Some 200 years ago, someone could whimsically deport someone from a part of this country to another. It happened to Madam Efunroye Tinubu in 1856. She was given 24 hours to leave Lagos for her hometown, Abeokuta. This is 2024.

You can’t have tasty mutton-mushroom sauce without all the necessary elements. Any cook worth his or her name knows the culinary fact of the juice of one sweetening the whole. What makes Lagos Lagos is the rainbow colours of its population and the allure of its complexity. That is what Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu saved when he stepped in last week and disowned an insidious campaign by some people ordering certain people to leave Lagos.

Lagos is the Eden of the daring. It has always been. And if it is Eden, always know it won’t be short of snakes and temptations. That is why talks and threats of expulsion will always be in the air there. This particular expulsion is our local version of the far-right anti-immigrant rhetoric in the United Kingdom. The violence birthed by the extremists in that rainbow country has been wracking England and Northern Ireland since 30 July, 2024.

I know that no one keeps quiet when his farm is being turned into a footpath. Because of that, Lagos, since its beginning, has had this in-group/out-group issue. It assumed a dimension worse than bad during and after the 2023 elections. But it is an ill wind. The others-must-go campaigners forget that the alluvial richness of the Lagos dumpsite is because it takes all that come to it.

There are ethnic extremists everywhere we turn now. Because of that, I think I should also quietly shout a warning that no one should henceforth describe Lagos as a no-man’s land or behave as if there is no boundary between a father’s farm and that of his son.

The campaign and its timing I see as an enemy action. How could the city have combined the hardship protests of that week with an inter-ethnic chaos? An X (Twitter) post by someone who may themselves be an ‘alien’ triggered the panic. Governor Sanwo-Olu reacted by saying that he viewed the post as “not only reckless and divisive but an attempt to sow a seed of discord between the Yoruba in the Southwest and other tribes, especially those who have made Lagos their permanent place of abode.” It was timely water on a threatening blaze. There has been silence since.

I have read the other far-right saying Sanwo-Olu’s intervention came too little. They are wrong. Have they ever thought of checking the meaning of “many a little makes a mickle”? If such persons knew the history behind a-stich-in-time, they would appreciate the worth of half-words dropped in the nick of time. Besides here, in this clime, elders don’t say all they have to say. And, I don’t have to say it that a leader, no matter his age, is an elder.

The rhetoric of ‘Others Must Go’ (within a country) is an elite trick to mobilise for politics. Even people who are Yoruba but of non-Lagos origin are routinely reminded of their own alien status by idle minds who strut that landscape of hardtackle politics. Ironically, the ancestors of some of those who discriminate today were also classed as aliens in that city-state less than 150 years ago.

Kristin Mann in his ‘Marriage Choices among the Educated African Elite in Lagos Colony, 1880-1915’ published in 1981 says something about the composite that is called Lagos. After pouring through several records, Kristin writes: “In 1880 approximately 70 percent of the elite were Saro, but by 1915 the proportion had fallen to 60 percent. The remainder were (returnees) from Brazil, the West Indies, or North America; Yoruba from Lagos or the interior; or non-Yoruba from west or north of Yorubaland. Only four members of the educated elite belonged to families that had lived in Lagos more than three generations. The rest had migrated to the town or were the children or grandchildren of immigrants. The educated elite, then, did not belong to large, well-established Lagos lineages” (See page 205).

Expulsion of aliens is not new across countries in West Africa. But such always comes back to haunt the chasers. Margaret Peil has a list of such expulsions in her ‘Ghana Aliens’ (1974): “Ghanaian fishermen have been deported from Guinea, Ivory Coast and Nigeria; Nigerian traders have had to leave Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Zaire; Dahomean civil servants have been deported from Ivory Coast and Niger; Togolese farmers and workmen have been expelled from Ghana and Ivory Coast. The largest case of expulsion of aliens was the result of the ‘Compliance Order’ issued in Ghana on November 18, 1969, which gave all aliens without residence permits two weeks to obtain them or leave the country.” It was the turn of Ghana to taste its own medicine when ‘Ghana Must Go’ happened in Nigeria in 1983.

Peace should be everyone’s agenda. Let farm hands stop planting cash crops; let no farm owner claim to be God. If you chase your late father’s debtors too hard, you will soon land in the hands of his creditors.

The king in pre-colonial Oyo had power over everything. He determined who lived and who died. At a point in time, there was this street drummer in Oyo metropolis who moved from one point of the town to the other plying his trade. And, he was a master of his art, great skill, vigorous activity. He would praise those he considered praiseworthy; he would deprecate the deplorable. The people enjoyed what he did as long as he did not make them the object of his pillory.
One day, the drummer got up early and woke up the town with a strange beat and a strange message:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni

(Meaning: There is a pit in front of the king’s palace; God will catch him (the king) but it is not yet time).

What is he saying? Alarm bells rang in homes and across Oyo that a drummer was spreading a strange message against the king. Is it not said that a dog is allowed to run mad but its insanity notwithstanding, it is expected to know and avoid fire? B’ájá bá nsínwín sebí ó ye k’ó m’ojú iná. This particular dog had a madness that obviously knew no limits. He had added the king to his list of objects of scorn.

The message soon got to the King, the Alaafin. He sent for the drummer.
“Ngbó, what are you saying about me?” Kabiyesi asked him.
The drummer responded before Ikú Bàbá Yèyé with his drumbeat:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni.

You would not be a Yoruba in those days if you did not understand the language of drums.
Everyone heard him loud and clear and gasped. This one should die! Ar’óbafín l’oba á pa. Palace guards moved to assault him; the king stopped them. Kabiyesi took a long look at the drummer, took a deep breath and told the man to go home. He even gave him money for his trouble. The drummer was equally stunned by the king’s verdict. He left.
The king looked round his chiefs, then turned to his people. “We must not touch him. Oba kìí mú akorin (The king does not arrest the bard).” He said and added, in very low tones that apart from the fact of a bard having immunity, touching him because of that particular message would set the town ablaze.
What is Kabiyesi saying? He and a few of his trusted aides understood clearly what the drummer was saying. There was truly a deep pit in front of the king’s palace. In that pit were the king’s deepest secrets. It was into that pit he threw the unfortunate heads of his enemies.

So, what happened thereafter? A contrite Aláàfin ordered the pit closed. He also stopped the serial murders he was committing.

Where did the above story come from? I got it from the late Aláàfin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III. It was in his palace he told me a few months before he joined his ancestors in 2022. I was not there alone; my friend, Festus Adedayo, was also there.

With the oba, we had many deep discussions on the notions of rights and privileges in the context of Yoruba identity and cultural nuances. This was one of them. The Aláàfin stressed that the story was real. Kabiyesi said he also heard it from his fathers. He pointed at the probable site of the pit. We agreed that the drummer of that era would be today’s press.

I am writing on the spirit of protest and resistance – my focus is the Yoruba. My dictionary says the opposite of acquiescence is resistance. Anywhere you find the Yoruba and there is injustice or simple insult, do not think of acquiescence; think of the opposite. They value their girl’s idí bèbèrè but they don’t deck the voluptuous waist of a bad daughter with beads of stupid accommodation. They also do not make their hips available for dislocation by bumbling relations. To them, pimples find seats only on foolish faces. It makes very little difference whether the actors are men or they are women.

What we heard about the ancient time is what we read of more recent eras. Professor Ulli Beier lived in Yorubaland and patiently studied the Yoruba of the 1950s and the 1960s. He was in Ede, Osogbo, Ilobu, Okuku, Ibadan, etc. Ulli Beier witnessed resistant women bringing grasping men to their knees in Ede in 1955. He recollects this in his piece, ‘The Position of Yoruba Women’. Ulli Beier writes: “The women who sell ògì, a food prepared from ground maize, must bring their maize to the mill owners for grinding. These mill owners are men. Now the women began to complain that the charge of the men was too high to allow them sufficient profit on the sale of ògì. The Iyalode then made representations to the mill owners, demanding a lower price for the grinding. The men refused at first, then tried to bargain. The Iyalode, however, called out all ògì sellers on strike. The women then began to grind the corn by hand and after a week, the mill owners surrendered unconditionally” (Beier, 1955:40).

Women in any Yoruba society would do exactly what those who have long departed did in Ede in 1955.

Ilorin Dadakuada musician, Odolaye Aremu, in his album, Olówe Mòwe, characterised the immediate past Iyalode of Ibadan, Alhaja Aminatu Abiodun, as a man: “Wón pè é l’óbìnrin ní/ohun t’ólókó nse ló nse (They call her a woman but she does what those who have penises do).” Long before Abiodun, there was Madam Efunroye Tinubu whose activism straddled business and politics in Lagos, Badagry and Abeokuta. In Lagos of the early mid-1880s, she was with Oba Adele I whom she married and lived with. Then Adele died, there was a problem in Lagos, she went on exile to Badagry. From exile in Badagry, she led the push that ousted Oba Kosoko and re-installed Adele’s younger brother, Akintoye, and reigned with him. She shared the throne with Oba Dosumu, Akintoye’s first son, and with it ruled the business world of Lagos.

While doing all these, Madam Tinubu ensured that her activism broth had a large dose of nationalist condiments. Oladipo Yemitan wrote Efunroye’s biography and gave it the title: ‘Madam Tinubu: Merchant and Kingmaker’. In that book, the biographer notes that though Tinubu was overbearing in her dealings with Dosumu, one of the obas she dealt with in Lagos, “her pre-emptory orders had a nationalistic undertone: She did not want the oba to be dominated by foreigners” (Yemitan, 1987:38). Madam Tinubu organised resistant actions against Europeans in Lagos seeking their expulsion from the land. On one occasion, a major uprising against foreign ‘rule’ ensued under her instigation. “Several meetings were held in her house by the dissidents. So efficient was her organizing machinery that this uprising nearly succeeded…”, Yemitan wrote. At a point, the white man felt her cup was full. She was deported back to her hometown, Abeokuta.

The zenith of Madam Tinubu’s activism was her becoming the Iyalode of Egba, the number one woman in Abeokuta. In Abeokuta, she remained a major force in politics and business. Marjorie Mclntosh in her ‘Yoruba Women, Work and Social Change’ (2009: 137) wrote that when the Dahomeys attacked Abeokuta in 1864, Efunroye Tinubu “was a key figure in organizing the defence of Egbaland and securing the enemies’ defeat.” Her biographer, Yemitan (page 47) wrote: “The women’s war-cry – ‘Elele-múlele’ – meaning: let everyone reach for his machete – was a slogan coined by Madam Tinubu on that occasion. She moved from quarter to quarter in Abeokuta rousing up women for concerted action.”

On that incident, Saburi Biobaku, in his ‘Egba and Their Neighbours’ (1957: 38) wrote about Tinubu: “Her compound was converted into a veritable arsenal from which arms and ammunition were issued to the Egba forces on their way to the front: Then she took up a position at Aro gate, nearer the front, at which the wounded were nursed by her and her female associates, where soldiers whose powder had exhausted in battle replenished their store and from which any would-be deserters were sent back with a renewed determination to fight the Dahomey and save the Egba metropolis from destruction.”

At about the time Madam Tinubu reigned in Lagos, in Badagry and, later, in Abeokuta, another Egba woman activist was in charge in Ibadan putting the men there in their proper place. She was Madam Efunsetan Aniwura (c. 1790-1874). Like Tinubu, Madam Aniwura was the Iyalode of Ibadan. Historians credit her with uncommon entrepreneurial ability, enormous wealth and man-like bravery. Efunsetan’s activism saw her challenging the power structure of Ibadan which was effectively in the firm grips of her male counterparts. She was assertive and daring, and would be called, in today’s parlance, a feminist who queried lords and troops and the incessant disruptive wars they fought, hurtful to women and their trade, injurious to children and their growth.

Akinwumi Ishola, who wrote ‘Efunsetan Aniwura: Iyalode Ibadan’ (1981), a very negative play on this woman, would later describe her as a positive force in the evolution of Ibadan as a metropolis. In an interview in The Punch of 16 November, 2013, Akinwumi Isola said: “I was very young with little education when I wrote the book. If I were to write it today, it would be different. Efunsetan can be described as a woman fighting for the rights of womenfolk. She could be described as a woman rights activist. She is not as tough as I portrayed her.”

In ‘Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura (Owner of Gold)’, Bolanle Awe describes Efunsetan as a very ‘independent-minded’ and outspoken woman who was not afraid to criticise Aare Latoosa and his other chiefs. Very importantly, Awe says she was a woman who was strong enough to openly oppose Ibadan war chiefs’ constant wars. “She realized that the condition of almost continuous warfare disrupted her own and other people’s trading. She therefore became the spokesperson for a group of chiefs who were opposed to the aggressive policy of the leading war captain. For the expedition launched in 1874, she refused to field any soldiers, give ammunition on credit, or demonstrate her solidarity by meeting with the chiefs at the town gate” (McIntosh, 2009: 139).

If we want more on contemporary activism of the Yoruba woman, I think we should read about the Nigerian General Strike of 1945. We should read how Yoruba market women took the lead in giving moral and logistic support to the striking workers: “The workers found support among the women community especially market women headed by Madam Alimotu Pelewura… The women traders deliberately lowered their prices to enable workers purchase available foodstuffs apart from contributing generously to the workers Relief Fund. Madam Adunni Oluwole in particular donated 100 pounds to assist the workers”. That quote is from Wale Oyemakinde’s ‘The Nigerian General Strike of 1945’, published in 1975. Check page 704.

Rebellion or resistance; strifes and wars are usually preceded by songs (of abuse). Among the Yoruba, songs or even drama can be channels of resistance – and of change. Akinwumi Isola in his ‘The African Writer’s Tongue’ (1992) tells a story: “An aggrieved king tried in vain to punish an oral artist who had caricatured his lawless messengers. The masquerade was Agborako at Oyo, and the king was Alaafin Ladigbolu (1911-1944). When the king’s messengers, usually identified by the single tuft of hair in the center of their heads, became intolerably cruel in the execution of their duties, Agborako (the masquerade) organized a performance that criticized the king’s lack of control over his messengers. Members of Agborako imitated the customary hair style of the king’s messengers and dramatized examples of their lawless behavior. The king was furious! He immediately ordered the arrest of Agborako! But the arrest stirred up considerable anger among the people, who participated in a huge demonstration demanding the immediate release of the masquerade singers. At this point, the king was reminded of the rule: ‘Oba ki i p’okorin’ (The king never kills an artiste). Agborako was released.”

The story of Hubert Ogunde is well known to members of my generation. The generation before ours experienced his trail-blazing exploits in the decade before independence. In 1945, Ogunde came out smoking with an opera titled ‘Strike and Hunger.’ Oliver Coates (2017) wrote a descriptive piece on that play. He says the play “provides a unique opportunity to examine the ways in which late colonial politics were reimagined in drama.” The play was inspired by the 1945 General Strike in Lagos and “offers an allegorical dramatization of the events”. Recalcitrant Ogunde and his theatre company had considerable problems with the government over that product. The company was banned in Jos in 1946 and fined 125 pounds for staging ‘Strike and Hunger’. The Ogunde Theatre was again banned in Kano in May 1950 for staging another of his plays, ‘Bread and Bullet’. In addition to the ban, he was arrested and charged with sedition. He was discharged of that count but fined six pounds “for posting posters of the play without permission.” Ebun Clark’s ‘Hurbert Ogunde: The Making of Nigerian Theatre’ (1979) which contains accounts of those incidents also has other details of the activities of this activist artiste. Tunde Kelani’s ‘Saworoide’ (1999) and its sequel, ‘Agogo Eewo’ (2002), continue the Ogunde tradition of using drama as a vehicle for social commentary and activism.

I started this piece with the story of an oba and an activist drummer. I have also quoted Professor Akinwumi Isola’s recollection of a communal resistance to an oba who ordered the arrest of a masquerade. Both incidents tell us that the oba is in reality not above the law – although he is greeted Kabiyesi, a salutation which mocks the invincibility of the unwary.

An oba’s behaviour must not endanger the community. If it does, he will pay. In a proverb, the Yoruba found an oba involved in money ritual. His exasperated people rose against him and asked why! Is there any other position bigger than the throne in a kingdom? They queried and chastised the oba: “Do you want to become God?” Won fi o j’oba, o tun nw’awure, se o fe d’Olodumare ni? Deeper into history, no oba who misbehaved escaped justice at the hands of their subjects. Samuel Johnson, author of ‘The History of the Yorubas’ (1921), has a long list of such obas. He calls them the wicked kings. He also remembers to tell what became of them:

Alaafin Ojigi reigned a long time ago. Some accounts say he was the eighth Alaafin of Oyo. He was a good, effective king but he lost his throne and his everything to the excesses of his crown prince. This is how Johnson (1921: 206-207) tells the story: “Ojigi, who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and warlike king…Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father. The Aremo (crown prince) by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father’s rejection and death. He ordered Oluke, the Basorun’s son, to be unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without serious consequences, and as the king did not punish the wrong doer, it was thought more expeditious to effect the king’s death, for about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremos to die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the king and fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with him.” That Alaafin did well running the empire but did not do well running his home.

That king’s immediate predecessor, Osinyago, suffered a similar fate. He had an Aremo who died young because, according to Johnson, “he was of a grasping propensity…like his father, an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre and confiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoy.” This king lost all when his second child, a lady “of masculine character” out of envy and “wounded pride”, slew the son of a commoner. The king had to die, his family with him (Johnson, 1921: 205).

One more example from the same Oyo. It is said that one of the early kings, Oba Jayin, killed himself before he was publicly disgraced by an Egungun for murdering his own son whose sin was that he was a better person in character. And, so, the people sang: “O ku dede k’a ko’wi w’Akesan, Oba Jayin te’ri gb’aso.” (Johnson, 1921 [2017]: 202-203).

There is also Yoruba praise names or praise chants, oriki. Karin Barber, an authority says an individual’s oríki is the standard unit that “refers to qualities of character or physical appearance” of someone. She says sometimes the oriki refers “to incidents in the subject’s life – often apparently trivial or even scandalous.” In Adeboye Babalola’s ‘Awon Oriki Orile Metadinlogbon’ I find these verses in ‘Oriki Iran Olofa’:

“Won l’Omo òtòsi Ộfa, wáá lo sódò lo rèé ponmi wa,
K’ómo olówó o ri mu…

Omo òtosi Ộfa

Ò lóun ò ní i lọ sódò lo rèé pọnmi wa, k’ómo olówó ó ri mu.

A fọn ộn kò dún.

A tè é ko ya’nu.

Ộrò d’ilé Abiódún Oba Aláafin…”
(They told the child of the poor to go to the stream and fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. The child of the poor said no, he would not go to the stream to fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. There was trouble. The matter was taken to the palace of Abiodun, Alaafin of Oyo. Alaafin asked the child of the poor to go and enjoy his life in peace).

The above explains the Yoruba ideal of equality and justice: “Ibi ko ju’bi; bi a ti bi eru ni a bi omo (birth pangs are the same; a slave has the same privilege of birth as the freeborn).”

I was the lead paper presenter at a major conference on ‘Yoruba Activisms’ which was held at the Lead City University, Ibadan, between Monday and Wednesday last week. There were 247 presentations; participants were drawn from across this ccountry and from countries abroad. What you have read so far here is a reworked excerpt from the paper I presented at that conference. The drummer story was my opening glee.

Parrot is bird of the sea; cardinal is bird of the Lagoon. I wrote the above and have read it all over again. My conclusion is that if you have a Yoruba as your president, do not seek to overwhelm him without good planning. He will fight back and will not take prisoners. Also, if a president has the Yoruba as his subjects, he should not take them for granted. If he is a leader who shoots his arrow towards the sky and covers his own head with a mortar, the Yoruba will gasp at his wickedness; the resistance in their gene will come to the fore. They will light their torch of fire and beam it into the face of that masquerade. And if he is of their house, it won’t gel to suggest bastardy as reason for their telling ‘their brother’ that his regime is painful. If they can’t hit the streets in open confrontation, they will migrate away from the unfeeling without the drama of a noisy rejection.

Àbò mi rèé o. I have said my own.

The Federal Competition and Consumer Pricing Commission (FCCPC) has stated that disproportionate pricing of imported goods mostly among retailers is mostly responsible for inflation in consumer goods in the country.  

In a statement by the FCCPC’s Executive Vice Chairman/Chief Executive Officer, Tunji Bello where the commission stated its intention to engage with market leaders to check against exploitative pricing across the country.  

According to the statement, the commission stated that by collaborating with market leaders, it is confident that a consensus can be reached on fair product pricing to avoid excessive profiteering at the expense of consumers during these economically challenging times. 

It stated, “While it is recognized that the exchange rate has impacted the value of the Naira, it is however observed that prices charged are, in most cases, disproportionate for imported products and excessive for locally produced ones.”  

“This unfair practice is prevalent in the retail segment of the distribution chain where some market associations are engaged in price fixing at the expense of consumers.” 

The Commission noted that efforts to protect Nigerian consumers align with President Bola Tinubu’s renewed hope agenda. 

The Commission has already directed supermarket operators to clearly display product prices on their shelves, ensuring transparency and preventing situations where shoppers only discover prices after making payment and receiving a receipt. 

Backstory 

The FCCPC previously issued a strong warning to those involved in the food chain sector, cautioning against unjustified price hikes. 

The FCCPC highlighted that its monitoring efforts uncovered evidence of conspiracies, price gouging, hoarding, and other unfair practices among participants at the distribution and retail levels. 

Abdullahi expressed concern that certain actors in the food chain sector were taking advantage of consumer anxiety to inflate prices, describing these actions as reprehensible, unethical, exploitative, and illegal. 

What you should know 

• Nigeria is experiencing one of the worst costs of living crisis in a generation with inflation at 34.19% and food inflation at 40.87% in June 2024- the highest in 28 years.
• The increase in food costs has been largely attributed to the depreciation of the naira, conflicts in food-producing regions, and soaring transportation expenses. 
• The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Yemi Cardoso, highlighted that new inflationary pressures are emerging, extending beyond traditional monetary factors and the impact of exchange rates on inflation.  
• His comments were revealed in a document issued by the CBN, summarizing the views of the MPC members. Cardoso also noted that seasonal factors, such as price increases during religious
• fasting and festive periods, are contributing to the cyclical nature of prices.

[Nairametrics]

The West African Examination Council (WAEC) has released the 2024 West African Secondary School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) for the May/June examination.

The examination body announced this on Monday, “The West African Examinations Council is pleased to inform candidates who sat for WASSCE school candidates 2024 that the result has officially been released today, Monday, 12th August 2024.”

Where Can The 2024/2025 WAEC Result Be Checked?

The 2024/2025 WAEC result can be checked via SMS or in the WAEC Result Checker platform, where the exam results are being uploaded.

The requirements to check the WAEC 2024/2025 result are:
1. A WAEC Registration Number that was issued to you before taking the exam. All the necessary details are contained in your WAEC ID.

2. You need an unused result checker PIN. If you have already used your initial PIN, you can purchase a new one through the Remita outlet by:
a. Going to https://www.remita.net/
b. Scroll and click on the “Buy WAEC PIN” icon.
c. Provide the necessary information and solve the Captcha to prove you’re not a robot.
d. Click “Submit”
e. Enter your payment details, the cost of the PIN and additional charges on Remita is ₦4,500.
f. Note that there is a limit to the number of times you can use the PIN on your card. After that, you would need to purchase a new one.

3. You need your WAEC Identity card serial number.
4. You would also need to know your examination number type.
5. You need a smartphone, tablet, or laptop that has an internet connection.

How To Check Your WAEC Results Via SMS
Note that only MTN, Glo & Airtel Subscribers can check their WAEC Results using this SMS method.
1. Using your mobile device, Type WAEC*ExamNo*PIN*ExamYear
2. ⁠Send to 32327
3. You will receive a message instantly containing your WAEC statement of result.
Note: If you did not receive your WAEC result via SMS, kindly repeat this step.

How to Check The WAEC 2024/2025 Examination Result On The Web
1. Type and click on www.waecdirect.org on your browser
2. Fill in your WAEC registration number, PIN, serial number, and examination type.
3. Double-check your details and click on the “Submit” button.
4. Your result will be displayed on the screen.

[Leaderhip]

There was no single death recorded in Kano State during the #EndBadGovernance protest, according to the police.

Commissioner of Police in Kano, Salman-Dogo Garba, said this during a press conference where suspects were paraded on Monday.

He said, “Going by the records, so far, we are not aware of any casualties recorded.”

Daily Trust reported how more that five persons were killed during the protests, which was hijacked by hoodlums in some instances.

Families of deceased persons are still mourning their loved ones who were said to be killed by bullets during the protest.

Garba added, “Aftermath of these events resulted in the arrest of 873 suspects and recovery of a large quantity of exhibits. The command arrest and prosecute 600 suspects for various offences, including criminal conspiracy, inciting disturbance, riot, theft, mischief, and arson.

“Arrest and prosecution of 150 suspects for violating the curfew enforced by the Kano State Government. Arrest of an additional six suspects linked with masterminding the destruction, setting ablaze and looting of the Kano Printing Press (KPP) are undergoing investigation. Arrest and transfer of 76 suspects flying Russian flags, including a foreigner to Force Headquarters, Abuja for discreet investigation on charges of sedition.

“Arrest of 41 suspects for other major crimes including armed robbery, kidnapping, car theft and recovery of two AK-47 Exhibit Rifles and other substantial properties looted by the hoodlums at Audu Baku Secretariat NCC Office, High Court Complexes, Kano Printing Press (KPP), Super Markets.”

He added that despite the challenges posed by the recent protest, the command has succeeded in the arrest of two suspected kidnappers, five suspected armed robbers, eight suspected car thieves, two human trafficking suspects, one notorious drug dealer and 23 suspected thugs.

The command also rescued 13 trafficking victims, recovered two AK-47 Rifles and one Beretta Pistol, 47 live ammunition eight motor vehicles and four sacks containing Exol Tablets.

Others are two Bajaj Boxer Motorcycles, 22 cows,15 sheep, and four donkeys.

He therefore reiterated that the Kano State Police Command remains committed to maintaining law and order, preventing crime, and protecting the rights of citizens to peaceful protest.

[DailyTrust]

Nigerian disk jokey Florence Otedola, popularly known as DJ Cuppy, has shared her experience of combining her faith with passion for ‘Djing’.

The music star, who recently got baptised, revealed that she was initially nervous about creating a list with only Christian music, but God guided her through the process.

Sharing photos of herself performing at an event via instagram, Cuppy expressed gratitude for the opportunity to serve God through her music.

She wrote: “I had the RARE opportunity to do the two things I love most: DJing AND Serving God. What a blessing! Thank you for having me @HTBfocus”.

Cuppy emphasized that Christian music is lively and energetic, dispelling any misconceptions.

She continued, “I was really nervous about curating a performance with ONLY Christian music, but God challenged and guided me through it. And please DO NOT get it twisted— Christian music is LIT! Genuinely grateful for this journey and for the chance to share my faith through music!”

[DailyPost]

Chelsea FC currently holds the largest squad in the English Premier League, boasting a total of 55 players.

Chelsea signed Wolves forward Neto for £54m on Sunday, taking them to 11 summer signings with an average age of under 21.

Since June 14, the club has spent £185 million, bringing their squad to over 50 senior players. While the London club is actively trying to offload some players, the approaching transfer window deadline leaves the team’s future composition uncertain.

Here’s a full list of all 55 players in Chelsea’s squad:

Goalkeepers (8) 

Filip Jorgensen, 22, signed for £21m; Robert Sanchez, 26, £25m; Djordje Petrovic, 24, £14m (available on loan); Kepa Arrizabalaga, 29, £72m* (for sale); Marcus Bettinelli, 32, free*; Mike Penders, 19, £17m (on loan) not yet confirmed; Gabriel Slonina, 20, £9m (available on loan); Lucas Bergstrom, 21, undisclosed* (for sale/loan).

Full-backs (7)

Reece James, right, 24, academy; Marc Cucurella, left, 26, £62m; Ben Chilwell, left, 27, £45m*; Renato Veiga, left, 12, £12m; Malo Gusto, 21, right, £30m; Josh Acheampong, right, 18, academy; Caleb Wiley, left, 19, £9m (on loan).

Centre-backs (9)

Axel Disasi, 26, £39m; Wesley Fofana, 23, £75m; Levi Colwill, 21, academy; Tosin Adarabioyo, 26, free; Benoit Badiashile, 23, £33m; Trevoh Chalobah, 25, academy (for sale); Aaron Anselmino, 19, £16 (on loan); Alfie Gilchrist, 20, academy (on loan); Bashir Humphreys, 21, academy (for sale/loan).

Midfielders (15)

Enzo Fernandez, 23, £107m; Moises Caicedo, 22, £115m; Christopher Nkunku, 26, £52m; Omari Kellyman, 19, £19m; Cesare Casadei, 21, £17m; Lesley Ugochukwu, 20, £23m; Kiernan Dewsbury-Hall, 25, £30m; Romeo Lavia, 20, £53m; Carney Chukwuemeka, 20, £20m; Tino Anjorin, 22, academy (available for sale/loan); Andrey Santos, 20, £18m (on loan); Kendry Paez, 17, £17m (on loan); Alex Matos, 19, free; Jimi Tauriainen, 20, undisclosed* (available on loan); Leo Castledine, 18, academy (available on loan).

Wingers (9)

Mykhailo Mudryk, left, 23, £89m; Raheem Sterling, left, 29, £48m; Pedro Neto, left, 24, £54m; Cole Palmer, right, 22, £43m; Noni Madueke, right, 22, £29m; Estaevo Willian, right, 17, £51m (on loan); Angelo Gabriel, right, 19, £13m (available on loan); Harvey Vale, 20, academy (for sale/loan); Diego Moreira, 20, free.

Strikers (7)

Romelu Lukaku, 31, £100m*; Nicolas Jackson, 23, £32m; David Datro Fofana, 21, £11m (for sale); Deivid Washington, 19, £17m; Marc Guiu, 18, £5m; Mason Burstow, 21, £1.5m* (for sale/loan); Armando Broja, 22, academy (for sale).

Total, including loanees: 55

[TheNation]

The General Overseer of Redeemed Christian Church of God, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, has faulted men with braided hair and women sporting false eyelashes and heavy makeup.

Expressing his discontent with the trend among church workers, Adeboye made it clear that such styles will no longer be tolerated on RCCG altars.

In an address at the church’s 72nd annual convention, which ended Sunday, his comments highlighted his disbelief at the rising trend of these fashion choices among church members.

This edition of the convention with the theme “Heaven” started Monday, August 5, and ended on Sunday, August 11, 2024, at The Redemption City, Mowe, Ogun State (Lagos-Ibadan Way).

He said, “In Yorubaland, the only men who braid hair are the priests of Sango, the god of thunder. They say this is a new age and that we must be adaptable to what is going on. To continue as Sango priests? Not in this mission. Even after I’m gone, it will still not happen.”

According to Church Times, Adeboye said further, “Take this word from me. When we find anybody among pastors; particularly female pastors, made up to look like a representative of Nollywood; we will walk her off the altar.”

While pleading for forgiveness if he was too harsh, he said, ‘You may not like it. If you are my children, you can’t kill me. Do you know why men don’t makeup? I mean, real men. It’s because we have what is called a superiority complex.  We stand before the Lord and say, ‘God, You did a good job creating us. You made no mistake.'”

He stated that even men with bald heads still look very handsome, adding, however, that some people just want to appear false.

“When you begin to fix false nails, I wonder what you want to achieve – If God wanted to make you a bird, He would have given you a false nail and false eyelashes,” he added.

He urged those who take pleasure in appearing weird to repent and be modest. “You can quote me: Tell anybody who questioned why you are doing this drastic change, tell him or her, “Daddy GO said so,” he asserted.

Adeboye wondered why a woman would expose her breasts.

“She wants to divert attention from her face.  She believes she is ugly, so the man will be lured.  All my daughters listen to me: You are fearfully and wonderfully made. If anybody does not like you the way you are, it’s that person’s loss,” he added

He pleaded with workers in the church to stop messing up what God had done.

“He did a good job. When He created you, you were original. You remain an original,” the cleric declared.

Meanwhile, 73 newborns were delivered at the convention.

TWO occurrences in the past week made me reach the conclusion that either the government is baiting the labour unions or there are quite active fifth columnists in the Tinubu administration.

The first is the laughable ban of the trade unions from politics, including working within the Labour Party, LP, which was established in 2002, that is 21 years before the Tinubu administration came to power. The second is the rather baffling August 7, 2024 invasion of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, headquarters by armed security men who came like thieves in the night. The invaders, like bandits, broke down doors and carted away property. In a rather curious way, they made a bookshop on the premises one of their primary targets. Not even under the military were bookshops and books targets. Yes, the military was anti-intellectual and accused university lecturers of teaching what they were not paid to teach. But those fascists from the barracks did not take books as hostages.

When the NLC made public the invasion, there was silence from government. At a point, some started wondering whether the invaders were ghosts or Martians. It sounded so incredible that someone mused that the NLC, smarting from some attacks that it stayed out of the ‘EndBadGovernance’ protests, might have stage-managed the invasion.

Finally, the office of the Inspector General of Police owned up. Its rationalisation for the attack did not give much credit to any intelligence by the Nigeria Police Force, NPF. The NLC office is an imposing 12-storey building with the inscription: Labour House, which is visible many streets away. It is also a well-known building which the NPF has raided many times over the years, especially with Lawrence Alobi as then FCT Police Commissioner. So how can the police be selling the kindergarten tale that when it invaded the premises, it was not aware that they were the NLC offices. Police Spokesperson, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, in spinning this yarn, claimed that the premises raided “…turned out to be the NLC building.” He further claimed that the raid “was solely aimed at apprehending the prime suspect-a foreign national implicated in numerous criminal activities across Nigeria and other African countries.”

If this were so, why didn’t the police visit during work hours when the bookshop was open, and arrest the so-called suspect? Why wait until the night when he must have gone home before raiding the premises?

The police emphasized that its raid was not aimed at “the NLC, its Secretariat, staff or leadership”. If this were so, why did it raid the main NLC office on the 10th Floor where the offices of the Congress President, General Secretary and most principal officers are located, when the bookshop is on the second floor?

There is the more serious issue of the Minister of State for Labour and Employment, Nkiruka Onyejeocha, on behalf of the government, attempting to ban labour from politics. Minister Onyejeocha purports to rely on Section 15 (1) (2) (3) of the Trade Unions Act Cap T14 & T15 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 which bans trade unions from using union dues for political purposes.

She told the NLC and the TUC that the political objectives of this section include barring them directly or indirectly from incurring any cost or making any payment in holding political meetings, distributing literature or documents supporting any candidate or prospective candidate for election to any political office in Nigeria or any part of Nigeria.

This is all a joke because even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his campaign team in the 2023 presidential election, held meetings with both labour centres in which the trade unions and labour leaders incurred costs, including transporting themselves to such meetings. For instance, President Tinubu as the APC presidential candidate on December 19, 2022 at the Chida Hotel, Abuja, personally held a political meeting with leaders of the TUC and NLC.

He was accompanied to that meeting by his running mate, now Vice President Kashim Shettima; then Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, now the Chief of Staff; then Governor Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi State, now Minister of Budget and Economic Planning; then Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau State who became Labour Minister, and is today a Senator; then Governor Abubakar Badaru of Jigawa State, now Minister of Defence and Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrasaq of Kwara State.

At that meeting, President Tinubu promised that if elected, he would check mass unemployment, poverty, challenges in the education sector, the weak industrial base of the economy and evolve a credit system that would enable workers own their own houses.

Speaking directly to the NLC, TUC and their affiliate unions, Tinubu acknowledged their political rights and contributions to politics: “You have also been involved in the struggle for democracy and political rights. Your collective efforts breathe life into the democratic rights and economic ideals enshrined in our Constitution.”

The constitution he was referring to is the Nigerian Constitution which states in Section 40: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.””

Minister Onyejeocha ought to know that the country’s Constitution she swore to uphold is superior to the labour law she is labouring to quote. She and those she represents must know that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria supersedes, over rides and cancels any other law in the country that is inconsistent with it, and, that other law, to that extent, is null, void and of no effect.

In colonial times, the colonialists could not stop the trade unions from politics. In fact, the first national political party, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons, NCNC, was founded in 1944 primarily by the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUCN; the Nigeria Union of Students, NUS; and the small Democratic Party led by Herbert Macaulay.

In the First Republic, labour leaders participated actively not just in partisan politics, but also elections. Some of them like Haroun Poopola Adebola and Samuel Udoh Bassey were elected into the Federal Parliament. In the Second Republic, labour leaders ran elections and some of them like Ayoola Adeleke and Joseph Ansa were elected Senators. In fact, the first Labour Party was founded in 1950 by labour leaders led by Michael Imoudu. The second one was established in 1989, while the present is the third one. If the military could not ban trade unions from politics, what gives Minister Onyejeocha the impression that she can convert the Labour Ministry into a court and magisterially ban the NLC, TUC and their affiliates from politics?

What we are witnessing are poorly scripted Nollywood sketches.

THE Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, yesterday asked President Bola Tinubu’s administration to stop the blame game, reverse his policies that have caused hardship to Nigerians and engage in meaningful dialogue with relevant stakeholders.

Similarly, the Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party, LP, in the 2023 poll, Mr. Peter Obi, said the nationwide protests, which ended on Saturday, were a call on Nigeria’s leaders to reflect deeply on the growing poverty in the country and take steps to address it. 

Former National Vice Chairman, North-West, of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, Salihu Lukman, spoke in the same vein, describing the nationwide protests against hunger and bad governance as sufficient grounds for impeachment of the President and some state governors.

The NLC also alleged that since President Tinubu took over the reins of power, he had engaged in harassment and intimidation of labour leaders, adding that the recent invasion of its headquarters was to provoke the labour movement.

These, among others, were contained in a communique issued at the end of the emergency National Executive Council, NEC, meeting of the NLC held at the weekend.

In the communique, by NLC President Mr. Joe Ajaero, NEC reaffirmed the Congress’ commitment to defending the rights and welfare of Nigerian workers, saying it would not hesitate to take all necessary actions to ensure their safety and well-being.

Labour communique

The communique read: “The National Executive Council, NEC, of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, convened an emergency meeting on Saturday, August 10, 2024, to address the invasion of the NLC National headquarters by security apparatchik of the Federal Government.

“An invasion of the national secretariat immediately after the holding of the NEC’s emergency meeting of 7th to discuss the welfare of workers and Nigerians in the midst of the #EndbadGovernance Protest in which far reaching decisions were taken was considered deeply worrisome.

“This unprecedented action by government has raised serious concerns about the safety and security of Nigerian workers, as well as protection of trade union rights as enshrined in ILO Conventions 87 and 98, and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

“The NEC-in-session observed that since the current administration took office, there has been a pattern of intimidation, brutality, and deceit against the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and Nigerian people.

“The government’s actions began with the President’s May 29, 2023, statement declaring the removal of subsidy, followed by efforts to suppress NLC’s opposition through threats, divisive propaganda, and unfulfilled promises to alleviate the country’s hardships. It has been a trail of systematic intimidation and violence against trade unions and their leaders.

“The National Executive Council, NEC, of the NLC recalled several instances of violence, including the brutal abduction and assault of the NLC President and other leaders in Owerri, Imo State, and the failure to prosecute the perpetrators.

“The government has also used legal injunctions, military force, and police intimidation to obstruct the NLC’s constitutional activities, including peaceful protests by affiliate unions, SSANU and NASU. The NEC condemned the criminalization of dissenting views, noting that some labour leaders are still detained because of the protests.

“Additionally, NEC highlighted the recent invasion of NLC headquarters, following a biased letter from the Registrar of Trade Unions, as part of a coordinated attack to silence the NLC, which has become the last stronghold of popular voice in Nigeria.”

The communique further stated that after extensive deliberations, the NEC-in-session, demanded safety and security guarantees.

It stated further: “The NEC calls on the government to guarantee the safety and security of all Nigerian workers, trade unions, and the NLC and TUC to operate freely in the country without fear of harm or violence.

“The NLC was not part of the recent democratic protests, which were a response to widespread hardship in the country. We demand that government withdraws its agents from all premises they have illegally occupied, particularly the headquarters of the National Union of Road Transport Workers, NURTW, in Abuja and Road Transport Employers Association of Nigeria, RTEAN, in Lagos.”

It also rejected Police explanation for the invasion of its headquarters.

“The NEC-in-session rejects outrightly the explanation offered by the Police as a reason for the invasion. It described it as rather an afterthought and an attempt to cover the hidden motives behind such action as it raises more questions than answers. It therefore demands clear explanation from Government as quick as possible,” it said.

On the end to violence and harassment of protesters, the NLC stated: “The NEC once again condemns the killing of innocent protesters who were peacefully expressing their grievances against the harsh policies of the government.

“We demand an immediate cessation of these attacks and call on the government to declare a National Day of Mourning for those who lost their lives and properties during the protests. Additionally, all security agencies responsible for these tragic deaths must be held accountable, especially the Police.”

It also called for the immediate release of detainees and trade unionists arrested either in their homes or relaxation joints, saying “This is the only way the government can show good faith and begin the healing of the nation.”

On harassment of those holding opposing ideologies, the NLC condemned plans to frame up innocent citizens on trumped-up charges.

It said: “We must understand that this is not the first protest in Nigeria and would not be the last. NEC wonders why this administration is criminalizing protest and has renewed clamp down on Marxists, socialists and those who hold different shades of leftist ideologies as if courting a neoliberal dictatorship.

“NEC calls on government to convene an inclusive stakeholders’ conclave to discuss pressing issues confronting Nigeria and chart a path forward that addresses root causes of the current unrest—hunger, poverty, inflation, insecurity and widespread dissatisfaction with government policies.

“NEC calls on government to stop the blame game and instead, engage in meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders to find lasting solutions to the nation’s challenges.

“This invasion is another attempt at intimidation, thus may be a clear indication of the desperation within government to silence dissent through force. NEC warns that peace without justice is transient and unsustainable.

“NEC urges the President to take decisive action by addressing the systemic issues of profligacy, waste, and mismanagement that have exacerbated the suffering of Nigerian people.

“The government must listen to the voices of reason, embrace truth, and pursue a holistic overhaul of its policies. This includes distancing itself from divisive rhetoric and instead promoting national unity and restructuring.”

While demanding an immediate apology from the government, NLC stated: “NEC consequently demands apology from the Police and the Federal Government on this unwarranted invasion and desecration of the headquarters of Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC.”

The NEC-in-session directed the leadership to hold a press conference soonest to addres
s all the issues, while also calling for a forensic security audit of NLC headquarters.
“To this end, NEC-in-session sets up necessary machinery to conduct a forensic audit of the national headquarters to ascertain its safety and continued suitability for the use of workers.

“Until this is done, NEC directs temporary cessation of use of the headquarters to mitigate every unforeseen disaster that may have been intended.

“However, NEC believes that the invasion by the Police is a deliberate provocation by government and as such, will not allow itself to act out of anger but to exercise caution for the greater sake of our nation.

“NEC reaffirms NLC’s commitment to defending the rights and welfare of Nigerian workers and will not hesitate to take all necessary actions to ensure their safety and well-being.”

Protests call for leadership action against growing poverty — Obi

Also yesterday Mr. Peter Obi, said the nationwide #EndBadGovernance protests which ended on Saturday, was a call on Nigeria leaders to reflect deeply on the growing poverty in the country and take steps to address it.

Writing on his X handle yesterday, the LP flagbearer said: “With the #EndBadGovernance protests officially concluded yesterday, I want to once again express my deepest condolences to all who have lost their lives, including the security personnel, during these protests.

“These individuals gave their lives while advocating better governance in our nation. I extend my heartfelt sympathies to all the families who have suffered losses in this struggle. We all share in your grief, as we work together for the betterment of our country.

“May we all find the strength to endure this irreplaceable loss. To those who are wounded and recovering in hospitals and at home, know that our thoughts and prayers are with you for a swift recovery. Your sacrifices for our nation’s cause are deeply appreciated.

“I also want to take this moment to urge all leaders to reflect on the cries of the suffering people and address their legitimate demands. It is crucial for us, the leaders, to urgently address issues that sparked and fueled these protests.’’

Hunger protests, enough grounds to impeach Tinubu, govs —Lukman

Also, Salihu Lukman has described the recent nationwide protests against hunger and bad governance as sufficient grounds for the impeachment of President Bola Tinubu and some state governors.

In a statement in Abuja yesterday, Lukman said due to the mishandling of the protests by the Tinubu administration, there was information suggesting that the organizers had announced October 1 as the date for the resumption of the protests.

He said a situation where the government resorted to cheap campaign of blackmails with the argument of opposition sponsoring the protests should simply be ignored.

“In any event, it is legitimate for the opposition to start working for the defeat of a ruling party once they are unable to justify the confidence of the electorate.

“In fact, ideally, if democratic structures of the country were functionally working, such as political parties and the National Assembly, with what is going on in the country, President Tinubu and many state governors are candidates for immediate impeachment.

“The comatose reality, which has reduced the National Assembly to a rubber stamp, with political parties that are nothing more than leprous fingers, is responsible for the current high levels of frustration and desperation of Nigerians to register their anger through protests.

‘’Combined with a reality where INEC seems to be unwilling to discharge its statutory responsibility of registering new parties that could produce veritable options for legitimate leadership contests in the country, all hopes of democratic change of leadership in the country are fading away,” Lukman declared.

He said with governments at all levels failing to engage the organizers, practically underestimating the capacity of the organizers to mobilize for the protests, ordinary citizens were left at the mercy of angry Nigerians.

According to him, the trigger for Nigeria’s current situation is the withdrawal of subsidy on petroleum products and floating of the exchange rate of the naira against other international currencies.

He said: “For an import-dependent economy, it is predictable that the two policies will produce inflationary pressure.

“Unfortunately, so far, the government of President Bola Tinubu is unable to produce any clear definitive policy response to the situation. All citizens hear government say is calling on citizens to be patient without outlining how long it will take for the harsh reality to abate.

“Meanwhile, daily, Nigerians confront challenges of hunger and threats to daily survival. Many citizens die prematurely on account of hunger and preventable diseases.

‘’While acknowledging government’s explanations about how bad the economy has been mismanaged by previous administrations, it must be stressed that being an elected government, Nigerian political leaders should be more responsive.

‘’The minimum should be to acknowledge the reality facing citizens and demonstrate some measure of compassion and seek to ameliorate the harsh conditions facing citizens by relaxing some of these policies.

‘’Instead, painfully, elected leaders, including President Tinubu, are grandstanding, behaving basically as colonial overloads who have conquered Nigerians. With a conquest mentality, our leaders have proceeded to demobilize virtually all political structures in the country such that today Nigeria has earned the bad reputation of being a democracy without any functional political party.

‘’All the registered political parties are nothing but legal entities that only present candidates for elections. Partly, because of that reality, there is none of the parties that is able to recruit the leaders of the #EndBadGovernance protest or at least publicly join the protest.

‘’Although individuals such as Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi have declared support for the protest, they were unable to contract any strong relationship with the protest organisers.

“So long as political leaders and political parties in the country will be unable to contract strong relationships with veritable and energetic constituencies such as the #EndBadGovernance protest organizers, Nigeria’s democracy is imperilled,’’ he declared.

[Vanguard]