yet, while the people wait and die waiting, it is fair for them to continue to die in droves? In the final analysis, I hope Kabiyesi will stop descending into the arena of matters pertaining to a federal institution as the OAU. He was quoted to have named a road in OAU after Mrs. T-Pain. What right has he to do this? Is he the OAU Chancellor?

That same Thursday when we got that bumbling from Mrs. T-Pain, Senator Godswill Akpabio also came with his own bumble. He urged Nigerians to cut back on the number of cars they own and embark on belt tightening measures. Akpabio spoke while addressing journalists in the senate. The paradox that juts out of this unfeeling statement is huge. The senate that Akpabio heads is the topmost demonstration of wastage, constituting a big drag on the Nigerian economy. Nigerian lawmakers own fleet of cars purchased from the laxity of Nigerian economy.

Whoever couched that T-Pain alias deserves a Nobel. Doesn’t it sound like Xi Jinping, warts and all?

In Nigeria, the allure of politics is undeniable. It offers power, influence, and, quite often, a direct route to immense wealth. This “cool money”, as it is often called, seems to come easily to those in political positions. From lucrative contracts, salaries, and allowances to political connections that open doors to more financial opportunities, the gains are obvious. However, this reality has led to a critical question: “Does making cool money from politics truly make Nigerian politicians more hardworking than other citizens?” Or has the allure of easy wealth blurred their perspective on the value of genuine hard work?

Politics in Nigeria is frequently seen as a fast track to financial success. Politicians, once elected or appointed, often enjoy the benefits of inflated allowances, hefty salaries, and control over national resources. The National Assembly, for instance, has been repeatedly criticized for its opaque pay structure, with many speculating that lawmakers earn far more than the average Nigerian can even dream of.

This financial reward system makes it tempting to view politicians as “successful” or “hardworking” simply because of their access to this wealth. For the everyday Nigerian struggling to make ends meet, the perception often forms that politicians are reaping rewards not necessarily from their hard work but from the privileges of their position. The question of whether this money was earned through genuine labor or through systemic advantages remains.

There have been instances where political elites, through their speeches or actions, indirectly imply that the average Nigerian is lazy. A notable example is President Muhammadu Buhari’s 2018 comment at a Commonwealth Business Forum, where he stated that “many Nigerian youths just want to sit and do nothing because Nigeria is an oil-rich nation.”

In a similar vein, Tinubu’s wife, Oluremi Tinubu, recently mocked ordinary Nigerians by implying that their struggles were due to laziness, using the phrase “No food for lazyman.” Her remarks, made in a tone that many found dismissive, seemed to downplay the genuine economic hardship and widespread unemployment faced by the masses. Instead of acknowledging the structural challenges and governance issues contributing to poverty, she shifted the blame onto the people themselves, sparking outrage and reinforcing the perception that Nigeria’s political elites are disconnected from the everyday realities of its citizens.

This perception of the general public as “lazy” often comes from politicians who, ironically, are seen as the beneficiaries of a system that rewards them without requiring proportional effort. Some politicians may genuinely believe that they work harder than the average Nigerian, because of the grueling nature of campaigns or the time-consuming nature of governance. But this interpretation raises several questions: Is sitting through legislative sessions or heading ministries truly harder than the back-breaking labor of farming, trading, or running small businesses in an unstable economy?

For the average Nigerian, hard work takes on a different meaning entirely. Farmers work long hours under the hot sun, traders spend their days hustling in chaotic markets, and small business owners face endless challenges from inflation, poor infrastructure, and erratic government policies. Despite their immense efforts, the rewards are often meager and uncertain. Yet, these Nigerians continue to work because they must, and there are no fat allowances or political connections to fall back on.

In this context, the claim that politicians are somehow more hardworking than the average Nigerian rings hollow. While the processes of governance and legislation are undoubtedly demanding, they are not comparable to the labor-intensive, physically exhausting, and financially unstable conditions faced by millions of Nigerians daily.

There is another angle to consider in this debate: the distinction between hard work and public service. Ideally, politicians should not only work hard but also serve the public. The concept of public service involves a sense of sacrifice, of putting the needs of the people above personal gain. Yet, in Nigeria, it sometimes seems that the goal of politics is not public service but personal enrichment.

Many politicians enter politics already wealthy or connected, and they often leave with even more wealth, regardless of the quality of their service. The irony is that politicians are compensated well for their “hard work” in a system that continues to underpay doctors, teachers, and public sector workers, many of whom are far more essential to the day-to-day functioning of society. The question arises: “Is it truly “hard work” if the primary outcome is personal gain, rather than public benefit?

Another critical factor in this discussion is the widening gap between politicians and the public. Many politicians, especially at the federal level, lead lifestyles that are vastly different from those of their constituents. With luxury homes, foreign education for their children, and frequent trips abroad, it is easy for them to lose touch with the struggles of the ordinary Nigerian.

This disconnect often fuels the perception that everyday Nigerians are “lazy” or unwilling to work as hard as the political class. But in reality, it is the system that creates the disparity, not the people. When politicians enjoy a life of privilege while the masses toil under economic hardship, it becomes easy for those in power to underestimate the laborious efforts of the public.

It is impossible to discuss the wealth of Nigerian politicians without addressing corruption. While not every politician is corrupt, the country’s political system has been plagued by mismanagement, embezzlement, and the misuse of public funds. Corruption allows some politicians to amass wealth with very little actual effort, which only deepens the divide between the political elite and the general public.

Many Nigerians see this corruption as proof that the “hard work” of politicians is not what it seems. It is one thing to attend sessions or sign contracts; it is quite another to profit from kickbacks, inflated contracts, or diverted funds meant for development projects. When “cool money” is made through such channels, can it really be said that politicians are working harder than the average Nigerian?

At the heart of this debate is a fundamental misunderstanding of what it means to work hard. Politics is indeed demanding, but it is not inherently harder than the efforts of millions of Nigerians who work tirelessly every day with little to show for it. The wealth that politicians accumulate often comes from a system designed to reward them, rather than from the sweat of their brow.

If politicians truly believe they are working harder than other Nigerians, it may be time for them to step out of their comfortable enclaves and experience the daily grind of the average citizen. Perhaps then, they would see that the real hard work in Nigeria lies in the everyday struggles of the people, not in the halls of power.

In the end, it is clear that “cool money” from politics does not necessarily reflect harder work but instead highlights the deep systemic inequalities that have shaped Nigeria’s political and economic landscape. The challenge moving forward is to bridge this gap and foster a political culture rooted in genuine public service and hard work for the collective good, rather than individual gain.