The 2023 Labour Party, LP, presidential candidate, Peter Obi, has urged party members not to fear anyone, stressing that Nigeria is in a state of collapse and urgently needs rescue.

He made this statement while addressing party members during the ongoing National Executive Council, NEC, meeting in Abuja.

“Do not fear anybody. Those who were afraid yesterday didn’t do any better,” Obi said. “We must speak out when things are going wrong. Nigeria is collapsing. The numbers are clear; the indices are clear—people are getting poorer every day.”

The former Anambra State governor stressed the need for unity and inclusion within the party.

“The Labour Party has chosen to be a family, and we must do everything as a family. It’s not about Peter Obi’s choice; it’s everyone’s choice. This family excludes no one. We want to build a party that is fair and just.

“We want to go into the next election fully prepared, offering Nigerians the best and most competent candidates for the House of Representatives, the Senate, Governorships, and the Presidency.”

He also emphasised the relevance of party loyalty and competence among aspirants, adding that they want to correct the mistakes they made in the past.

“Anyone seeking to contest under our party must be a committed member, not just someone passing through. They must be competent,” he added.

[DailyPost]

A former president of the Ijaw Youths Council (IYC) Worldwide, Engr. Udengs Eradiri, has told the Bayelsa State Governor, Douye Diri, to stop dragging the entire Ijaw nation into his fight for political survival in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Eradiri, a former governorship candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in Bayelsa, said Diri should go and grind his political axe with the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, and stop making it look like the Ijaw was at war with Wike.

He said it was unfortunate that the likes of Diri were attempting to drag the entire ethnic group into political fight.

Eradiri, a former Commissioner for Youths and later Environment in Bayelsa clarified that he was neither a Wike’s man nor looking for the Minister’s endorsement, recalling that he tried to get Wike’s nod as a candidate of the LP during the last governorship election in Bayelsa, but that some persons around the Minister blocked him.

He said: “I guess it was the game at the time because a Wike’s endorsement would have perhaps made the outcome of the governorship election different as evident his support led to the victory of Douye diri because if not for the cancellation of Chief Timipre Sylva’s stronghold made possible by Wike’s support things would have been different.

“This is why I am talking about the hypocrisy in display today. When Douye Diri, ‘Governor-General of the Ijaw Nation’, went down to kneel down for Wike to collect power he used in ijawland to win Sylva and myself where was the Ijaw pride they so profess today?”

Eradiri queried the whereabouts of today’s so-called Ijaw lovers, when Wike splashed N5bn on the dilapidated Law School in Yenagoa, which was abandoned by those claiming to love Ijaw more than others.

He asked those fighting Wike to take a trip to Port Harcourt in Rivers and behold the magnificent Law School Wike built in Ikwerre land.

Eradiri asked persons, who claimed Wike insulted the Ijaw nation to replay the Minister’s statements and judge for themselves without biases if what the Minister said they was not bitter truth.

Eradiri said: “As usual, our people don’t read or listen. They simply went to the ijaw square to sentence Wike. Without even knowing what the issues were, they jumped into bandwagon of crucification.

“Lets even ask ourselves, this our ijawness, why is it not in the development and progress of our nation and people? Why always solidarity at war but not for development?

“Look at Yenagoa, the capital of ijaw nation, like a place where mad people reside replete with abandoned projects courtesy of some ijaw leaders, yet no solidarity is shown for the development , light up and progress of ijaw nation.

“Our airport is moribund and our schools are a disgrace to education. Young talents are deliberately not encouraged to stardom; jobless youths roam the streets due to visionless leadership; no hope of survival but you are very active for solidarity to fight political battles of those impoverishing them.

“There are herdsmen in our bushes killing and destroying our crops yet no solidarity to deal with such a menace but same youths can gather against a speech of fact from deputy governor but they cannot gather for their progress but easy to gather against a perceived political enemy?”

Eradiri said Wike suddenly became an enemy of Ijaw simply because he took the PDP from Douye Diri and his colleague governors.

“When did ijaw people choose PDP as ijaw party? Diri should go and deal with his issues in PDP and stop dragging ijaw people into what does not concern us”, he said.

Eradiri insisted that lack of leadership tact on the part of the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, caused the crisis in his state and asked the governor to stop etnicising the impasse.

He said: “As for Governor Siminalayi Fubara, he is incompetent and that is what has brought all this negative energy. He should not involve ijaw in his political issues and affairs. Let him tell us how he has supported the ijaws or ijaw activities? 

“How many ijaws of Rivers State did he empower that he is demanding Ijaw support now? How many of the IYC comrades in Eastern zone were LGA chairmen, commissioners and appointees in his government?

“Or are all the ijaw youths of Eastern Zone only good at supporting political fights but not good enough for appointment and empowerment? When Chief Wike visited Abalama, how much did Fubara mobilise his people? Wike is a fighter and i like his style.

“I advise Fubara to go and kneel before Wike and beg for forgiveness. Those, who are deceiving him have no balls. They go cap in hand kneeling and begging same Wike when they get it they come in the open to claim ijaw lions.

“Now, Fubara is the one outside they are there ranting. Mr. President used the state of emergency to save Fubara and the ijaw nation the embarrassment of impeachment. He should go thank and appreciate President Bola Tinubu.”

Eradiri recalled that when Wike singlehandedly made Fubara Rivers governor, no ijaw gathered or even went to thank him.

“Fubara did not buy form or even spoke a word during campaigns. Why should he now be disobeying and reneging on agreement? Men are those who keep their words and abide by agreements”, he said.

Eradiri criticised the way and manner the Ijaw National Congress (INC) handled the Rivers crisis and warned the body against ethnicizing political issues, insisting that the INC brought the Rivers embarrassment on the Ijaw nation.

He said: “The INC failed to realize that those supporting Wike are ijaws too, Abalama chiefs and youths lined up to welcome Wike, are you saying they are no longer ijaws? George kelly and the numerous ijaw sons empowered by Wike are they not ijaws?

 “INC should not be romancing governors’ egos. The institution is bigger than them and once you belittle the INC before these incompetent governors then the institutions will be ripe for ridicule and insults. Nobody is more ijaw than any other, so INC should protect all interest and stay away from politics. 

“Non of these governors have empowered ijaw nation more than Wike , the peanuts they give to our platforms cannot be mentioned anywhere as support. Cant you see how Wike developed his people and empowered them? If they want challenge they should brag with their work on ground. Wike’s work is visible for the blind to see even in our ijawland.

Eradiri said the NDDC Forensic Report revealed that those so-called lovers of ijaw nation looted the commission and stole money meant to develop same ijawland, adding that they got paid for contracts but refused to execute them.

He said they deliberately underdeveloped the only ijaw state, noting that they collapsed the educational system and resorted to sending their children abroad.

Eradiri said: “Just look at the Atala Marginal Field, the one owned by ijaw state but taken away from ijaw youths and sold to outsiders by ijaw leaders to the detriment of ijaws. We lost jobs and opportunity for economic growth of the same ijaw nation.

“See the darkness in ijaw land no power to drive growth, if not for the NDDC led by Dr. Samuel Ogbuku, who is not in their league but they continue to fight to bring him down, all our communities will have still been in darkness at night

“Please, lets stop ethnicising political issues, Diri and Fubara should go fight their political party battles and leave ijaw nation out of politics. When it favors you you laugh and dance in thanksgiving , when it doesn’t favor you it becomes ijaw affair. Wike is not the ijaw enemy, you people are the real enemies”.

Niger military government has officially made Hausa the country’s new national language, moving away from its colonial past where French played a central role.

The change was announced in a new charter released on March 31, published in a special edition of the government’s official journal.

According to the document, “The national language is Hausa,” and “the working languages are English and French.”

Hausa is already the most commonly spoken language across Niger, especially in the Zinder, Maradi, and Tahoua regions. 

Most of the country’s population of about 26 million people understand and speak Hausa. In comparison, only around three million people, just 13 per cent, can speak French.

The new charter also officially lists nine other local languages, including Zarma-Songhay, Fula, Kanuri, Gourmanche, and Arabic, as “the spoken languages of Niger.”

This language switch follows a national meeting held in February.

During that event, the military government received more support and General Abdourahamane Tiani, the junta leader, was given approval to stay in power for five more years.

Since taking over in a coup in July 2023, which removed the country’s civilian president, Mohamed Bazoum, the junta has been cutting off ties with France.

These actions include removing French troops from the country, ending diplomatic relations, and changing the names of roads and buildings that used to carry French names.

Like Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, which also have military governments and used to be French colonies, are taking similar steps.

They’ve also pulled out of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, a group similar to the Commonwealth that supports French-speaking nations.

[Punch]

When I was admitted to the Department of Political Science in 1980 as a freshman, straight from secondary school, Professor Humphrey Nwosu was one of the lecturers we encountered. He was the Head of the Sub-department of Public Administration which owned the Local Government building that housed the Department of Political Science.

Though he was an energetic and ebullient man, he wasn’t exactly very popular with us for two main reasons: One, is that he normally fixed his lectures at 7am, and he never failed to show up for classes. He would in fact often be in the class before that 7am, which led to some of  us gossiping behind his back about a man who preferred to come jumping up and down in the class at a time in the morning that he should be keeping his wife company.

The second reason Professor Nwosu wasn’t quite popular with us was that Nigerian universities in the 1980s and early 1990s were very ideologically driven, essentially between the Marxists (also called the ‘radical scholars’) and those that were variously called ‘bourgeois scholars’ or derided as the “educated representatives of the propertied class”. Unfortunately Professor Nwosu was among those we called “bourgeois scholars”.

We were told that the bourgeois scholars  were not able to appreciate the “dialectics of class struggle”, that their works were very “ahistorical”, with a “tendency to be arbitrary in their choice of analytical categories”, and that they  failed to appreciate that the nature of the “productive force” and “social relations of production” were the motif forces of history. Though we knew that Professor Nwosu made first class honours, however, because we saw him as a “bourgeois scholar”, we ridiculed that accomplishment as being merely a First Class Honours in ‘Elements of Government’, not the sort of proper political science that the ‘radical scholars’ were teaching us. 

Professor Nwosu, on his own, blamed the ‘radical scholars’, the “Nnoli boys”, of exposing students to only one side of a complex reality. Though we regarded Prof Nwosu as a ‘bourgeois scholar’ we respected him because of the sheer force of his presence, or charisma if you like – unlike most of the other lecturers we regarded as ‘bourgeois scholars’.

I recall an incident with one of the ‘bourgeois scholars’. He was teaching us something about “colonialism” which was at that time the favourite whipping boy of the radical scholars who made it compulsory that we should read and master such works as Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Okwudiba Nnoli’s Ethnic Politics in Nigeria, and Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth. In fact, from Nnoli’s book we learnt that ethnicity in Nigeria started in the colonial urban centres and was fuelled by the colonial policy of ‘divide and rule’. Rodney’s book squarely blamed colonialism for Africa’s underdevelopment, while Fanon’s book provided a psychoanalysis of the dehumanising effects of colonisation upon the individual and the nation.

With our understanding of colonialism from these three books and similar ones, I think we were tolerating the ‘bourgeois scholar’,  until he wrote on the black board: “The benefits of colonialism”. We felt we have heard enough.  One of us from the back of the class shouted: “Whaat?” In anger, the entire  class walked out on him, believing that he did not know enough to teach us, or was teaching us the wrong stuff,  despite the fact  that we were just in our first year, or ‘Class 1’ as some of us liked to call it in those days. 

Though we regarded Professor Nwosu as a “bourgeois scholar”, we also respected him as an effective administrator. In fact, behind the backs of the radical scholars, we mocked their relative lack of administrative capacity compared to Professor Nwosu. Professor Nnoli, leader of the radical scholars, was the Head of Department of Political Science in our first year in the Department.

Professor Nwosu – a brief biography

Humphrey Nwosu is an astute and charismatic public administrator, academic, technocrat, and political scientist. He studied political science at the University of California at Berkeley where he earned Master’s and doctoral degrees in political science ((Magna Cum Laude) in 1973 and 1976 respectively. He subsequently returned to teach at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka where he rose to become a full-time tenured professor. In 1986, he was appointed by the Anambra State Government to serve as Commissioner of Local Government and Chieftaincy Matters and later Commissioner of Agriculture. He was appointed Chairman of the Nigeria Electoral Commission in 1989, to replace Professor Eme Awa, his former lecturer and mentor, who had fallen out of favour with the Babangida government.  

When Prof. Nwosu left office in 1993 after the annulment of June 12 presidential election, he returned to teaching at the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka where he formally retired in 1999. Professor Nwosu has published several books and peer-reviewed articles in both local and international journals. His books include  Political Authority and Nigerian Civil Service (1977); Problems of Nigerian Administration(edited, 1985);  A Book of Reading; Introduction to Politics; Moral Education in Nigeria; Conduct of Free and Fair Election in Nigeria: Speeches, Comments and Reflections (1991) and  Laying the Foundation for Nigeria’s Democracy: My Account of June 12, 1993 Presidential Election and its Annulment (2008).  Professor Humphrey Nwosu, breathed his last on Thursday, October 24, in the United States of America, at the age of 83

What does it mean to be a reformer at the crossroads?

A reformer is a change agent who is deliberate and intentional about improving the way things work.  As an expression, the imagery often invoked is that of an intersection of two roads in which a person has to make a decision on which of the roads to take. Essentially it means being at a stage when one has to take a critical or an important decision.

The above raises two important questions:  which reforms are we talking about in relations to Professor Nwosu? And at which crossroads?

Though it is obvious that Professor Nwosu, given the number of public positions he had held would have been at several crossroads, for most Nigerians, he is known for his role as the Chairman of the National Election Commissions from 1989-1993. So which crossroads are we talking about?

Professor Nwosu’s crossroads

Professor Nwosu’s challenge was not just helping to manage a transition to a full civilian rule  but also to  facilitate the process of de-militarisation –  that is the military handing over power to civilian authorities and accepting subordination to a civilian authority. This means that unlike the electoral bodies since 1999 which dealt with only with the political class and their mode of competition for power, Professor Nwosu had to deal with two humongous groups – the political class and the military establishment, including a faction of that establishment which did not want to lose their privileges by accepting a handover to a civilian political class.  

The job of being the country’s chief electoral umpire is often called a poisoned chalice, in which rarely any umpire would come out of it with his reputation being intact (Professor Jega who organised the 2015 election was mostly lucky that Jonathan conceded defeat). If just dealing with the political class makes the job of the chief electoral umpire to be a poisoned chalice, you can then imagine what it means to be an electoral umpire for both the political class and a politicised military.

De-militarisation would often raise the question of de-politicisation. How do you professionalise soldiers who had become used to political power and its appurtenances and to being superordinate to civilian authorities? As Elaigwu (2015:232) argued: “The demilitarization of the polity without adequate de-politicisation of the military is an invitation to chaos; yet paradoxically, that process of de-politicisation of the military involves the politicization of the military”.

Essentially Babangida’s transition programme, in which at a point the country was running a diarchy, meant that the military as an establishment had become more politically conscious and was factionalised between those who wanted a handover to a civilian government and those who resented such. In fact, Babangida, in his recent autobiography admitted that much when he declared that “there were fears, even at that early stage of the transition programme, that some members of the top hierarchy of the military were reluctant to relinquish power” (Babangida, 2025: 258).  

The paper was originally presented at a Colloquium on the Life and Times of Professor Humphrey Nwosu at Abuja on March 25 2025. 

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University 

Former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Dr. Olisa Agbakoba, has called on President Bola Tinubu to adopt a rapid, decisive implementation strategy—similar to that of former U.S. President Donald Trump—to achieve an ambitious ₦500 trillion national budget by 2026/2027.

In a 35-page policy report titled “OAL Governance and Economic Analysis and Forecast 2025: To Nigeria Can Succeed,” Agbakoba commended Tinubu’s fuel subsidy removal but stressed that economic reforms must translate into tangible improvements for everyday Nigerians.

“The paper presents a comprehensive strategy for transforming Nigeria from a resource-dependent to a production-driven economy capable of generating a ₦500 trillion budget,” he said.

“This target requires reimagining Nigeria’s economic architecture and governance to reduce debt and boost revenue.”

Agbakoba cited the need to replace extractive institutions—those concentrating wealth among elites—with inclusive ones that spread economic and political power more broadly, drawing on the book “Why Nations Fail” by Acemoglu and Robinson.

Two Imperatives for Economic Transformation:

Restructure Governance:

Devolve power to states and local governments

Enact constitutional reforms to reflect true federalism

Ensure judicial independence

Tackle corruption and reform public services

Sectoral Interventions to Unlock ₦500 Trillion:

₦85tn: Oil & gas reform (shift from “Contract Oil” to “Development Oil”)

₦65tn: Tax reform and revenue collection

₦50tn: Asset monetization via MOFI and PPPs

₦45tn: Development of critical minerals

₦40tn: Unlocking dead capital through property rights

₦35tn: Maritime and blue economy

₦30tn each: Aviation sector and digital economy

₦25tn each: Local content enforcement and strategic trade policy

₦10tn: Space industry development

Agbakoba emphasized that executing this plan requires “Trumpian speed”—rapid, concurrent actions across multiple fronts, bureaucratic streamlining, and leveraging technology.

“The success of these policies will not be judged by statistics or international praise, but by their impact on ordinary Nigerians,” he stated.

“Can the market trader in Onitsha earn more? Is food more affordable in Kano? Can a farmer in Benue access healthcare and education?”

He reiterated that Nigeria’s economic underperformance is due more to institutional failure than resource scarcity.

“With strategic reforms across sectors like maritime, aviation, oil and gas, digital economy, and trade, Nigeria can become a ₦500 trillion economic powerhouse,” Agbakoba said.

“This transformation is not just necessary—it is the moral imperative of our time.”

He concluded with a rallying call: “With our natural resources, strategic location, and resilient people, Nigeria has all it takes for economic greatness. It’s time to make Nigeria and Africa great again.”

[Vanguard]

Crude oil price has dropped to $59 for the first time since February 2021. 

Brent crude, global oil price, fell by 5.09 percent to $59.62 per barrel at 12.30 WAT while US West Texas Intermediate fell by 5.54 percent to $56.28 per barrel on Wednesday.

The recent decline in oil prices follows an announcement by President Donald Trump on April 2, imposing sweeping global tariffs (including 14 percent on Nigeria) on all imports into the US.

Moreso, on April 4, the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and its allies decided to increase oil production by 411,000 barrels per day (bpd) in May.

The current oil price threatens Nigeria’s oil revenue, as it is lower than Nigeria’s 2025 budget benchmark of $75 per barrel.

Speaking on the development, Jide Pratt, chief operating officer (COO) of Aiona, and country manager, Tradegrid, said the recent drop in oil prices means lower revenues and lower foreign reserves for Nigeria, especially with the suspension of the naira-for-crude deal.

“We’ve seen an increase in foreign exchange (FX) rates, which does not help monetary or fiscal policy,” he said.

“Personally, I believe it does show that the benchmark for our budget leaves a lot to be desired. More importantly, we are on the road to a supplementary budget and loans.

“We need to sell off some assets tothe  private sector and enable growth in our economy to buffer low crude oil prices.”

Since the country depends largely on oil revenue, Pratt said “there can be no better time to really diversify”.

On Monday, Wale Edun, the minister of finance, said the oil price plunge will have an adverse effect on Nigeria, and to curtail any price effect, “we are intensifying efforts to ramp up crude oil production”.

“We are also focusing on non-oil revenue mobilisation by FIRS and Customs” he said.

“Budget adjustment and prioritisation where possible, and also innovative non-debt financing strategies.”

Nigeria’s oil production fell to 1.46 million barrels per day (bpd) in February — below the 1.5 million quota set for the country by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

The output level is below the 2.1 million barrels of oil per day target set by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) for 2025.

[TheCable]

Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the 37-year-old military leader of Burkina Faso, recently declared that no country has developed under democracy, insisting instead that his country is undergoing a “popular, progressive revolution” and not bound by the dogmas of democratic governance. For many, especially in the West, such statements might sound like a rejection of modern civilization. But for those who choose not to be sentimental, his words ring true with a kind of clarity African nations desperately need.

Traoré’s assertion is not an attack on democracy itself; rather, it exposes the naivety and hypocrisy in believing that democracy, without foundational development, can bring prosperity to the people. The bitter truth? Democracy, as practiced in much of Africa today, is a grand illusion, more about appearances than results.

Since the wave of democratization that swept across Africa in the 1990s, most countries have transitioned from military or autocratic regimes to so-called democratic governments. Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and others now hold regular elections, have multiple political parties, and tout themselves as democratic states.

Nigeria has been practising democracy uninterrupted since 1999, yet remains plagued by epileptic power supply, dilapidated infrastructure, mass poverty, and endemic corruption. Despite being Africa’s largest economy, over 133 million Nigerians are classified as multidimensionally poor (NBS, 2022), and the government still relies heavily on foreign loans and handouts to survive. The legislature, an institution that symbolizes democracy, is bloated, secretive, and consumes billions in allowances while ordinary citizens beg for palliatives.

South Africa, often lauded as Africa’s most sophisticated democracy, faces crippling inequality, rampant crime, rolling blackouts (load shedding), and mass unemployment. The very freedom that democracy guarantees has not translated into economic equity or social stability.

Kenya, Zambia, and Malawi have had multiple peaceful elections, but economic progress has remained slow, stunted by elite capture, donor dependence, and political instability. In fact, many democracies in Africa are caught in a vicious cycle where elections become more of a power struggle between elites than a pathway to progress for the people.

Without a doubt, the myth of democracy is that it is being seen as a prerequisite for development. Let’s examine how the world’s current powerhouses got to where they are.

For instance, China rose to become a global economic titan without embracing democracy. Under an authoritarian model, it lifted over 800 million people out of poverty (according to World Bank) in just 40 years through strict policies, industrialization, and disciplined state-led growth. The same country that the West criticizes for human rights abuses has built more infrastructure, educated more citizens, and expanded its economy faster than any democratic nation in history.

Singapore, under Lee Kuan Yew, was essentially a benevolent dictatorship. Lee famously said, “What a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” He was right. Singapore rose from a third-world port city to a first-world financial hub, not through liberal elections, but through vision, planning, and meritocracy.

Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame, has one of the fastest-growing economies in Africa, with high scores in security, infrastructure, and public health. Yet Rwanda is not a full democracy by Western standards, Kagame’s rule has been accused of authoritarian tendencies. But Rwandans today enjoy cleaner cities, better roads, and functional governance compared to many of their “democratic” neighbours.

To not a few people, elections without development is political theatre. This is as in Nigeria, democracy has become more about elections than governance. Politicians focus on winning power, not on building nations. Voters are weaponized with bags of rice, cooking oil, and Naira notes. Once elected, leaders loot the treasury, empower their cronies, and disappear into air-conditioned offices until the next election cycle.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “What then is the essence of democracy when it fails to uplift the poor, protect the vulnerable, or stimulate economic growth?”

Traoré’s comment strikes at the heart of this hypocrisy. Democracy has been elevated as the gold standard of governance, yet it has become a theatre of corruption and chaos in Africa. When he said, “Democracy is only the result,” he meant that genuine democracy is the byproduct of development, not the foundation of it.

Not only that, democracy offers “Free Speech” Illusion.  One of the most touted features of democracy is free speech. But what use is freedom of speech when it’s only used to complain about bad governance year after year? What value does it have in a system where speaking the truth changes nothing? As Traoré rightly said, libertinism, unrestricted expression without structure, often leads to societal disorder, especially where education and civic awareness are low.

Given the foregoing shortcomings of democracy, It’s time Africa wakes up to the reality that democracy, in its current form, is not working. The continent needs a governance model that prioritizes security, discipline, infrastructure, human capital, and national interest above blind imitation of Western systems. Call it benevolent dictatorship, developmental authoritarianism, or “popular progressive revolution” like Traoré says, what matters is results.

African nations should not be ashamed to chart their own paths. The West had its revolutions. Asia had its one-party states. Why must Africa be chained to a democratic model that doesn’t serve its people?

Democracy, in its pure form, is beautiful. But beauty without substance is deception. Captain Ibrahim Traoré may have ruffled feathers, but his boldness is refreshing. His leadership is forcing Africans to ask hard questions we’ve been avoiding for decades.

We must build strong institutions, robust economies, and literate societies first. Only then can democracy take root and flourish. Until then, democracy, African style, will remain a glorified charade.

My family and I join millions of Nigerians in extending our warmest birthday wishes to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a formidable political strategist of our time, as he turns 73.

This particular birthday holds unique significance, as it coincides with the conclusion of  Ramadan and the observance of Christian Lenten period. For Tinubu, a devout Muslim, celebrating his birthday on March 29 at the end of one of Islam’s most sacred periods—Ramadan—adds a profound spiritual dimension. Additionally, the fact that it aligns with the period of Lent being observed by his wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, a pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), makes it even more remarkable. The convergence of these three significant religious events is certainly noteworthy.

It is, therefore, unsurprising that the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, paid a heartfelt tribute to her husband, referring to him as her “knight in shining armor.”

For those unfamiliar with the phrase, “knight in shining armor” originates from medieval European folklore and symbolizes chivalry, bravery, honor, and unwavering loyalty. This image, which first emerged in 12th-century literature, embodies key virtues such as:

1.                              Chivalry – Upholding a code of honor, loyalty, and the protection of the weak.

2.                              Bravery – Courageously facing challenges and adversity.

3.                              Loyalty – Demonstrating steadfast devotion to one’s cause, country, and loved ones.

4.                              Honor – Committing to principles that uphold personal and family integrity.

These attributes align closely with Tinubu’s public service record. From his early days as a pro-democracy activist to his tenure as a senator, governor, and national leader of the ruling party, he has consistently demonstrated political resilience and strategic brilliance. It is in this context that the First Lady’s description of him as “My Knight in Shining Armor” appears fitting.

Beyond his wife’s admiration, Tinubu has also received praise from past Nigerian leaders. Former President Muhammadu Buhari, under whom Tinubu served as the ruling party’s key strategist, described him as an influential figure in Nigeria’s political history:

“No doubt, the annals of the country will not be complete without mentioning President Tinubu’s significant roles as an entrepreneur, party stalwart, activist, and a serial winner of democratic elections. I am truly proud of my association with Asiwaju.”

Similarly, former Military President Ibrahim Babangida, under whose regime Tinubu was forced into exile due to his pro-democracy activism, acknowledged his leadership qualities:

“There comes a time in the life of a nation when an uncommon personality and courageous disposition define the essence of problem-solving leadership. With your background in the struggle for the emancipation of ordinary Nigerians and your commitment to deepening democracy, your history speaks for itself.”

Babangida further praised Tinubu’s resilience, stating:

“You have come to lead Nigeria at a very challenging time in our history, and your leadership thus far has been remarkable, bold, and encouraging. Only those who have been in leadership positions understand the complexities involved in governing a nation like Nigeria.”

These endorsements reinforce Tinubu’s political standing. However, as he marks this milestone, opposition forces are mobilizing to challenge his presidency in the 2027 election.

Going by his concluding part of his tribute, Babangida has apparently endorsed Tinubu for a second term.

“A results-oriented and pragmatic leader like you is well-suited to tackle the current challenges, particularly given the innovative policies and strategic direction your administration has pursued so far.”

Babangida’s tribute stands out to me because, in several of my past media engagements, I have argued that President Tinubu is making the tough decisions that Babangida, as a former military head of state, was unable to implement to rescue Nigeria from economic decline. Specifically, Babangida’s failure to fully execute the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of 1984/85—choosing instead to step aside under pressure—plunged the country into a state of arrested development, leading to the socio-economic and political struggles that persist today and which Tinubu’s reforms are dismantling.

It is noteworthy and commendable that Babangida himself has acknowledged Tinubu’s determination to follow through on difficult reforms, a path he hesitated to complete before stepping down in 1993.

Even former President Muhammadu Buhari—whose tenure as a military ruler from 1983 to 1985 was marked by repression, rivaled only by General Sani Abacha’s rule from 1993 to 1998—has given due recognition to Tinubu’s critical role in helping him achieve the presidency in 2015 after multiple failed attempts.

For me, the key takeaway from the tributes by both Buhari and Babangida is that they reinforce the “Knight in Shining Armor” title bestowed upon Tinubu by his wife, First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu. Their acknowledgments align with the characteristics of a knight: chivalry, bravery, loyalty, and honor.

While we have yet to see birthday tributes from other former Nigerian leaders like General Abdulsalami Abubakar and former President Goodluck Jonathan, there appears to be a broad consensus on Tinubu’s political influence.

I have previously stated that Tinubu is implementing reforms that past leaders should have introduced and completed over the last four -five decades.

In his book Political Style: The Artistry of Power (1995), Robert Hariman examines the political craftsmanship of historical figures, including Vaclav Havel, Ronald Reagan, and Bill Clinton. He highlights how each leader’s style shapes their political effectiveness and the crises they encounter.

Tinubu exemplifies this idea of political artistry. Aristotle famously described humans as “political animals,” naturally inclined to engage in governance and power dynamics. Though trained as an accountant, Tinubu has evolved into a master politician, refining his approach from his early days as a senator under Babangida’s transition to democracy. His journey—from opposition leader to president—has drawn both admiration and criticism, particularly from former allies like Nasir El-Rufai and Rotimi Amaechi, who are now among his growing list of political adversaries.

Hariman identifies four dominant political styles in his book:

1.                              Realist Style – Rooted in Machiavelli’s The Prince, this approach prioritizes power, calculation, and emotional control.

2.                              Courtly Style – As seen in Kapuscinski’s The Emperor, it revolves around hierarchy, decorum, and reverence for leadership.

3.                              Republican Style – Inspired by Cicero, this style emphasizes rhetoric, consensus-building, and civility.

4.                              Bureaucratic Style – Echoing Kafka’s The Castle, this focuses on institutional procedures and governance structures.

Tinubu has, at different times, demonstrated elements of these styles. His distinct mannerisms, strategic thinking, and political resilience have made him a phenomenon in Nigeria’s contemporary political landscape.

This explains why, ahead of the 2023 presidential election, he confidently declared “Emi lo kan” (It’s my turn) in Yoruba, asserting his right to lead after years of king-making—a claim even former President Buhari acknowledged.

Despite his proximity to power, Tinubu faced significant obstacles, including the naira redesign policy, which created cash shortages and threatened his campaign. He later recounted how a close associate questioned whether he could succeed under such conditions. Yet, he remained resolute, stating, “I will make it.” True to his words, he secured the presidency.

In my book Becoming President of Nigeria: A Citizen’s Guide (2023), released before the party primaries, I argued that Tinubu had a strong chance of winning the presidency, even though zoning considerations had not officially favored him.

In chapter six (6) titled Political Frenzy and Fireworks Surrounding the Jostle for Presidency of Nigeria in 2023 Against a Politician from the Yoruba Ethnic Stock as detailed from pages 99-110, the case was made for Tinubu’s eligibility based on former Ogun state governor, and elder statesman,Aremo Segun Osoba’s optics.

At that time, Peter Obi’s rise through the Labour Party was not yet fully in play. In the Conclusion chapter of the book (p.301) one had also predicted the contest would primarily be between Tinubu (APC) and Atiku Abubakar (PDP).

All that is contained in my article titled “How to Become the President of Nigeria , 2023” first published on September 15, 2021 by Thecable.ng and later on page 331 -332 in my book by the same title published in 2023.

Tinubu’s political acumen is well-established. However, some believe he may have weakened his position by declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State on March 18, 2024. Critics argue this move could alienate Niger Deltans, while his supporters maintain that he acted decisively to prevent a violent crisis in the volatile region.

Among his challengers is Nasir El-Rufai, the former Kaduna governor who was instrumental in Tinubu’s 2023 victory but was later sidelined from a ministerial position, after being nominated. El-Rufai is reportedly working to unify opposition parties under the Social Democratic Party (SDP) to replicate Tinubu’s 2015 strategy against the PDP. Whether he will succeed remains to be seen.

Another formidable opponent is Rotimi Amaechi, the former Rivers governor and transportation minister, who contested against Tinubu in the APC primaries. While it wise not to take any threat forgranted, he may not be such a threat as his influence in Rivers state politics has been whittled down by the immediate past governor and current minister of the F.C.T, Nyesom Wike.

An anecdote: ‘l once asked a wiseman, how do l know who is real (amongst my followers) and he replied, ‘Remove the benefits and see who’s left’ appears to ring true in Rivers state, as loyalty is being determined by who is benefiting and who has the ability and capacity to keep dispensing benefits.

Regardless of opposition, Tinubu remains a master strategist who has reshaped Nigeria’s political landscape. His ability to build coalitions and outmaneuver opponents was evident in the formation of the APC, which unseated the PDP in 2015. As governor of Lagos, his policies—including the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system and revenue reforms—laid the foundation for the state’s economic growth.

His adaptability is another strength. Over the years, he has adjusted to shifting political realities, often turning challenges into opportunities.

Of course, Tinubu is not without controversy. Some critics allege discrepancies in his age, questioning whether he is truly 73, as officially stated, or older, based on past reports. However, in a world where information can be manipulated with Aritificial Inteligence tools, such claims remain unverified. Moreover, age falsification is widespread among Nigerian civil servants, with many reducing their official ages to extend their careers.

To address this issue, the National Assembly should consider criminalizing age falsification and making it highly enforceable as part of the ongoing constitutional review.

Ultimately, Tinubu’s rise to power is a testament to his political skills. While some admire his leadership, others strongly oppose his methods. But instead of resorting to insults to me for this analysis based on objective principles, critics should articulate their reasons for opposing him so that meaningful political discourse around the strenghts and weakness of president Tinubu’s reforms can take place.

On that note, once again, on behalf of my family and l, happy birthday, Mr. President—Asiwaju of Lagos and Jagaban of Borgu, and congrats to madam first Lady Oluremi Tinubu who has been standing by her husband like the Rock of Gilbraltar.

•Magnus Onyibean entrepreneur is public policy analyst, author and  advocate, development strategist.

Nigeria’s code top-level domain (ccTLD), the .ng, has not attained stability with data showing continued fluctuation in its adoption and usage pattern.

Indeed, as of March 2025 and almost 20 years after the Nigeria Internet Registration Association (NiRA) was created, birthing the .ng, data showed that adoption is still at about 231,556.
Data from NiRA showed that in January, there were 9,591 registrations, 8,339 renewals and 215 restorations, which amounted to 234,083. In the same month in 2024, the total figure was 215,496 and it was 184,425 in 2023. For February 2023, the figure was 185, 461; in 2024, .ng saw 217,527 adoptions and in 2025, it was 232,853.  In January 2023, the total figure was 189, 158; 221,017 in February and 231,556 in March.

For emphasis, a domain name is an identification string that defines a realm of administrative autonomy, authority or control within the Internet protocol. The right to use a domain name is delegated by domain name registrars accredited by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) – the international organisation charged with overseeing the name and number systems of the Internet.    

The ccTLD .ng domain name is Nigeria’s identity in cyberspace, which has the .ng as the suffix of every official email address that originates from Nigeria. In the United Kingdom, all official email addresses end with .co.uk, in the United States of America, they end with .com/.usa, while in South Africa, official email addresses end with .co.za.

The .ng is 0.000504353 of the world’s 365.5 million registered and functional ccTLD. This is despite the country’s over 200 million population and about 160 million Internet users.

As of last year, The Guardian’s check on the African region showed that South Africa, with a 60.4 million population, had 1.25 million registered and active .za and Kenya’s population at 53.7 million, had 93,446 registered .ke users.

Many factors have been adduced for the slow traction earned by .ng since its inception. These include Nigerians’ preference for foreign products, the high cost of the domain name and the unwillingness of some registered Nigerian businesses to move online.

The President of NiRA, Sola Akinsanya, in an interview with The Guardian last year, said the forex crisis was driving the adoption of the domain name in the country. Akinsanya explained that globally there has been a decline in domain name adoption and ccTLDs too are not equally spared, they are also affected.

“So, what is driving the growth we are seeing on this side is the exchange rate, because if you look at the Nigerian economy now, the exchange rate has equally gone up. The amount for those on the other TLDs, I mean the .com; .net, among others has gone up significantly.

“So, the situation now is you either adopt the .ng (which is far lesser) and the amount is cheaper with naira availability or you rather start looking for a dollar that is scarce and expensive, which you might not equally get and the rate of renewal of the global TLD domain platforms are equally very high. So, that alone is making people adopt more of the .ng.”

Further, he said inflation has gone up, equally making so many people adopt .ng. Akinsanya said NiRA is equally doing more capacity building and awareness, saying the body is spending a lot to get this done and ensure .ng gets more visibility because it is a natural result, which gives more value like the .com and others.

According to him, the MDAs are gradually seeing the light, largely due to the intervention of the Federal Government through NITDA, which ensures that there is a training once every quarter, for all MDAs in the country to make sure that they are on the .gov.ng domain name.

The NiRA president said the greatest challenge to the adoption of Nigeria’s domain name remains patriotism.

The United States has intensified its trade conflict with China, announcing a steep 104% tariff on Chinese imports after Beijing failed to meet a Tuesday deadline to lift its retaliatory tariffs.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, confirmed the new tariffs during a press briefing on Tuesday, stating they would take effect at midnight on April 9.

Leavitt reiterated Trump’s belief that China made a strategic error by retaliating against earlier U.S. tariffs.

“The president, when America is punched, he punches back harder, that’s why there will be 104% tariffs going into effect on China tonight at midnight.”

Leavitt also noted that Trump would be “gracious” if Chinese President Xi Jinping sought to negotiate a deal, signalling a potential opening for dialogue despite the escalating tensions.

The move followed Trump’s assertion that China is eager to “make a deal badly.”

The additional 104% tariff builds on Trump’s reciprocal tariffs plan, which already included significant levies on Chinese goods.

LEADERSHIP recalls that China responded to Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariff with a 34% reciprocal tariff on U.S. imports, vowing to “fight to the end” and accusing the U.S. of “blackmail.”

The Trump administration has justified its aggressive trade measures by accusing China of employing non-market policies that grant it “global dominance in key manufacturing industries” and “decimating U.S. industry.”

During a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday, Trump emphasised the importance of tariffs to his economic agenda.

He stated, “We’re not looking at that,” in response to calls for tariff relief, while leaving the door open for “fair deals and good deals with every country.”