The half dozen men gathered at a mutual friend’s house yesterday expressed opinions on every political issue they thought I should write on. But as it often happens on such occasions, the discussion soon dovetailed into how husbands can navigate ‘supplementary budgets’ being demanded by our wives due to situation reports from the market. I found it remarkable that almost all my friends know the prices of tubers of yam, ‘kongo’ of garri, sachets of milk, crates of eggs, ‘Mudu’ of rice and even the different variants of ‘Ponmo’. But the greatest concern was the price of cooking gas.

Being creative people, it did not take long before a solution was put forward to tackle the challenge. One reported that somebody told his cousin who shared the secret with his auntie who then confided in his uncle, from where he got the information, that jollof rice cooked with firewood is far more delicious and nutritious than one cooked with gas. As the theory goes, the smoke that comes from the firewood is what makes all the difference, hence ‘smoky jollof rice’ is now preferred to the regular ones in Abuja, Lagos, and major cities. So, the conclusion at our meeting is that our wives should spare us the gas ‘budget item’. I am therefore delighted to announce: For peace in our homes in the age of ‘Emilokan’, cooking should henceforth be done with firewood!

Meanwhile, as we continued to discuss how to navigate the skyrocketing price of gas, someone asked why I haven’t written on the cost of living in Nigeria today.  Especially with reports that many of our citizens are now so desperate, they are stealing pots of soup. In March this year, the Ekiti State Police Command arraigned a 20-year-old man, Ojo Monday, before an Ado-Ekiti Chief Magistrates’ Court. The police prosecutor, Inspector Moyosola Adesola, told the court that the defendant broke into the house of one Ajala Modupe and stole Indomie noodles, Maggi seasonings, salt, onions, fufu and a pot of soup all valued at N300,000. She noted that the offences contravened Sections 322 and 302(1) (a) of the Criminal Laws of Ekiti State 2021. Just a few weeks later, a man identified as Baba Bola, was given the beating of his life while attempting to steal a pot of soup in Byazhin community, Bwari Area Council of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). But following his escape, Baba Bola mobilised hoodlums and allegedly returned to kill the woman whose pot of soup he attempted to steal. In the continuing attacks by his ‘comrades’ who reportedly wielded machetes, clubs, and stones, two innocent passers-by, a woman and a young boy, were also killed.

To say that countless Nigerians are going through harrowing times is to put the situation rather mildly. But to be fair, stealing pots of soup didn’t start yesterday. I recall a 2020 case in Ebonyi State during the Covid-19 stay-at-home period. “We received re­port of a stolen pot of soup and Jollof rice. A woman was cook­ing and went inside to take something and on coming out, her pot of soup was stolen, and this shows that there is hunger in the land,” then Police Public Relations Of­ficer (PPRO), Loveth Odah told reporters. Given what the policy options of the past one year have done to many Nigerians, one can only imagine the extent of the ‘hunger in the land.’

Unfortunately, Nigerians hardly focus on any problem for long. While we were still lamenting the hard times, the same man who raised the issue reminded us that it was exactly a month since the collapse of a mining pit in Galkogo, Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State, where several miners are still trapped. He wondered why I had not written about them. “Is it because they are poor people?” he asked. In a nation where it is now almost one day, one tragedy, how many issues can a reporter address at the same time? But I got his point about the class dimension to the neglect. Many Nigerians do seem oblivious to the plight of their compatriots who were working inside a 400-metre-deep pit owned by African Minerals and Logistics Limited when it caved in on June 3 following a heavy downpour.

Last weekend, Daily Trust published an on-the-spot report where the families of victims narrated their harrowing experiences. “We are confused…my younger brother is among the victims. There is no day that I don’t go to that site. The recovery team has not been able to bring his body out,” Suleiman Isah, whose younger brother is among the trapped victims, told the newspaper. “They said his left leg had already been cut off because of stones that fell on his head. Under his corpse, three other bodies have been sighted. But until they can remove my brother, they won’t be able to bring out the ones under him.” According to Isah, the mining company had been abandoned in the recovery efforts, without any help from either the state or federal government. “What they do is to remove stones and pass them on to one another until they take them out,” Isah explained. “It is the same way they are bringing out the dead bodies because excavators cannot stretch inside the ground to take out stones that fell on the victims. With this, when will they finish bringing out the victims?”

I could not help feeling for the families of the trapped mine workers. Some, I understand,have already conducted prayers for the repose of souls of their loved ones, having concluded that they must be dead by now. We were still lamenting the plight of those trapped miners when someone drew our attention to the television relaying the news that the nationwide demonstrations by the youth of Kenya have not abated despite President William Ruto’s decision not to assent the controversial Finance Bill 2024 that triggered the anger of the people. “I hope you are following up on the Kenya protests”, he quipped. Of course, I am. How could I have ignored Kenya given the parallels one can draw with the situation in Nigeria? On Tuesday, the capital city, Nairobi and the second largest city, Mombasa were literally on fire as protesters carried placards and beating drums while chanting ‘Ruto must go!’

Following the passage of a controversial Finance Bill 2024 that would have increased taxes and cost of living, protesters stormed the federal parliament in Nairobi on June 18 and the police allegedly fired live ammunition that resulted in the loss of several lives. 23 deaths were confirmed that day although the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNHCR) has put the total number of fatalities resulting from the protests at 39. Like the 2020 EndSARS riots in Nigeria, the protesters have no official leaders with coordination done through social media. “People are dying in the streets and the only thing he (President Ruto) can talk about is money. We are not money. We are people. We are human beings,” one of the protesters, Milan Waudo reportedly told Reuters in Mombasa. “He needs to care about his people, because if he can’t care about his people then we don’t need him in that chair.”

In a piece published in The Guardian of London on Monday, Nanjala Nyabola, a Kenyan writer and author, said outsiders don’t understand the real import of the crisis in her country. She painted a picture of leaders insensitive to the plight of the people. “…In addition, the offices of the first lady, the deputy first lady, and the spouse of the prime secretary – each with a budget, an office and staff – were created to great public fanfare. Many elected legislators in the country routinely flaunt their wealth on social media, sharing videos on TikTok of expensive cars and homes, or giving obscenely large donations to religious organisations and charities,” Nyabola wrote, as she explained what many Nigerians could relate with. “Kenyan legislators are the second-highest paid in the world relative to GDP and would be exempt from many of the new taxes because of their status. The finance bill was described as austerity, but this is not austerity: this is a cash grab from the poor to sustain the lifestyles of the rich.”

Last night, presidential spokesman, Hussein Mohamed said in a statement on X that Ruto has ordered the Treasury to review pay and benefits for all state officials and lawmakers. “The president has emphasised that this is a time, more than ever before, for the executive and all arms of government to live within their means,” Mohamed said. But the protesters are not letting up. To compound the situation, the Deputy President, Rigathi Gachagua and the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Director-General, Noordin Haji, are openly trading words. In what appears an opening of the country’s delicate faultlines, critical stakeholders are taking sides. It all started when Gachagua addressed the media, accusing Haji of failing to inform President Ruto of the seriousness of the protests, which could have prompted an appropriate response. Gachagua also claimed that Haji was undermining competent officers in the NIS and replacing them with cronies, thereby compromising the country’s national security.

In a populist speech that hints at frictions within the government, Gachagua said that “Withdrawing the Finance Bill 2024 is the beginning of acknowledging that there is a disconnect between the people and the government,” and that “the president, myself, and elected leaders are servants of the people. Going forward, this should be the norm, listening to the people.” He then put the blame for what happened on the Kenya security agency. “The organization paid for by the Kenyan public should have briefed the president on the feelings of the Kenyan people,” Gachagua said. “We have a dysfunctional National Intelligence Service that has exposed the government and the people of Kenya.” After accusing the NIS boss of “always being on business trips and never in the country,” Gachagua said Haji “must take responsibility for the deaths, mayhem, failing President Ruto and Kenya for not doing his job. He must do the honourable thing, not just taking responsibility but resign.”

In response, Haji attacked Gachagua, asserting that his primary responsibility is to report directly to President Ruto and not his deputy. “The DP’s actions and words suggest that he has a personal interest in the intelligence briefs revolving around the protests. Could it be that he is worried that the NIS may have pinned responsibility at his doorstep?” Haji asked. “The DP is still bitter that many of his tribesmen who were serving in the NIS, but sabotaging H.E. President William Ruto were removed from the service. It can only mean that the DP’s desire is to sabotage the President in the hope that if the President falls, he can benefit from it.” Haji then warned that the NIS has “files and extensive information” about Gachagua’s “power-hungry designs” in their custody. “We invite him to shed off the DP tag so that this service can show him what a personal fight looks like.”

While we were still debating the problems in Kenya both on the streets and at the presidency, a Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria walked in. One of us asked him whether it is true that the lawmakers are going to approve a new presidential jet for the president, wondering why the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio would describe those opposed to the idea as blackmailers. The Senator seemed provoked by the question. “What is wrong with that? Are you one of the people wishing our president ill? Are you one of those people who think you can blackmail our uncommon transformer in the senate?” Apparently taken aback by the senatorial aggression, our friend explained that he was only concerned about public perception because of what was going on in Kenya where young people are protesting the same sort of insensitivity to their plight. And the Senator thundered: ‘Wetin concern Nigeria with Kenya?’

In total agreement with the ‘Distinguished’, I looked at my friends with a gesture of resignation. And I am sure they perfectly understand why I would not be writing this column today. But the senator apparently misread my mood. Turning to me, he said, “Segun, don’t tell me you are also one of the blackmailers on this presidential jet matter”. I instantly expressed my support for the idea. In fact, I recommended that all the ten aircraft in the presidential fleet be replaced with new ones. And to further demonstrate my loyalty, I stood up and asked other friends in the room to join me in the rendition of what should have been the new national anthem had the National Assembly members been more patriotic. Facing the direction of Aso Rock presidential villa, and to the delight of the distinguished Senator, we sang: “On your mandate we shall stand…”

About four decades after its creation, Akwa Ibom State urgently requires its first ever long-term development plan with a lifespan of 40 years, broken into four-year medium-term goals and designed in such a way that the whole state would be developed in a coordinated, systematical and well-planned fashion. Gov. Umo Eno should put together a committee of eminent engineers; city planners, development economists and strategic thinkers from various walks of life with commensurate exposure and experience to design such a plan for the state, after which it should be adopted by a cross-section of the people and enacted into law. Legislating the plan into law means that its implementation would be binding to all the succeeding administrations till 2064. The fact that the plan shall have four-year medium plans built into it means that each governor, including the incumbent, shall run his or her administration and the yearly budgets based strictly on the provisions of the plan. This will put an end to the past behaviours when a governor would attend a wedding in a village and announce, out of excitement, ‘’I shall dualize the road to this village tomorrow. Where is my Commissioner for Works?’’. The 40-year development plan shall have no room for such a whimsical arbitrariness.

Akwa Ibom has grown rapidly, especially in terms of physical infrastructure, in the last two decades. It is the first state in Africa to establish and manage its own airline which has become the nation’s major carrier. The state owns and runs a modern airport and is building the first of its kind MRO in West Africa (only Egypt and South Africa has a similar facility in size and sophistication). There is also a modern football stadium as well as good medical facilities; two five-star hotels and a golf resort. We have the second-best road network in the federation after the FCT. The state is blessed with the longest beachfront in the country and very green, lush and arable land. In terms of security, Akwa Ibom is one of the most peaceful and safest states in the country. These facilities, I am afraid, were not built in a well-coordinated manner although they have all fit perfectly well into the state’s overall developmental needs. It is therefore time to codify the overall assets, resources, potentials, topography, vegetation and developmental trajectory of the state in the next four decades into a long-term development plan that would be implemented religiously by the next three governors in such a manner that the whole state becomes one modern big city.

The 40-year plan will therefore detail out our developmental focus on important sectors like infrastructure; health; education; agriculture; tourism and recreation and industrial development. It will point out residential areas; shopping areas; recreational areas; agricultural areas; industrial areas; power plants; sewage plants; cemeteries, etc. In other words, the strategic plan will define for us what Akwa Ibom should be known for and how we can grow along those lines. Should we be a tourism and recreation capital of Nigeria or should we focus on industrialization; commerce and distributive trade; agriculture? What is our comparative advantage and how can we leverage on that in the next 40 years?

A development plan is simply ambitious and deliberately planned set of goals that may take a substantial period of time to achieve, but is designed to provide a strategic direction for the state's developmental endeavours.

Lagos State is notable for its well designed and well implemented long-term development plan in Nigeria. It is one of the few states that has embarked on a well-articulated long-term development planning and has adopted a comprehensive Lagos State Development Plan (LSDP) 2022-2052, building upon the foundations of a predecessor, LSDP 2012-2025. The LSDP 2022-2052is a 30-year vision that aims to establish it as Africa's model mega city and a global economic and financial hub by 2052. Other states like Kaduna and the North Eastern states of Adamawa; Gombe; Yobe; Borno and Bauchi have also developed their own plans. North Eastern States Transformation Strategy (NESTS) is the first comprehensive, medium-term development plan for the six states.

Some states are approaching long-term development on sectoral basis. There is the Edo State Basic Education Sector Transformation (EdoBEST) program driving investment in that area while Gombe State is making commendable achievements in health and education, leading to improved outcomes in these sectors. There is also the Gombe State Development Plan (GSDP) 2021-2030, which is aligned with the SDGs. There was a feeble attempt some 13 years ago by the South-South states to implement a regional developmental agenda. The governors set up a body known as the BRACED Commission (BRACED being an acronym for the six states), but it was short-lived, no thanks to immature politics, ego and lack of foresight.

At the national level, there have been several national development plans for the country since independence. These include the first four National Development Plans (1962-1985); the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (2004-2007); the Vision 20:2020 and National Transformation Agenda (2010-2020); the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) 2017-2020; the National Development Plan (NDP) 2021-2025 and Nigeria Agenda 2050. We can debate on the success rates of these plans, but there’s no doubt about the importance of long-term planning. This is why I am calling on Gov. Umo Eno to take the first steps today in initiating the development of a long-term plan for Akwa Ibom state. Future generations of our people will remember him as the leader with a vision.

President of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, has advocated for policies that safeguard domestic industries and cultivate them into indigenous champions capable of generating jobs and fostering prosperity in face of current global economic woes.

The foremost entrepreneur told the gathering of manufacturers and investors in Abuja while delivering a speech on 'Rethinking Manufacturing in Nigeria' as the keynote speaker at the Nigeria Manufacturers' Summit that Nigeria has what it takes to be prosperous.

Dangote who noted that through there are various factors contributing to the underperformance of the manufacturing sector, emphasized that the crucial issue requiring attention is government policy and its approach toward investments and investors.

He pointed out that industrial or manufacturing entities are not like trading entities, while expressing his belief that the fundamental role and responsibility of government should be not only to promote investments and attract investors in manufacturing but also to ensure that these investments are nurtured and protected to facilitate growth and sustainability.

“In every economic regime, including the most advanced, investment projects in manufacturing and industrial sectors need time and a conducive environment for them to mature, build capacity and scale, to become competitive against those in older and more mature markets.

“But since the Mid 1980’s non-industrialized countries and their leaders have been discouraged from protecting and supporting such investment and forced to expose them to unfair competition from stronger, older competitors in their own internal market, even before the newcomers are commissioned. Yet these same older/bigger players are well supported in their home markets,” he said.

He listed several examples of government intervention to protect industries: the blocked sale of US steel to Nippon Steel of Japan, the blocked sale of six US port management companies to Dubai Ports World, restrictions on Chinese cranes at US ports, and the US imposition of tariffs such as 100% on Chinese EVs, 50% on semiconductors, medical products, and solar panels. He also cited the restriction of Russian gas supply to Europe, which led European countries to increase coal usage despite opposition to fossil fuels, and the US government's distribution of $39 billion in subsidies to incentivize local microchip production.

Dangote referred to Asia as having achieved significant levels of industrialization by pursuing industrial policies where the government played an active role in nurturing and supporting local companies. They subsequently leveraged this success to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) into Free Trade Zones.

He emphasized that Government Protection of the industry, does not solely encompass short to medium-term Regulatory Mechanisms such as tax holidays and other incentives which have their place in industrial policy and should be applied when necessary to mitigate investment challenges.

“I am concerned with a long term policy framework which ensures that investors can invest with the understanding that the industry will in the long run be regarded as a national asset and not just investor’s assets, so that when it is threatened, either by external forces or by changes in the environment beyond the control of individual operators, Government will take appropriate action to protect investors and support them to survive the threat. Almost all countries did this in response to the COVID threat. Those in the pharmaceutical industry may well remember how India protected and supported its pharmaceutical industry,” he said while noting that if such policy had been adopted in the past, Nigeria would boost a flourishing textile and tyre industry as well as functioning refineries.

“If we had adopted such a policy and Government attitude to the Textile Industry and tyre industry in the 80’s and early 90’s, perhaps our economy today will still be benefitting from the job creation capacities of these industries. Or if we had adopted this attitude to our Refining industry, Nigerians would not today be too anxious about Dangote Refinery,” he stated.

Disputing assertions that protecting domestic industries leads to reduced competitiveness, Dangote argued to the contrary, citing examples such as China, Korea, India, and various other Asian nations. He pointed out that these countries successfully developed into robust economies and posed a challenge to the established global economic order precisely because they protected their industries.

He noted that in the past, Nigeria was not competitive in cement production, producing less than 2 million tons of cement per annum up to 2007. He pointed out that due to strategic government policies and support, Nigeria has since become Africa's largest cement producer and exporter, ranking among the top 10 globally in competitiveness.

Dangote noted that in 2023, Dangote Cement alone contributed more tax revenue to the government than the entire banking sector. “In the past, Nigeria was not competitive in cement production. Up to 2007, Nigeria produced less than 2m tons of cement per annum. Today we have about 60m tons of production capacity and another 9m under construction. The foundation for this success story was laid by an administration which decided to extend full support and protection to Nigeria’s cement industry. Today we are among the 10 most competitive cement producers in the world and the biggest cement producer and cement exporter in Africa. In 2023, Dangote Cement alone paid more taxes into the coffers of the government than the entire banking industry,” he said.

Dangote also refuted claims that protecting industries would lead to monopoly, stating that it is common knowledge that foreign investors only come when they see that local investors are also doing well.

"I am convinced that when Government Policy becomes more supportive and protective, investors will be more willing to collaborate and partner with the Government in resolving other challenges such as infrastructure deficits, market instabilities and macro-economic issues such as inflation and foreign exchange volatilities," he added.

Reiterating that Nigeria has all it takes to develop and sustain a globally competitive manufacturing sector, Dangote called for re-thinking of her industrialization policy, by learning from leading countries in the West and the East who are actively protecting their domestic industries.

President of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote and the Vice-President of Nigeria, kashim Shettima and Otunba Francis Meshioye, MAN president during the MAN Summit at the Villa in Abuja.

 President of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote is receiving an honour from MAN DG Ajayi Kadri for his contribution to the manufacturing sector in Nigeria, at the MAN Summit at the Villa in Abuja.

The Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC), Prof. Tunji Olaopa, has offered insight into why Nigeria and other African countries are not as developed as the Asian Tigers, UAE, Japan , among other countries.

Olaopa who is a former permanent secretary and currently the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) spoke at the South-South States’ BRACED Commission Strategy Retreat on the theme ‘Leadership in the Public Sector: Strengthening Public Institutions through Capacity Building’ held in Benin City on 5-7 June, 2024.

The seasoned bureaucrat whose lecture was entitled "Strategic Leadership in Civil/Public Service: Challenges, Opportunities and Future Prospect" said that Nigeria and other African countries not only lag behind other European and Asian countries but also within the African continent.

He listed Rwanda and Botswana as some of the developmental models in Africa which are far ahead of other countries on the continent .

 Decrying the failure of leadership in Africa and its attendant under-development, Olaopa said : "Whether we reference the Mo Ibrahim Awards or Global Governance Ranking in the last decades, especially when put in the contexts of the Asian Tigers, UAE, India, Brazil, and even Botswana and Rwanda’s success stories, it is clear that there are some things that these countries are doing differently that Nigerian political and administrative leadership would do well to learn from.

"The development literature is rich with glowingly expanding perspectives on how differently these high-performing countries approached their challenges.

"From the perspective of policy analysis, the major difference is that these leaders were thinkers who are very open and desirous of evidence-based technical-rational approaches to governance and administration. And at that with little room for the kind of politics that we play with everything including census, which have combined with other indices to undermine policy work in Nigeria.

"Many of these countries are strategic and perceptive enough to correctly discern the ideological assumptions of neo-liberal approach to economic policy management, and had deployed high-end policy intelligence and expertise to recalibrate its nuances so they could align with indigenous ideas and local innovations in measures that have significantly attenuated structural dependency on the West with all its attendant imperialisms.

"Many of these high-performing countries chose the path of a developmental state to condition liberal democracy by 'conjoining private ownership with state guidance.' They adapted to the trajectory of capitalist growth within a logic that differed from the capitalism in the West.

"Consequently, a country like Malaysia came up with indigenous tailor-made solutions in her industrialisation strategy, while countries like Botswana proved in spirit and action that the resource curse trap that circumscribed Nigeria’s development trajectory is avoidable. 

"The two countries, like all others, underscore the importance of strong leadership backed up with strong institutions."

Olaopa recalled that after the devastation of WWII, Japan took charge of her developmental destiny based on a deep understanding of the relationship between economic growth, development and performance .

He said Japan leveraged TQM’s American-style inspection system that incorporated quality control and measurement with the guidance of Edward Deming et al and the Keiretsu principles, thereby launching a national productivity movement that transformed Japan to become the second largest capitalist economy in record time in the 1950s.

According to Olaopa, all the referenced success stories speak to the crucial issues that sustainable development anywhere in the world is due to the critical factor of leadership-led transformation. 

"And that has in turn depended on a strict regime of disciplined policies and programmes execution and change management that successfully install performance and productivity quadrants.

"Two, leadership in the context of a developmental state is different from the idea of a leader as a single superhuman charismatic hero who singlehandedly forces change through. Rather, such leadership is activated at multiple levels within framework of what Matt Andrews et al (2010) calls the 'change space model' ", Olaopa said.

 Such leadership model, according to Olaopa, creates mutually-reinforcing and interdependent nexus between the political-technocratic-administrative leadership in facilitating the capability of the institutions and systems of government through "critical balancing of acceptance, authority (and accountability) and capability in managing contextual pressures and circumstances as devils in the details of execution."

Thus for Olaopa, if good governance then becomes the trigger, and policy intelligence, institutional capability readiness and service delivery revolution have become the compelling game changer, then the traditional 'I am directed’ Weberian administrative orientation will obviously be even more inadequate.

To Olaopa, therefore, the key to the transformation of the public service for development will be the emergence of a new generation of public managers who are self-motivated, competent, committed and imbued with intellectual courage to push for paradigm shifting changes required to install systems, structures and work culture with a structured leadership acumen that supports the workforce to move from current states to desirable states.

He urged that based on the foregoing, public servants as change leaders would be required to instigate the public service at some levels.

He listed these levels as "Getting the best out of the workforce by targeting staff morale to create incentives for peak performance by instilling discipline in into implementation processes that are essentially focused on the right kind of targets, performance indicators and data and feedback; transforming the internal processes of our MDAs by utilising cultural change approaches that affect mental models; reprofiling strategic communication; remodeling decision making systems, and reprofiling inter-departmental cum sectors relations for a whole of government system thinking praxis.

"Instigate institutional and operational innovations in rethinking the role of government so that MDAs will concentrate on areas of their core competences while exploring alternative delivering models to deliver on their 'non-core' functions as a window to unleash service delivery revolution".

He said that for public service leaders to be the engine of development, they need to build such change management skills and competences as networking skills, partnership development around open government date, framing issues results and outcomes, smarter citizens engagement practices that leverage social and multimedia, crowdsourcing, branding and user data analytics .

"PPPs are as yet fully optimised to enable public private sectors economies of scale and therefore require that we build commercial skills that enable civil servants to understand the working of the markets and how to create, manage and support businesses in co-creation dynamics", he said.

Within Nigeria, Olaopa considered the Awolowo-Adebo strategic leadership model as one classic example that he has studied "of how politics and administration can both be distinct and efficient in facilitating good governance."

 He said: "The two leaders provided the change space of a transformational kind. Chief Adebo provided an administrative context that took the civil service profession seriously as a calling and a workplace grounded on a sense of value and meaning.

"The CSC took his gatekeeping responsibility almost like a religion, by safeguarding public service values and holding merit as sacrosanct.

"Town-Gown synergy strengthened policy, strategic intelligence and bureaucratic and skills with the infusion of ideas and innovative reflections from the academia and industry in a systematic and institutionalised pattern.

"Staff development and welfare was well planned to achieve work-life balance and labour productivity, while industrial relation was democratic, collaborative and developmental.

"This was the managerial orientation subsisting up until the Gowon super-permanent secretaries’ era that enabled the prosecution of the civil war leaving the country stronger as ever."

Olaopa noted that public service leaders would be required to facilitate change leadership within a change space model characterised by a leadership that is more about groups than individuals. 

"Here multilevel leaders will be identified based on their functional contributions rather than their position in the hierarchy. This was the institutional capability enabled in Japan in the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) and the Economic Development Board in Singapore where both bureaucratic structures facilitated the accelerated outlier change and development achievements that positioned them for global competitiveness in perpetuity", he said.

THE MAN DIED, a feature film inspired by the “Prison Notes” of Africa’s first Nobel laureate, Wole Soyinka, will have its “Special Premiere Screening” on Friday, July 12, in Lagos.

The screening, a “Strictly by Invitation” event, is designed as a flagship of the global celebration of the 90th birthday anniversary of Soyinka (who is 90 on July 13); and it is expected to be witnessed by a gathering of eminent dignitaries, members of the diplomatic corps, industry stakeholders, family, friends and associates of the Nobel laureate as well as key members of cast and crew of the film.

“This is not the premiere yet but a special screening to commemorate the 90th birthday of Professor Wole Soyinka,” stated the organisers, stressing that guests would only be admitted based n their Invitation and RsVP. A later date will be set for the formal premiere of the film, assures the managers f the event.

Shot entirely in Nigeria – Lagos and Ibadan – late 2023, the 110 -minute feature is directed by the cineaste and culture scholar and academic, Awam Amkpa and produced by the ace storyteller and media content producer, Femi Odugbemi for the renowned film company, Zuri 24 Media.

A fictionalized adaptation of the stories narrated in the prison memoirs, the screenplay written by young but tested writer, Bode Asiyanbi, is “not a bio-pic of the prison life of Soyinka, but an expanded narrative on his prison experiences, and includes stories that you would find in his subsequent memoirs on his life stories,” stated Amkpa, the director in an earlier released The Making of The Man Died, produced by Odugbemi.

Amkpa, a former student and long-standing associate of Soyinka, said stories from Soyinka’s subsequent memoirs, Ibadan Penkelemes Years; and You Must Set Forth at Dawn, are also accommodated in the film. A trained theatre artist, filmmaker and culture scholar, Amkpa is currently Professor of Drama, Film and Social and Cultural Analysis, and Dean of Arts and Humanities and Vice Provost for the Arts at New York University Abu Dhabi.

Produced by ZuriMedia24, with generous financial support from the New York University, Abu Dhabi, the film is shot by an entire Nigeria crew with no input from any foreigner, except in the post-production. The director of photography is Agbo Kelly while the Production Designer is Theo Lawson, an architect who has, however, been involved in other film projects in recent years.

On reason for relying entirely on an entire local production resource to realise the film, unlike projects of its status, which usually bring certain crew members from outside, Amkpa said this was a deliberate and intentional choice. He said in making such a film based on the “colourful and fascinating life of enigma who is also an eminent global citizen, authenticity is very important. We need to stress on the input of people intimately familiar with the cultural and political environment that shaped the Nobel laureate and his narratives, irrespective of their skill sets.”

He continued, “I have an army of former students who are big-time filmmakers in Hollywood and elsewhere that I could just call on a whim to make the film and shoot it in Nigeria but that for me, there’s no learning curve. For me, every creative project is like going back to the basics and building back upwards. That was why for me it was very educational to come here.”

Odugbemi, a veteran of the Nigerian movie and television sets, stated in an interview, “As you probably know, it is a very intimate account of Soyinka’s 22 months in solitary confinement for his role in trying to bring a halt to the civil war. I hope this narrative of resistance and courage inspires this generation.

“It is also an ambitious adaptation that brings to life an iconic literary work offering a deep, personal perspective on Nigeria’s conflicted political history and the intense challenges of nation-building. By transforming Soyinka’s poignant

narrative into a visual medium, I hope to reach a broader audience, particularly young people, who might be less inclined to engage with the written text but can be profoundly impacted by the film.”

Over 100 film workers of varying specialties and industry experiences featured in the project with notable performers including Wale Ojo in the lead protagonist role of Soyinka, and Sam Dede as the main antagonist, Yisa, Soyinka’s interrogator and torturer. Aside the Hollywood rising actor, Abraham Amkpa, who played Soyinka’s bosom friend, Femi Johnson, other lead actors are Nobert Young (Prison Superintendent), Francis Onwochei (Prison Controller), Edmund Enaibe (AIG), Christina Oshunniyi (Laide Soyinka), Similoluwa Hassan (Emeka Ojukwu), Segilola Ogidan (Morenike), Dili Ezugha (Agu Norris), Ropo Ewenla (Olusegun Obasanjo), Henry Diabuah (Yakubu Gowon), Temilolu Fosudo (Bola Ige), William Idakwo (Victor Banjo), among others.

Odugbemi, renowned for his indelible signature on many successful movies and TV series projects, including Maroko, Gidi Blues, Eve, Code Wilo (movies) and Tinsel, Battleground, Movement JAPA, The Covenant (TV), continues: “Of course, this is not just a memoir; it is a testament to the resilience and courage of the human spirit in the face of oppression. It vividly chronicles Soyinka’s experiences during the Nigerian Civil War, highlighting the brutal reality of political imprisonment and the relentless struggle for justice and freedom.”

Odugbemi, a voting member of both the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (Oscar Awards) and the International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences (Emmy Awards), among other film service roles, continued on the making of the film: “Through this film, we aim to inspire young people to embrace their role in demanding humanistic ideals from our nation’s political leadership. In a world where authoritarianism and corruption often threaten democratic values, we hope the film will resonate as a call to action for citizens to remain vigilant and proactive in pursuing justice and equity. We hope it sparks meaningful dialogue to inspire positive change in our country.”

The July 12 premiere in Lagos is supervised by the film’s Associate Producers Makin Soyinka and Jahman Anikulapo with the Production Manager, Adewale Emmanuel Orosun, and managed by ONE Management. Admission is strictly by Invitation. It is supported by Lagos State Government, Providus Bank, Dr Kayode and Erelu Fayemi, among others. The media partners are Arise TV and Afia Tv.

After the Lagos premiere, the film will be screened next on July 25 at The Africa Centre (TAC), London, where it will feature as part of WS90 -- a 9-day programme of events, jointly organised by the Wole Soyinka International Cultural Exchange and the TAC, also to commemorate the 90th birthday anniversary of the poet, playwright, essayist, memoirist, human/civil rights activist and global cultural icon. It will thereafter go on a tour of select festivals around the world, before hitting the public cinema screens in Nigeria, the UK, the USA, Europe, UAE and other centres around the African continent.

Sgd: ONE Management

Tel: +234 812 111 0000

(Whatsapp Msg ONLY, please)

While marking his second June 12 or Democracy Day last June 12, 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu tried to remember the labours of our heroes past, so that their sacrifices may not appear to have been in vain. Good as his intentions were, he, nonetheless, stepped on toes. He did not remember the names of all the heroes or he could possibly not have mentioned all of them. In this, he stirred the hornets nest and attracted the ire of many.

For example, the Fasheuns were upset that Tinubu forgot or glossed over the original founder of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), a man with whom Tinubu himself matched on the streets, arms locked together in a show of comradeship and defiance of military dictatorship. How dare Tinubu forget such a man as Dr. Frederick Fasheun and his heroic contributions to June 12? A man who was harassed and detained and whose means of livelihood were incessantly put in jeopardy for his pro-democracy activism! True, then, are the words of Josef Goebbels, Adolf Hitler's chief propagandist, that human memory is very short!

Another example is my brother and professional colleague, Dr. Festus Adedayo, who, in his FLICKERS column in the Sunday Tribune of 16 June, 2024, angrily exploded in Tinubu's face! "Tinubu, Ibadan is angry!", he cried. Festus reeled out the heroics of Ibadan pro-democracy activists too numerous to mention and the many unknown (like the unknown soldiers) and unsung pro-democracy activists brutally murdered and martyred in the streets of Ibadan.

Ibadan, in fact, has a history of activism long before June 12, 1993. It was, in those days, the hotbed of activism. Who can forget the role played by Comrade Ola Oni, Dr. Bade Onimode both of the University of Ibadan, and Comrade Laoye Sanda of The Polytechnic, Ibadan in the 1978 Ali Must Go student protests? Who can forget the heroics of Niyi Oniororo (blood brother of Comrade Ola Oni), an accomplished activist in his own right, and many others?

But we must forgive Tinubu. He cannot possibly remember, know or acknowledge everyone. The list is endless. Many are not known and may never be known. That is why I am not angry that Tinubu did not mention my own name! Does he still even remember me? Here was a man who, while in exile, sent one press statement after another to me for publication as editor of The PUNCH! Here was a man who sent me letters saluting my courage for publishing all the incendiary statements he was sending home from exile and which I was publishing without fail! Some of those letters will form part of my soon-coming memoirs.

In fairness to him, Tinubu sent me the gift of a wristwatch, which has long gone out of use but which I still keep as mementos. Akintola Benson Oke, his aide at the time, who later became a commissioner in Lagos state under Gov. Akinwunmi Ambode, was Tinubu's emissary to me. But, like I said, we must forgive Tinubu, especially so for anyone whose contribution to our renascent democracy was borne out of conviction and not propelled by any hunger for material gains or personal recognition from any quarters.

Now, the story you are about to read is about another set of heroes neglected, heroes forgotten, heroes snubbed, and heroes unappreciated. But that does not make them less heroes anyway!

I will forever remember Prof. George Obiozor, one-time Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), who lamented that Nigerians do not celebrate their heroes. Obiozor is now late but that statement of his I have kept in my heart - although I did not agree with his choice of heroes on the occasion of that lecture held at the NIIA, Victoria Island, Lagos. That was a long time ago, when I was a Foreign Affairs correspondent.

 "Nigeria, honour your heroes!" 0biozor moaned repeatedly. A nation that does not honour its heroes cannot be great. And a nation that chooses the wrong set of heroes is perfidious and on the road to perdition.

Now to the story: "As important as this story stands in the history of our nation's struggle for democracy, it is a shame that not many of our teenagers know much about it… On October 25, 1993, four dissatisfied Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways Airbus A310 that was flying from Lagos to Abuja and diverted the plane to Niamey, Niger Republic.

 "They were dissatisfied with the annulment of June 12 elections by the military Head of State, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. The young Nigerians were: Richard Ogunderu, 19; Kabir Adenuga, 18; Benneth Oluwadaisi, 20 and Kenny Rasaq Lawal, 19. They were students of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA).

 "They all… boarded the flight at MMA alongside other passengers. About 16 minutes before landing, they waited until the pilot had announced that passengers should fasten their seat belts and prepare for landing. Next thing the passengers heard was: 'Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy. Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you. You do not move or you die'.

 "The leader of the hijackers, Richard Ogunderu, walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then one other hijacker followed. The two others remained to watch over the passengers. When he got to the cockpit, the pilot knew immediately this was an attack, so he had to obey instructions given to him.

"Ogunderu asked the pilot to divert the aircraft straight to Germany. The pilot convinced him the plane did not carry sufficient fuel to cross the Atlantic and then suggested they divert to a nearby country, Niger, or they would crash and everybody would die. The two hijackers told the pilot what they wanted was where they could give publicity to their reason for the hijack. They told him they wanted Germany because they could have good press coverage that would support their democratic cause. But that couldn’t happen because of the fuel shortage. They agreed to land in Niamey, Niger Republic.

"Upon landing, the hijackers found themselves surrounded by hundreds of armed Nigeriène soldiers at the airport. They had earlier distributed their demands in pamphlets among the passengers calling on the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election. They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. To show they were not ready to kill anyone so long as the government listened to them, they released 34 of the 193 passengers, among whom were top Nigerian government officials.

" The leader of the hijackers spoke to a BBC correspondent. The correspondent asked what they were fighting for, and he told him they wanted to actualize the mandate given by the Nigerian people to M.K.O Abiola. The Nigerian government sent 24 delegates to talk to the hijackers but none of them entered the aircraft to talk to them; instead, they were in the hotel, asking the hijackers to come down.

"The Nigeriene soldiers did not storm the plane because the hijackers claimed to have rigged the plane with explosives. And so began negotiations, keeping the remaining passengers hostage. For three days, the hijackers and the passengers fed on coffee & biscuits. At some point, they ran out of water for coffee, and one passenger demanded water. Under the guise of bringing them water and food, the Nigeriène soldiers eventually realized the hijackers were not armed, and under the cover of darkness, they stormed the plane.

"The four teenagers were arrested, cuffed hands behind their backs and taken straight to a prison cell. The hijackers spoke neither Hausa nor French and nobody made any attempt to question them in English.They were denied food for days. The hijackers were remanded in Niamey prison for nine years before they were released in 2001.

"The Nigerian government did not even request for them to be extradited. They wanted them away from Nigerian soil to prevent them from becoming a symbol of resistance to Nigeria's youths.

 "These teenagers represented the generation of Nigerian youths of 1993: Intelligent, bold, patriotic and courageous. They courageously believed they could save Nigeria from the tyrannical steel claws of the military Junta. Even as teenagers. They placed their lives on the chopping block to save Nigeria. They weren’t asking for what Nigeria could do for them, they thought of what they could do for Nigeria.They were only teenagers, yet they wore the chest of warriors"

But we must forgive Tinubu. He cannot possibly remember, know or acknowledge everyone. The list is endless. Many are not known and may never be known. That is why I am not angry that Tinubu did not mention even my own name! Here was a man who, while in exile, sent one press statement after another to me for publication as editor of The PUNCH! Here was a man who sent me letters saluting my courage for publishing all the incendiary statements he was sending home from exile and which I was publishing without fail! Some of those letters will form part of my soon-coming memoirs.

In fairness to him, Tinubu sent me the gift of a wristwatch, which has long gone out of use but which I still keep as mementos. Akintola Benson Oke, his aide at the time, who later became a commissioner in Lagos state under Gov. Akinwunmi Ambode, was Tinubu's emissary to me. But, like I said, we must forgive Tinubu, especially so for anyone whose contribution to our renascent democracy was borne out of conviction and not propelled by any hunger for material gains or personal recognition from any quarters.

Now, the story you are about to read is about another set of heroes neglected, heroes forgotten, heroes snubbed, and heroes unappreciated. But that does not make them less heroes anyway!

I will forever remember Prof. George Obiozor, one-time Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), who lamented that Nigerians do not celebrate their heroes. Obiozor is now late but that statement of his I have kept in my heart - although I did not agree with his choice of heroes on the occasion of that lecture held at the NIIA, Victoria Island, Lagos. That was a long time ago, when I was a Foreign Affairs correspondent.

 "Nigeria, honour your heroes!" 0biozor moaned repeatedly. A nation that does not honour its heroes cannot be great. And a nation that chooses the wrong set of heroes is perfidious and on the road to perdition.

Now to the story: "As important as this story stands in the history of our nation's struggle for democracy, it is a shame that not many of our teenagers know much about it… On October 25, 1993, four dissatisfied Nigerian teenagers hijacked a Nigerian Airways Airbus A310 that was flying from Lagos to Abuja and diverted the plane to Niamey, Niger Republic.

 "They were dissatisfied with the annulment of June 12 elections by the military Head of State, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. The young Nigerians were: Richard Ogunderu, 19; Kabir Adenuga, 18; Benneth Oluwadaisi, 20 and Kenny Rasaq Lawal, 19. They were students of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA).

 "They all… boarded the flight at MMA alongside other passengers. About 16 minutes before landing, they waited until the pilot had announced that passengers should fasten their seat belts and prepare for landing. Next thing the passengers heard was: 'Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy. Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you. You do not move or you die'.

 "The leader of the hijackers, Richard Ogunderu, walked into the cockpit and seized the process, and then one other hijacker followed. The two others remained to watch over the passengers. When he got to the cockpit, the pilot knew immediately this was an attack, so he had to obey instructions given to him.

"Ogunderu asked the pilot to divert the aircraft straight to Germany. The pilot convinced him the plane did not carry sufficient fuel to cross the Atlantic and then suggested they divert to a nearby country, Niger, or they would crash and everybody would die. The two hijackers told the pilot what they wanted was where they could give publicity to their reason for the hijack. They told him they wanted Germany because they could have good press coverage that would support their democratic cause. But that couldn’t happen because of the fuel shortage. They agreed to land in Niamey, Niger Republic.

"Upon landing, the hijackers found themselves surrounded by hundreds of armed Nigeriène soldiers at the airport. They had earlier distributed their demands in pamphlets among the passengers calling on the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election. They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. To show they were not ready to kill anyone so long as the government listened to them, they released 34 of the 193 passengers, among whom were top Nigerian government officials.

" The leader of the hijackers spoke to a BBC correspondent. The correspondent asked what they were fighting for, and he told him they wanted to actualize the mandate given by the Nigerian people to M.K.O Abiola. The Nigerian government sent 24 delegates to talk to the hijackers but none of them entered the aircraft to talk to them; instead, they were in the hotel, asking the hijackers to come down.

"The Nigeriene soldiers did not storm the plane because the hijackers claimed to have rigged the plane with explosives. And so began negotiations, keeping the remaining passengers hostage. For three days, the hijackers and the passengers fed on coffee & biscuits. At some point, they ran out of water for coffee, and one passenger demanded water. Under the guise of bringing them water and food, the Nigeriène soldiers eventually realized the hijackers were not armed, and under the cover of darkness, they stormed the plane.

"The four teenagers were arrested, cuffed hands behind their backs and taken straight to a prison cell. The hijackers spoke neither Hausa nor French and nobody made any attempt to question them in English.They were denied food for days. The hijackers were remanded in Niamey prison for nine years before they were released in 2001.

"The Nigerian government did not even request for them to be extradited. They wanted them away from Nigerian soil to prevent them from becoming a symbol of resistance to Nigeria's youths.

 "These teenagers represented the generation of Nigerian youths of 1993: Intelligent, bold, patriotic and courageous. They courageously believed they could save Nigeria from the tyrannical steel claws of the military Junta. Even as teenagers. They placed their lives on the chopping block to save Nigeria. They weren’t asking for what Nigeria could do for them, they thought of what they could do for Nigeria.They were only teenagers, yet they wore the chest of warriors"

The story was forwarded to me by one John Faluyi. Of course, I was familiar with the story when it broke, being the editor of The PUNCH at the time. But where are the guys? Dead or alive? How has life or, better still, how has Nigeria treated them?

 But whatever is the situation, they have etched their names in gold. And for as long as there are pens and biros and platforms to recall their heroism, official recognition or not, they will remain heroes in our hearts, like Princess Diana, who metamorphosed from being the Princess of Wales to becoming the more prestigious and longer-lasting Queen of Hearts!.

 My dear fellow Americans and lovers of democracy worldwide, I speak to you today as the presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party and as President of the United States of America, a great country and land of opportunities, a beacon of hope for many and a standard of democracy for all.

Our country is about to embark on elections slated for November 2024. The stakes are high, and those elections can shape the future of America and the world as we know it.

In America, we have an important choice to make and a crucial question to answer: Do we give the number one position in America to a man who is a self-serving liar, bully and narcissist and allow those who think it is okay to disregard and disrespect all we stand for or allow hope and peace, respect and honesty, liberty and progress to continue.

I know Donald Trump; I debated and defeated him four years ago. Together, we stopped him from destroying our country and corrupting the world even when he desperately violently tried to destroy our age-long democratic institution for his reckless and blind ego, pure personal material interests and his innate inability to play by the rules.

That victory allowed us, in the last four years, thanks to an inclusive team of diverse, talented and dedicated Americans, to rescue the economy and change the course of the pandemic, put more people to work than any time in the history of the USA, rebuild our infrastructures across the country, lower the costs of every day expenses for most Americans, produce more in America and expanded benefits and services for toxic exposed veterans like it has never been done in the history of America.

Now, there is a man who is clearly a danger to democracy and unworthy of the public trust going about the country spreading lies, fear and hatred, trying to deceive people into giving the key to the white house to serve his unhealthy and immoral interests and to destroy most promising things we stand for. Donald Trump is breeding a dangerous mindset and rearing a scary set of people who think it is OK to hate, lie, cheat and insult others. We must not allow that to happen.

Like many fellow Americans, I understand what is at stake, and we know how to stop this looming danger of hatred, recklessness, selfishness, tyranny, and opportunism.

As I did four years ago to stop Donald Trump, I have put myself forward again for the benefit, hope, and legitimate aspirations of the many against the immoral interests of the few. That is what democracy is about, and this is what our America is about. Democracy is about equality, hope, and transparency.

In my heart, I believe I can still do it; with your support, we can fend off this manipulator and continue the great things we started four years ago.

I know there are concerns about my age and vigour, but I disagree; I feel strong and capable. However, I will suspend my candidacy and allow my party to consult and represent a candidate for president of the United States of America. I will suspend my candidacy not out of fear or weakness but of love for our nation and democracy.

My suspension, which is not done lightly, will show Americans of today, those unborn and the rest of the world that in America, there are leaders who are not in politics for themselves but for the love of the nation and democracy and that when we say we listen, we genuinely listen.

The election is not about me. I have been privileged to serve my nation and democracy for decades in many capacities, and I have always done so patriotically and with dedication to the common good. That will never change.

I want you, my fellow Americans, and the world to know today that democracy is to be served, loved, and protected, not exploited for selfish interests, hatred, fear, and divisions like Donald Trump is trying to do in every step he takes and every word he utters.

It is heartbreaking to see that too many Republicans do not have the clarity of mind and courage of voice to vigorously denounce the menace and bag of deceit called Donald Trump, even after they have seen and heard him show his disregard for everything good about our democracy. I salute those who have done so. History will be kind to them for their efforts and courage to stand up for our nation and democracy.

Democracy is love for humanity, respect for the law, and hope in the people. This vision tells us that even when we think we can serve if truly serving is all we want to do, it does not have to be us and just us in the commanding position.

Love for humanity means we must always consider the concerns of our fellow human beings; hope in the people means we must trust not only the people’s vote but also believe that someone else is good enough among our people since we all abide by the rule of law. That is why we must all come together to fend off anyone who does not show love for humanity or hope in our people regardless of their colour or creed and does not demonstrate respect for the rule of law.

I call on all people of goodwill today to put aside our partisan differences and understand that for democracy and liberty to continue to thrive, we must all stand together against deceit, indecency, and immoral ambition and for the rule of law, freedom for all, tolerance, and decency.

Join me on Twitter @anthonykila to share your thoughts, ask questions, and continue these engaging conversations.

Anthony Kila is a Professor of Strategy and Development and a Director at the Commonwealth Institute of Advanced and Professional Studies.

Petroleum marketers have expressed fear over the price of petrol from Dangote Petrochemical Refinery.

Naija News understands that the product is set to hit the Nigerian local market in two to three weeks.

However, petrol marketers do not seem to look forward to the development as they claim that the product’s price may be higher than expected.

They spoke against the backdrop of the 650,000-capacity refinery’s failure to get feedstock locally from the international oil companies.

Dangote Refinery has continued to import crude oil from the United States and other countries at a higher cost.

This development has reportedly made its diesel and aviation fuel not very attractive to some local marketers due to price reasons.

Speaking in an interview with Punch, the National Vice President of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Hammed Fashola, said crude imports would jerk up the price of Dangote petrol.

According to Fashola, the refusal of IOCs to sell crude oil to Dangote will be a big challenge to the $20bn refinery, even as he acknowledged that the IOCs also have other business commitments.

According to him, “The non-supply of crude is a big challenge for Dangote. You know Dangote cried out too. The international oil companies too will have their reasons; you know they have their commitments too. It’s not like they will start feeding Dangote only. People should understand that.

“I think Dangote should consider that. I know this prompted Dangote to go outside the soil of Nigeria to seek crude oil. You know when he keeps bringing crude oil from the United States, that is another cost. That is another problem we are scared of because it will still boil down to the high cost of petrol, unlike where he can source the crude locally in Nigeria.”

To resolve this, the IPMAN leader asked the Federal Government to assist Dangote with the supply of crude oil. This, he said, would solve the problems Nigerians face with fuel availability and affordability.

“I will advise that the government should assist Dangote in the supply of crude oil. If Dangote can get an adequate supply of crude oil locally, I think the whole problem will be solved somehow. I don’t think there will be any need for anybody to go and bring in petrol again, especially if Dangote is selling at a reasonable price,” he added.

Fashola, however, enjoined Dangote not to monopolise the petroleum if he eventually got the support of the government, saying the refinery must sell PMS at a reasonable price.

“Dangote too should not see it as an advantage to start monopolising the market by raising fuel prices. Dangote has to come with a clean mind by selling at a reasonable price to the public,” he said.

[NaijaNews]

Former world number one Naomi Osaka navigated a tricky first round match against France’s Diane Parry at Wimbledon yesterday and eventually won 6-1 1-6 6-4 with the help of some nervous serving from her opponent.

The 26-year-old Japanese, who entered the draw as a wildcard, looked to be in total command in the first set, her hefty groundstrokes hitting the lines and her big serve forcing Parry on to the back foot.

But Osaka, who returned to the tour this year after 15 months of maternity leave for her daughter who turns one on Tuesday, appeared to lose concentration and rhythm in the second set and 21-year-old Parry, ranked 53, took advantage.

“I wish I could say I enjoyed (the match) all the time,” Osaka, who has won both the U.S. and Australian Opens twice, said in an interview on court. “My heart was racing.”

The match see-sawed into the third set with the players trading breaks at the start.
Osaka, who was playing at Wimbledon for the first time for five years, saved break points in a difficult ninth game to lead 5-4 before Parry’s serve crumbled and she produced three double faults to concede the match.

“I feel like these are the type of matches that you kind of have to play just in order to ease into the tournament,” Osaka said after thanking the crowd for getting behind her.
Meanwhile, Emma Raducanu snapped a dispiriting sequence of first-round defeats for British players at Grand Slams as the wildcard beat Mexico’s Renata Zarazua 7-6(0) 6-3 on Centre Court on Monday.

The 21-year-old got an unexpected boost when Russian 22nd seed Ekaterina Alexandrova, her scheduled opponent, withdrew because of illness on the morning of the match with Zarazua, a loser in qualifying, taking her place.

With former England soccer captain David Beckham watching on from the Royal Box, Raducanu looked nervous early on against an unorthodox opponent but eventually contained the unforced errors that littered the first set to move into round two.

It was a welcome win for the former U.S. Open champion who missed last year’s Wimbledon because of injury and who has struggled to reach the dizzy heights of her fairytale victory at Flushing Meadows in 2021.

[Leadership]

The Minister of Education, Prof Tahir Mamman, has said that the federal government alone cannot finance education in Nigeria.

He said this at an event in Abuja organised in honour of Dr Emeka Offor and his wife, Dr Adaora Offor who were awarded honourary degrees in business administration and social advocacy respectively by the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) and the Nnamdi Azikiwe University (NAU), Awka.

The minister said though the government had spent so much in funding education, private individuals and philanthropists needed to emulate what Mr Offor and his wife had done through their foundation to support education.

He said, “The ministry is encouraged with this kind of recognition because the government cannot finance education alone; just as it has contributed a lot.

“That is why people like Emeka Offor and wife have stepped in, and what they are doing should be encouraged by others. I believe this is an excellent example of well-used resources, and I urge others to take a cue from what they have done.”

While UNN received N100m for research activities and scholarly enterprise that will impact the Faculty of Business Administration, NAU received N50m for the welfare of widows, children with special needs and other vulnerable members of the society.

The celebrant and donor, Chief Offor, said the endowment fund would be a restricted one, where the principal sum would be held in perpetuity except otherwise decided by the Sir Emeka Offor Foundation (SEOF) and the universities.

He said, “This gesture is our desire towards supporting higher education in Nigeria and strengthening the bond of friendship between SEOF and UNN/NAU.”

[DailyTrust]