National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) has stressed importance of continuous existence of Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND).

Speaking in Lagos at its 86th National Senate Sitting and Pre-convention, NANS Senate President, Babatunde Afeez, noted that TETFUND had impacted tertiary institutions in infrastructural development,  capacity building, research and innovative activities.

He said the agency should not be ‘tampered’ with for any reason, but be properly funded and managed by people, who are competent and with integrity to enable it to perform better.

He said a clarification was necessary regarding whether the proposed Tax Reform Bill would affect the agency.

“Every Nigerian knows importance of TETFUND in our schools as the agency’s projects are everywhere across campuses. We don’t know what would have happened in our campuses if TETFUND were not in existence. And that is why the agency should not be tampered with for any reason,” he said.

Akinteye said  no to fee hike again by any public school in the country, stressing  NELFUND’s loans or any other consideration can’t be used as yardstick to justify any fee increment. 

Earlier, National President of NANS, Lucky Emonefe, hailed students for their support and cooperation with the leadership of the union, assuring them of continuously serving their interests.

He said while TETFUND remains, NANS  would continue to sensitise members, who need help, to access NELFUND.

According to him, students need not know anybody before they can secure loan from NELFUND as its operations are fair and transparent.

Emonefe, while giving his administration’s score card in the last one year, he said the next national convention will hold in March in Abuja.

[TheNation

The family of the 81-year-old Pa Dennis Okugbaye, the treasurer of the Okuama community in the Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State, who died in military detention on December 10, 2024, have explained the circumstances surrounding his death.

The revelation came as the Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori and the military authorities have yet to make a statement six days after Pa Okugbaye died.

Family sources, who did not want their names mentioned for security reasons, told our correspondent that they paid N140,000 for fuel to the military to carry their sick father from Port Harcourt to Asaba.

The PUNCH gathered that Pa Okugbaye was being transported from Port Harcourt, Rivers State, by the military officers to 63 Brigade, Asaba, Delta State, when he allegedly died.

“We were told that our father is very sick and we should send N140,000 to buy fuel to transport him to Asaba so that we (the family) can take him to hospital.

“We sent the money and were told to come to 63 Brigade, Asaba to receive our father on Monday, December 9. They warned us that only his daughter would receive him.

“On Monday morning, we came to Asaba, then our sister moved to the military barrack, 63 Brigade, Asaba, to receive him but she was there till around 5 pm, no signal. We informed some of our leaders, including Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, of the development.

“We went back home, it was on Tuesday when we were calling to know the next step that we were told that our father died on the road when they were about to come,” the sources said.

They added that to date, the military authority or the governor had not called them over the development.

Pa Okugbaye’s death came barely a week after the death of the community President General, Pa James Oghoroko, in military detention.

The community leaders, Pa Oghoroko (now deceased), Pa Okugbaye (now deceased), Prof Arthur Ekpekpo, Chief Belvis Adogbo, Mrs Mabel Owhemu and Mr Dennis Malaka, were, between August 18 and 20, 2024, arrested by the army and had been kept incommunicado in detention without trial.

Their arrests followed the killing of 17 soldiers on a peace mission to resolve the tussle between Okuama and Okoloba communities on March 14, 2024.

Efforts to reach the Commissioner for Information, Dr Ifeanyi Osuoza and the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Mr Festus Ahon, failed as calls and messages sent to them were not responded to as of the time of filing this report.

A social critic, Mr Zik Gbemre, berated Oborevwori for his failure to call the army to order.

In a statement made available to journalists on Sunday, Gbemre said the reported death of two leaders of the Okuama community in military detention and the fear for the lives of four others still being held unlawfully exposed the worsening institutional failures.

“Oborevwori shying away from his duty to call the army to order in gross abuse of power in the state is very bad and shameful as the chief security officer of the state.

“In the last couple of days, what is happening in Delta is appalling, very shameful and inciting,” he said.

[Punch]

The Minister  of Labour and Employment, Dr Mohammed Maigari Digyadi, does not appear to have any idea why the Ministry exists. It is also possible that the Tinubu administration that appointed him has no clue why we have a ministry that takes care of both labour and employment.

The Ministry was created 85 years ago. The unemployed registered with it in employment  exchange locations  which helped secure employment.  Dr Timiebi Koripamo-Agary, one of the most cerebral Permanent Secretaries in our history, transformed this exchange into the Nigerian Electronic Labour Exchange.  After independence, the Ministry also sent Nigerian labour to countries like Equatorial Guinea.  Until today, under the Labour Act, it is the Ministry that issues recruiters licence.

It also created jobs and trained the unemployed in  various skills to enable them become self-employed and employable.  The Ministry has an arm, the National Directorate of Employment, NDE, with the motto: JOBS FOR ALL. The NDE which receives annual budgetary provisions, states that its primary objectives are “…providing  sustainable employment opportunities for Nigerians (and) creating  opportunities for sustainable  employment through  various programmes.” Specifically, under the Ministerial supervision  of  Digyadi, the NDE on its official site states that in line with President Tinubu’s Re-newed Hope Agenda, it is strengthening “…its role  in combating  poverty by providing sustainable employment opportunities  for Nigerians.”

So, you can imagine the shock when Minister Digyadi declared on November 28, 2024 that job creation is not part of the Ministry’s mandate. He told  Nigerians: “You will agree with me that the mandate of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment is never to give employment to people…As you are aware, the Ministry is not there to provide employment, because the former Minister of Youths and Sports (Sunday Dare), before he left, was asking me to give him jobs. I said we only create the environment for jobs. We don’t give jobs.”

It is clear Minister Digyadi is not conversant with the mandate of the Ministry. If he was not given the correct orientation,  it might mean that the Tinubu administration does not know better. As it is, the Ministry is a bird flying with one wing. Also, what many Nigerians may not know is that their elites have turned basic economics upside down, forcing it to walk on its head.   For instance, economics teaches that the  basic factors for siting an industry includes availability or proximity of raw materials, land, water, labour, capital, power, transportation and nearness to market.  All these factors are in favour of the Dangote Refinery.

Also, compared to foreign refineries, it sources local crude and, does not need to pay for freight, insurance, cargo discharge,  demurrage, storage,   port fees, NIMASA charges and Custom duties. Additionally, it has other derivatives from the crude it processes, including gasoline, kerosene, lubricating oils and bitumen.

Given these objective factors, the cost of a litre of locally produced fuel should be quite cheap. But  it is an average N1,100 compared to, say, war-torn Libya which is N50 per litre. The Nigerian cost is so  high that imported fuel is far cheaper. The Dangote refinery,  afraid that Nigerians would, naturally, buy the cheaper imported fuel,  went to  court  demanding that  the  licenses  issued to six private oil companies to  import fuel must be voided. Even when the NNPC claims that the public-owned Port Harcourt Refinery is now functional, its price range is same as Dangote which gives the impression that there is a price-fixing cartel at work.

Nigerians also do not know the exact shares they own in the Dangote refinery nor understand the role of the Tinubu administration. For instance, in July, 2024, it  instructed the NNPC  to engage Dangote  and other local refineries and  resolve their disputes, including selling crude to them in Naira.  Then some weeks later, the same administration issued a statement stating that  the: “PMS regime, has been deregulated. Dangote is a private company. NNPCL should not forget it’s a limited liability company. Whatever controversy both of them are having is their problem…It’s the consumer who benefits if a price war starts, if NNPC fuel is too much, the public market can go to the market and bring in their fuel and sell at the price that they think is very reasonable and profitable for them.” So, many Nigerians do not know if the Tinubu government is  for or against intervention.

There are  also cobwebs surrounding the claims by Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, that a younger lawyer, Dele Farotimi, defamed him in a book on the judiciary. For this, the police had invaded Farotim’s chambers, assaulted his staff, threatened two of his lawyers with guns and, virtually abducted the lawyer. Farotimi was first dragged in handcuffs before a Magistrate Court in Ado Ekiti, Chief Babalola’s hometown where he is so powerful that a special Afe Babalola Day has been reserved annually to honour him. The Magistrate denied Farotimi bail.

Later,  Inspector General of Police Kayode Egebtokun had Farotimi brought from prison to an high court to face new charges, this time for alleged  cybercrimes. Bail was granted in this case which Farotimi has not  perfected.  Then while still being held in prison, Babalola and his supporters  hauled Farotimi before courts in Abuja, Ibadan and Port Harcourt. The Babalola Chambers  additionally, petitioned  the Legal Practitioners  Disciplinary Committee  to remove Farotimi from the roll of Nigerian legal practitioners.  In all these, Chief Babalola refused to learn from  a younger  lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, who when confronted with serious defamation, took out a civil suit rather than employ the repressive  state apparatus against his accuser.

The Babalola-Farotimi drama reminds me of a story I was told as a child.  Early one morning, villagers, on their way to farm and market, found the parrot   tied in front of his in-law’s house. They were told the parrot had been gossiping and making   disparaging comments against his in-law. Almost all blamed the parrot for his predicament. When they were returning in the evening, the villagers found that the parrot not only remained tied, but had now been put in a cage.

This time, they condemned the in-law for subjecting the parrot to torture and unbearable pain. They reminded the in-law  of a Yoruba saying that: “Aseju ni Baba asete”: meaning that excessive behaviour  or, anything done in excess, ultimately leads to disgrace.  They  said the fact that he seeks to make  his case does not mean he should exhaust all the saliva  in his mouth.   The villagers  reminded him that if people beg  the heavenly Egungun  masquerade, he listens, if they beg the Orisha god, he listens and if they beg God Almighty, he forgives; so, who is he, a mere mortal to insist on a pound of flesh?

As President Bola Tinubu prepares to present to the National Assembly tomorrow, the 2025 national budget largely saddled with funding by borrowings, the Federal Government (FG) is set to overshoot its domestic borrowing target for 2024 by N4 trillion, about 67 per cent above the budgeted amount.

These are coming despite the widespread concerns over the continued rise in the nation’s debt stock.
Details of the domestic borrowing activities of the government in the 11 months to November 2024 is already showing borrowing in excess of N2.93 trillion or 49 per cent above the target as of November.

Financial Vanguard findings showed that FG had borrowed N8.93 trillion from domestic investors in the eleven months from January to November, 11M’24, as against the N6 trillion planned for the whole year.
With this trend and other borrowing activities currently being executed, the FG may end up borrowing N10 trillion in 2024, 67 per cent above the target for the year.

Meanwhile, these are coming against the backdrop of FG’s plan to finance the 2025 budget deficit with domestic and external borrowings amounting to N9.22 trillion, 18 % higher than the N7.808 trillion for 2024.

The 2025 deficit budget according to the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning report would be financed “by new foreign and domestic borrowings of N9.22 trillion, N312.33 billion from Privatization Proceeds, and N3.55 trillion draw-downs on existing multilateral/bilateral project-tied loans. The deficit will largely be financed by domestic borrowings, considering the narrow window for external financing.”

Details of 11M’24 FG Securities

Breakdown of data from the Debt Management office, DMO, and the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, showed that in the third quarter, Q3,24 the Federal Government borrowed N2.134 trillion from domestic investors through the Nigeria Treasury Bills, NTBs, FGN Bonds, FGN Savings Bonds.

Borrowings through the NTBs auctions conducted by the CBN stood at N1.181 trillion, while FGN Bonds FGN Savings accounted for N939.246 billion and N14 billion respectively.

Further analysis showed that in October and November this year the Federal Government borrowed N774.953 billion through NTB; FGN Savings Bonds of N635.752 billion and FGN Savings Bond amounting to N7.152 billion.

Domestic Borrowing in H1’24

Meanwhile, according to the recent data released by the DMO, the Federal Government’s domestic debt stock for the first half of the year, HI’24, stood at N66.957 trillion, representing 38.6% growth from N48.314 trillion in HI’23.

CBN borrowings through NTBs rose to N11.8 trillion in HI’24 from N4.7 trillion in H1’23 and accounted for 17.64 % of the total FG’s borrowing.

FG’s borrowing through the monthly FGN Bond auctions, which constituted 78.13 % of total FG borrowing during the period, rose to N52.315 trillion in the HI’24 from N41.722 trillion in HI’23.

FG’s borrowing through Sukuk Bonds, which accounted for 1.6% of total FG domestic borrowing during the period, rose to N1.092 trillion in HI’24 from N742 billion in H1’23.

FG’s domestic borrowing through FGN Savings Bonds accounted for 0.08% of total FG’s borrowing during the period, also spiked, rising to N55.196 billion in H1’24 from N30.704 trillion in H1’23.

Analyts’ insight

Meanwhile, analysts and economy experts have stated that among other things the 49 per cent excess domestic borrowing by the FG in 11M’24 was also driven by investors’ response to the high interest rate regime during the period prompted by 875 basis points hike in the Monetary Policy Rate, MPR, by the CBN.

From 18.75 per cent in February, the CBN steadily raised the MPR to 27.5 per cent in November this year.
As a result, the interest rate on 364-Days NTBs rose to 22.93 per cent in November from 12 per cent at the beginning of the year, representing 11.91 percentage points increase from 4.44% in H1’23.

In the same vein, the average interest rate on FGN Savings Bond for 2 year tenor rose to 17.483% December 2024 from 12.287% in December 2023.

Reviewing the fiscal position in 2024, David Adonri, Analyst/ Executive Vice Chairman at Highcap Securities Limited, said: “To different elements in the economy, rising debt and rising yield on debt means different things. While the investor in debt is happy and smiling to his bank, corporate debt issuers are groaning because of the escalated cost of borrowing and the crowding-out effect of public borrowing.

”Above all, rising public debt signals an expansionary fiscal policy which is inimical to the effectiveness of tightened monetary policy.

”FGN is already in a debt trap, requiring new debt to service existing obligations. This leaves very limited financial resources for economic development. If the reckless piling of debt by FGN continues, a sovereign default might become imminent.

”Notwithstanding the influence of the high interest rate regime, the sharp rise in FG’s borrowing from domestic investors is inimical to the private sector as it makes it more costly for businesses to borrow.
”Also, the higher lending rates has led to inflationary pressures as the corporates have to increase prices to cover for the higher borrowing rates.

“With respect to monetary policy, whilst the Central Bank continues on its hawkish trend, we expect pressure from the government on the Central Bank as its debt service costs rise.
”The government cannot afford to borrow at these levels for an extended period of time. Government spending has also led to more pressure on the currency as it means more Naira available to chase the dollar.”

Continuing, he stated: “With respect to fiscal policy, we are yet to see the borrowing by the government to have an impact on fiscal policy. Yes, we have the Coastal roads being built, but we would like to see more with regards to policies to help increase production output in the economy.

”Also, we expect to see a significant increase in debt servicing costs, factoring in the higher rates and increase in domestic borrowing.”

Also speaking to Financial Vanguard on the situation, Victor Chiazor, Head of Research and Investment at Fidelity Securities Limited, FSL Securities Limited, said: “The government borrowing has fueled inflationary pressures.

”In addition there’s an indirect effect on exchange rates. Also, there’s the crowding out effect for private sector lending. As it is, not many businesses can afford to borrow at the elevated interest rate.
”Finally, the monetary policy response to all this may be to continue to raise interest rates in a bid to tame the spiraling inflation.”

Commenting as well, Dr Muda Yusuf, CEO of Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), said: ”There is a general need to moderate borrowing so that it doesn’t overheat the economy.

“With respect to the implication for inflation, the deficit if financed properly may not be inflationary.
“Inflationary component of deficit financing often arises when CBN prints money to finance the deficit. That is when you have serious issues with inflation, because the money is now what you call high-powered money.

”But if it’s funded using bonds, treasury bills and other firms of borrowing, either from the public or from within the financial system, it is less inflationary.

“If the debt level continues to increase, of course it has a crowding out effect on the private sector. That means more of the credit in the economy will be going to the government as against the private sector, which is not a particularly good thing.

”So we need to worry about a trend of increasing domestic debt because of the risk of crowding out the private sector in the credit market.

“For fiscal policy, it’s a fiscal policy instrument. Borrowing is a fiscal policy issue; it’s used to fill the gap. Again, what is important is to maintain a sustainable ratio as far as borrowing is concerned, ratio of debt service to revenue, ratio of debt to GDP.”

In his own comment, Olatunde Amolegbe, former President, Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers, CIS said: “For me, borrowing is a natural consequence of public expenditure if a country intends to grow. The question however is about what the debt is used for.

”I have always had reservations with borrowing to meet recurrent expenditure which is why I am more inclined towards infrastructure or project-tied debt that one is sure will go towards boosting economic growth and development.

”Of course the borrowing level and borrowing cost are high and this has negative implications for our finances as a country however in as much as the debt -GDP and debt-revenue continue to remain stable or even decline then debt sustainability should not be a problem.

”I suppose the increase in the volume of FGN’s borrowing we’ve seen month-on-month is driven by the attractive interest rate that they presently offer to investors. It means investors can invest as low as N10,000 and get interest rate of about 18% which they can’t get anywhere else. ”This can actually be seen through the prism of wealth distribution or empowerment.

”It is therefore not a problem per se but how the fund generated is put to use to enhance production. The private sector wants to see infrastructure that would help them reduce cost of production”.

Reacting as well,Tajudeen Olayinka, Investment Banker & Stockbroker stated: “I think the critical challenge there is the sustainability of debt as measured by (i) Debt to GDP Ratio, (ii) Debt to Revenue Ratio, (iii) Debt to Export Ratio.

”The more sustainable a country’s debt is, the less burdensome it becomes to the economy. Accordingly, Nigeria’s economy must become more productive in the immediate to near term for her to sustain the current level of debt stock. ”This should be the focus of the current administration, even though it inherited huge debt service to revenue ratio that had become unsustainable from the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.

”A huge U.S. dollar denominated debt could be more threatening than a huge Naira debt.

”Government should therefore manage the country’s debt within the framework of debt sustainability.
”The growth in the stock of savings bond between 2023 and 2024 cannot be said to be life threatening. That segment of government securities market is known to be underperforming”.

The federal government had in the 2024 budget estimated N27.50 trillion total expenditure and N18.32 trillion revenue, leaving the FG with a N9.05 trillion fiscal deficit.

According to the FG, the fiscal deficit is expected to be financed by a combination of domestic borrowings (N6.04 trillion), foreign borrowings (N1.77 trillion), multilateral/bilateral loan drawdowns (N941.19 billion), and privatisation proceeds amounting to N298.49 billion.

Over the past one year, former Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike has shown that he is unable to accept the reality that he is no longer the governor of Rivers State.

Although he is the current Minister for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), with a full bucket of administrative responsibilities to the residents of the FCT, the minister has his total attention fixed on Rivers State, where he still imagines himself as the de facto Governor and political godfather.

But Wike’s psychological inability to accept and operate within reality should be of concern to all Nigerians. In clinical psychology, when a person loses touch with reality, it is called psychosis.

A person with a psychotic condition may seem perfectly fine, but they may, in fact, be living a big part of their lives in an alternate universe.

For instance, psychotic individuals may hear voices that no one else hears – psychologists call this auditory hallucination. They may also see people that no one else sees – doctors call this visual hallucination.

By constantly imagining himself as Governor of Rivers State and seeking so desperately to control the affairs of the State, Nyesom Wike may be exhibiting the worst strain of all hallucinations – the hallucination of power.

Wike and his proxies have been waging a futile battle in the courts, in the streets, and in the media, to unseat the legitimate government of Governor Siminalayi Fubara in Rivers State.

On the 7th of October 2024, political hoodlums burnt down the headquarters of four local government area councils in Rivers State, after the successful conclusion of the local government elections by the state’s independent electoral body.

As they set the buildings ablaze, the arsonists could be heard in chilling videos, threatening even more violence and destruction.

On 10 October 2024, Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court in Abuja gave one of most bizarre rulings in Nigeria’s jurisprudence by stopping the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Accountant-General of the federation from releasing statutory financial allocations to Rivers State.

Justice Abdulmalik gave her judgement on the basis of what many believed was a completely meritless application, filed in a distant and improbable jurisdiction, by a cohort of Wike’s loyalists who seemed bent on destabilizing Rivers State.

As one of the 36 federating states of Nigeria, Rivers State has a constitutionally guaranteed right to financial allocations from the federal government. The allocations are made for the purpose of governance and service delivery to the millions of people who live in the state.

Therefore, if there are disputes between organs of government over budgetary matters or financial appropriation, the resolution of such disputes must at least begin within the legal jurisdiction of Rivers State.

There are over ten judicial divisions in Rivers State presided over by dozens of high court judges. So, why take matters concerning the internal financial affairs of Rivers State to Abuja – a different legal jurisdiction, which is 642.3 km away?

But in her rush to judgement, Justice Abdulmalik seemed to see jurisdiction where there was none. Crucially, Her Lordship neglected to reflect on the broader damage to society which her dystopian judgement might have caused.

For example, the judgement would have denied thousands of Rivers state teachers, doctors, civil servants, sanitation workers, and retirees of their salaries and gratuities.

The judgement would have halted the delivery of basic municipal services, and thrown over two hundred thousand innocent children out of school in Rivers State.

In other words, this was a judgement that was guaranteed to break the dam of popular anger in Rivers State and beyond.

Throughout his career, the German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche, insisted that there was a tenuous link between politics and mental disorder. Nietzsche warned that we should be worried when politics is driven by people with a neurotic attachment to power.

Nyesom Wike and his judicial allies may be pushing Nigeria towards the frightening nihilism that Friedrich Nietzsche warned us about.

Thankfully, on 13 December 2024, the Appeal Court in Abuja nullified the entirety of Justice Abdulmalik’s judgement for want of jurisdiction.

But, thanks to Justice Joyce Abdulmalik, lawyers may henceforth define “judicial psychosis” as a judge’s uncanny ability to see legal jurisdiction where there is none.

Tam-George is a former Senior Executive Fellow at Harvard Kennedy School, Cambridge, Massachusetts. He served as Hon. Commissioner for Information and Communication in Rivers State ( 2015-2017).

The easiest and most attractive national pastime is buck-passing, especially with the bunch of leaders that we have, who can hardly peel a banana or wash an already white handkerchief. Not many of us want to take responsibility for anything, from personal to family or national life.

The blame is on the system. We do not need to create demons out of our leaders because they are already specimens of demons, so we hang our sins on them appropriately and inappropriately, too. And unfortunately, their behavior has made it easy for the critics to descend on them.

We, at most, talk, write, and discuss the Nigerian myth with a sense of fatalism. If everyone thought as much as I did about justice and fairness, life would be better. I am a critic, but I am also the critics’ critic, the unrepentant believer that the best way to keep the government on its toes is to keep harping on their flaws so they can improve.

Often, I say I believe the things I write about are as important for our nation as they are for other nations, but when it appears to me, Nigerians, especially those in authority, do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

So today, I address the real nonsense people…citizens, apologists, and crooks called politicians in Nigeria where nothing works and no one cares, when it works, it is because someone’s interest is about to be served or being served, not the people’s interest. We talk about our institutions despairingly. Our leaders do not watch network news any longer except when their faces are there on the occasion of their sons/daughters’ weddings or such. They do not need the newspapers anymore because it is full of their lies, paid adverts, and the critics’ truth, the bitter truth.

Government bashing is a national issue, and every drinking joint and any suya spot has a sitting parliament with an expert on every and any issue, but we forget that no matter the input, if the politicians and actors in our national scene have questionable lives both on a personal and domestic level, nothing will change, the best government policy cannot change the individual. It is because the policies are formulated on a bad foundation and by people with warped thinking.

We do not need the government to teach us to stop treating ourselves like animals. Do we need the government to teach us that we demand responsible leadership and representation? Certainly not, we should know that and act in a fashion that depicts that we demand more than what we are getting.

So, let me tell us, this tale by an unknown author. It is originally called the pebble and the ripples.

A man was sitting by a lake. He was throwing small pebbles into it from time to time. A young boy happened to cross by. He was intrigued to see that after every few minutes or so, the man would toss a pebble into the lake.

The boy went up to the man and said, “Good pastime, this stone-throwing?” “Hmmm, said the man. He seemed to be deep in thought and did not wish to be disturbed.

Sometime later, the man said softly, “Look at the water, it is still.” The boy said, “Yeah, it is.”

The man tossed a pebble into the water and continued, only till I toss a pebble into it now, do you see the ripples?”

Yeah, said the boy, “they spread further and further.”

“And soon, the water is still again, offered” the man.

The boy said. “Sure, it becomes quiet after a while.”

The man continued, “What if we want to stop the ripples? The root cause of the ripples is the stone. Let’s take the stone out. Go ahead and look for it.” The boy put his hand into the water and tried to take the stone out.

But he only succeeded in making more ripples. He was able to take the stone out, but the number of ripples that were made in the process was a lot more than before.

The wise man said, “It is not possible to stop the movement of the water once a pebble has been thrown into it. But if we can stop ourselves from throwing the pebble in the first place, the ripples can be avoided altogether!

So, too, it is with our minds. If a thought enters into it, it creates ripples. The only way to save the mind from getting disturbed is to block and ban the entry of every superfluous thought that could be a potential cause for disturbance. If a disturbance has entered into the mind, it will take its own time to die down. Too many conflicting thoughts just cause more and more disturbances. Once the disturbance has been caused, it takes time to ebb out. Even trying to forcibly remove the thought may further increase the turmoil in the mind.

We have exhibited in the last few weeks again that there is a continued forced political marriage in this entity called Nigeria, we do not know whether we want the accident of history called Nigeria to remain or whether we want to go our separate ways; that is if we even can agree which way it is?

The tax bills that have been temporarily put to rest have again raised questions—Are we, at best, simply cohabitating without any mutuality, or is it just a union of the very wild poor at the bottom and the very rich on top? Again, our comments have shown that we are a symmetrically antagonistic group trying hard to find a melting pot other than soccer, corruption, and neglect by those we call leaders.

There is no clear blueprint to address the developmental and poverty issues in the North – such as security, education, water, agriculture, health care, desertification, Niger River dredging, jobs, housing, etc. and sadly, these are issues also in the Southern part of the nation.

The critic’s anthem would be my end to this essay; it has always inspired me by H.G. Wells: “We are going to write about it all. We are going to write about business and finance and politics and pretenses and pretentiousness, and decorum and indecorum until a thousand pretenses and ten thousand impostors shrivel in the cold, …we are going to write about wasted opportunities and latent beauties, until a thousand new ways of life open to men and women. We are going to appeal to the young, and the hopeful, and the curious against—the established, the dignified, and the defensive…”

I will write about the nonsense in my society, once in a while, when I see good things, I will write about them, but I will not let an opportunity pass to address the real nonsense people so that they know that people are not happy, so that they come down from their hypocritical high horses, so they have the scales in their eyes removed; par adventure they can change, if only that we can have a true people’s revolution to get rid of the nonsense in our society—Only time will tell.

Nyesom Wike, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, has found himself embroiled in escalating controversies that stretch from Rivers State to Abuja. His actions, including the demolition spree in the nation’s capital and the alleged sale of land tied to the legacy of Colonel Paul Ogbebor, have stirred outrage across the country. What started as a localized land issue has now grown into a national confrontation involving political, cultural, and spiritual forces.
The Benin Kingdom, deeply offended by what they see as an assault on their pride and one of their revered sons, has vowed not to let this injustice go unchallenged. At the same time, Rivers State residents, frustrated by Wike’s high-handed approach to governance, are also pushing back against his perceived abuse of power.

Colonel Paul Ogbebor: A Legacy Under Attack

Colonel Paul Ogbebor was a national hero and a son of the Benin Kingdom, whose contributions to Nigeria remain unparalleled. As the first Nigerian enrolled in the Nigerian Defence Academy’s Cadet Course 1, he served the country with honor, earning numerous accolades for his bravery. Beyond his military career, he was a builder of Abuja, contributing significantly to the development of Nigeria’s capital city.

“This land was allocated to my husband in recognition of his service to this country,” Mrs. Rita Lori Ogbebor stated apparently. “Now, Wike, you have sold it to a Rivers State man close to you. Was there a bidding process? Was the equity rule followed? Or was it handed over secretly? This is not just about land; it is about justice and respect for my husband’s legacy.”

The Benin Kingdom sees this as an affront to their cultural identity and a desecration of the legacy of one of their greatest sons. They are determined to resist this assault on their history, heritage, and pride.

A Question of Equity: Was There a Bidding Process?

The controversial sale of Colonel Paul Ogbebor’s land to Chinda’s company has raised critical questions about the fairness and transparency of the transaction. The Benin Kingdom, alongside many Nigerians, is demanding answers about whether public bidding—an essential element of equity and accountability—was conducted as required by law.

Public bidding ensures that all transactions are subjected to open scrutiny, allowing equal opportunities for interested parties while maintaining fairness in government dealings. However, the alleged secretive nature of this sale suggests otherwise, pointing to a troubling lack of transparency in how this property, tied to a national hero, was transferred.

A Question of Transparency: Was Equity Respected?

The sale of this land is not just a routine transaction; it strikes at the core of equity and fairness in governance. For the Benin Kingdom, Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy is sacred, and any attempt to erase it through dubious processes is a direct affront to their cultural pride.

Wike, you must answer these questions, Mrs. Rita Lori Ogbebor appeared to be asking . “How did this happen? Why was this land given to someone tied to you without a fair process? Do you think the Benin Kingdom will let this go unchallenged? You are gravely mistaken.”

The alleged sale to Chinda’s company, reportedly tied to Wike’s close ally, has sparked outrage. It calls into question the principles of governance and accountability, raising doubts about whether the equity rule—which guarantees fairness in public dealings—was respected.

Demands for Clarity

The Benin Kingdom, through Mrs. Ogbebor, has apparently voiced its concerns publicly and forcefully:
Was there a public bidding process?
Was the equity rule followed?
Who approved the sale, and under what conditions?

Wike, we want answers. How was this property sold? Was it advertised for bidding? Was the equity rule followed? Or was it handed over quietly to someone close to you? These are not questions you can ignore.

Perceptions of Cronyism and Favoritism

The revelation that Chinda’s company now owns the disputed property has further inflamed tensions, with accusations that Wike is using his position to benefit allies and cronies at the expense of fairness and justice. The perception that this transaction was manipulated to favor a select few adds to the growing discontent with Wike’s leadership style.

For the Benin Kingdom, this is not just about the sale of land. It is a direct insult to their identity, pride, and legacy. Colonel Ogbebor is one of their most distinguished sons—a national hero whose contributions to Nigeria are woven into the fabric of their cultural history.

The outrage is rooted in more than just legal concerns; it is deeply tied to cultural identity and justice. The Benin Kingdom views this alleged sale not only as a breach of trust but as an attack on their values and the legacy of one of their own.

The Benin Kingdom’s Stance: Justice Must Prevail

This issue goes beyond governance. It is about equity, transparency, and respect for the legacy of a hero. The Benin Kingdom will not remain silent as the principles of justice are trampled upon. Their demand for answers reflects the broader need for accountability in leadership.

Wike, this is your moment to clarify. The Benin Kingdom and the nation demand transparency. Without it, the cultural and spiritual resistance that has begun will only grow stronger.

Wike’s Growing Controversies

The land issue in Abuja is just one of many controversies linked to Wike, whose actions have consistently drawn criticism. His deteriorating relationship with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara has resulted in political chaos, with allegations that Wike is orchestrating disruptions through local government appointments, manipulating vacant House of Assembly seats, and interfering in police activities.

Residents and analysts allege that Wike has used his influence with Abuja-based judges to interfere in Rivers State governance, further destabilizing Fubara’s administration. Rivers residents accuse Wike of prioritizing personal vendettas over the welfare of the state, with many questioning his leadership style and intentions.

The Pushback from the Benin Kingdom and Rivers People

Mrs. Ogbebor’s defiant stance echoes a broader sentiment of dissatisfaction with Wike’s actions. The Benin Kingdom and its people are not alone in their resistance. Rivers State residents, already weary of Wike’s perceived overreach and interference, have also begun to call for accountability.

What you have done to Rivers State—using courts, police, and political appointments to consolidate power—you will not do to the Benin Kingdom. The people of Benin will not let you trample on their legacy.

From the revocation of land rights in Abuja to the alleged destabilization of Rivers State governance, Wike’s actions have raised critical concerns about his abuse of power and the lasting damage to public trust and governance stability.

A Senate Intervention: A Temporary Halt to Demolitions

The Senate’s recent intervention has provided a momentary pause in Wike’s demolition spree. Senator Ireti Kingibe’s motion, supported by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, called for an immediate halt to further demolitions in Abuja. The Senate has also launched an investigation into Wike’s actions, with a committee tasked with determining the legality and fairness of his administration’s policies.

Wike, the Senate is now watching. Their intervention is proof that your actions have crossed a line. Take this moment to reflect, because the Benin Kingdom will not remain silent forever.

This Is a Spiritual and Cultural War

The Benin Kingdom, steeped in centuries of tradition and cultural pride, does not take lightly to perceived injustices. Their priests and priestesses, who serve as spiritual guardians of their people, have historically acted when the Kingdom’s honor is at stake.

As a writer and psychologist, I may not practice traditional African spiritual powers, but I understand their significance, I write. Wike, you are treading on dangerous ground. The Benin Kingdom’s spiritual forces are no trivial matter. Their priests and priestesses typically await the King’s directive, but in this case, their patience may run out. Don’t wait for them to act, because once they do, you will face consequences far beyond your control.

This is not just about land; it is about the soul of the Benin Kingdom. Wike’s actions have provoked a deep cultural and spiritual resistance that will not be easily quelled.

The Benin Kingdom Stands Firm

The Benin Kingdom, known for its proud warrior heritage and unshakable sense of justice, will rally behind Mrs. Ogbebor. The Kingdom takes pride in its sons and daughters who have served the nation honorably, and Colonel Ogbebor’s contributions are viewed as a source of collective pride. Any attempt to erase his legacy is seen as an attack on the Kingdom itself.

What Wike is doing in Rivers State—bullying the people, apparently manipulating the courts, and grabbing power—he cannot do to the Benin Kingdom. The people of Benin will not let him treat us like pawns.

A National Embarrassment for Tinubu

Wike’s actions have placed President Bola Tinubu in a precarious position. While Wike was instrumental in helping Tinubu secure Rivers State during the presidential election, his growing list of controversies, including the feud with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the relentless demolitions in Abuja, has become a national embarrassment. The latest assault on Colonel Ogbebor’s property now drags the powerful Benin Kingdom into the fray, potentially escalating the crisis to unprecedented levels.

PANDEF’s Call for Justice

The Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) has joined the resistance, urging Wike to act with statesmanship. In a statement, the group emphasized Colonel Ogbebor’s unparalleled contributions to Nigeria and called for the protection of his legacy.

Colonel Paul Ogbebor was not just a son of the Benin Kingdom; he was a national hero. His legacy cannot be erased by reckless actions. Wike must stop this injustice and honor the memory of those who built this nation, PANDEF stated.

Wike Has Met His Match

Mrs. Ogbebor’s apparent defiance signals that Wike’s actions will not go unchallenged. “This is not just about land; it’s about the legacy of a hero and the pride of a Kingdom. Wike may continue demolishing structures in Abuja, labeling them as ‘shanties,’ but my husband’s house will not be touched. Let him try, and he will face the full resistance of a proud kingdom and a nation that remembers its heroes.”

The message is loud and clear: Wike has crossed a line, and the Benin Kingdom will not stand by. Unlike in Rivers State, where Wike’s tactics have sown chaos and weakened governance, the resistance from the Benin Kingdom is rooted in centuries of cultural and historical pride.

“This fight is not just mine; it is the fight of a Kingdom. Wike, you have pushed too far. The Benin Kingdom will not wait forever for its king to intervene. Resistance is coming, and it will be relentless. What you have done to Rivers State people, you will not do to us,” Mrs. Ogbebor apparently concluded.

Wike’s demolition spree may have bulldozed others into submission, but with the Benin Kingdom, he has met an immovable force. Resistance is not only inevitable but unyielding.

The Judiciary and Perceptions of Control
Mrs. Ogbebor’s refusal to rely on the judiciary underscores a broader distrust of Nigeria’s legal system, especially where Wike is concerned. While some justices in Rivers State have recently begun adhering to the rule of law, the judiciary in Abuja is still perceived by many as compromised.

The Benin people will not place their trust in a court system they believe you control under what many sacatically call Abuja judge. They would rather fight to the end for justice than submit to a system they see as rigged. This is about more than my family; this is about the pride of a Kingdom.

A Final Warning: Wike, Use Your Brain

Wike, the message is crystal clear: resistance is rising against your actions, and it is coming from all fronts. While the Senate’s intervention offers a temporary pause, the Benin Kingdom’s resistance is spiritual, cultural, and unyielding.
This is not just about land or politics. It is about justice, equity, and the legacy of a national hero who played a pivotal role in building this nation. Wike, you are testing the patience of a people who will not bow to power, intimidation, or arrogance. Use your brain. Do what is right before it is too late.

Leave Colonel Paul Ogbebor’s land and property alone. If there are unresolved payments or disputes, handle them equitably as part of Abuja’s municipal responsibilities. Let the family make payments in manageable installments if required, or waive any outstanding fees entirely in honor of Colonel Ogbebor’s immeasurable military sacrifices.

If the property in question is not being properly maintained, demand that it be restored to acceptable standards. The FCT authorities can work with the family to ensure that the site is well-kept, respecting both the law and the dignity of Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy. This approach would uphold justice while maintaining fairness for all parties involved.

The Benin Kingdom will not wait indefinitely for justice. Their resistance is inevitable and will be manifested culturally, spiritually, and politically. By targeting the legacy of one of their most revered sons, you have provoked a fight far larger than governance—it is now a battle over identity, respect, and justice.

This is not Rivers State. The Benin Kingdom is closely observing your actions and will not allow their pride or history to be trampled. When their response comes, it will be deep, relentless, and uncompromising.

Wike, you still have the choice to act wisely. The consequences of your actions will soon spiral beyond your control if you persist. Justice must be served, the property must be protected, and the legacy of Colonel Paul Ogbebor must remain intact. The time to correct course is now—before it is too late.

When a policy fails to factor in public response to its benefits and drawbacks, success takes the backseat. Ignoring public behaviour often results in poor implementation and unintended consequences. In Nigeria, a nation grappling with complex and diverse security challenges, the limitations of centralised policing have become glaringly evident. Rising crime rates, from terrorism and banditry to cybercrime and kidnapping, expose the inadequacies of the current federal system. The call for state police is not just a matter of political discourse; it is a necessary step toward securing the lives and property of Nigerians. This proposal has gained unprecedented traction across regional and political divides, signalling that the time is ripe for this crucial reform. The urgency of decentralising policing by introducing state police could provide the much-needed local focus to counter insecurity while fostering accountability and community trust. This vision aligns with global best practices and offers hope for a safer and more prosperous Nigeria, where localised and specialised law enforcement can effectively address the diverse security needs of the population.

Throughout history, nations have recognised the need for adaptable and localised law enforcement structures. In the early 20th century, the United States established state police forces to address rising crime and extend law enforcement beyond the capabilities of local authorities. The Pennsylvania State Police, formed in 1905, became the first uniformed state law enforcement agency in the U.S., designed to handle challenges that local sheriffs and municipal officers could not adequately address. This included labour unrest in coal mines and maintaining order in rural areas without sufficient local law enforcement. Over time, state police forces such as the Texas Rangers and California Highway Patrol expanded their scope, dealing with issues from highway safety to organised crime. These forces were pivotal in ensuring law enforcement matched the complexities of an industrialising and urbanising society.

The U.S. experience provides a critical lesson for Nigeria: decentralisation enhances law enforcement’s ability to respond to local needs. For instance, during the Prohibition era, state police units were instrumental in curbing illicit alcohol trade in their jurisdictions, a task federal authorities alone needed help to handle effectively. Similarly, the adaptability of state police allowed them to pioneer specialised units, such as cybercrime task forces in recent decades, which have become crucial in tackling modern criminal activities. Nigeria’s security challenges, including insurgencies in the North and urban crimes in Lagos and Abuja, could greatly benefit from similar localised and specialised approaches. For instance, a state police unit in Lagos could prioritise urban crimes such as theft and traffic-related offences, while a unit in Borno might focus on counterterrorism efforts against Boko Haram insurgents. This targeted approach could lead to more effective solutions than a one-size-fits-all federal system.

Globally, decentralised policing systems offer valuable lessons. Countries like Canada, India, and South Africa demonstrate how local accountability and responsiveness enhance security. Canada’s provincial police forces work collaboratively with municipal and federal agencies to address diverse security needs. In India, state police forces are indispensable in combating localised crimes and maintaining law and order, especially in states with unique cultural and geographical contexts. For example, Maharashtra’s state police in India have implemented technology-driven initiatives to combat cybercrime, which would be impossible under a rigid centralised system. These systems are bolstered by robust oversight mechanisms to prevent misuse, ensuring their effectiveness and integrity. Nigeria can draw inspiration from these examples, adapting these practices to suit its unique challenges. This global perspective further strengthens the argument for the state police proposal in Nigeria.

The current structure of Nigeria’s federal police reveals its limitations. With approximately 370,000 officers, the police-citizen ratio is about 1:650, significantly higher than the UN-recommended ratio of 1:450. This shortfall is glaring in a nation of over 220 million people, where security challenges vary dramatically across geopolitical zones. The Inspector-General of Police has highlighted the need for an additional 190,000 personnel, yet estimates suggest that Nigeria requires up to 2.5 million officers for effective policing. Over the past decade, crime rates have surged by over 30%, with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, and cybercrime becoming increasingly sophisticated and prevalent. In 2022 alone, there were over 3,500 reported kidnapping incidents nationwide, underlining the urgent need for localised and agile policing responses. The introduction of state police could help address this issue by allowing for a more targeted allocation of resources based on regional security needs, potentially improving the police-citizen ratio and overall security.

Support for state police has grown significantly among policymakers, security experts, and civil society groups. A growing consensus is that decentralising policing would empower local authorities and enhance operational efficiency. Even state governors from historically divided northern and southern regions have united in supporting state police. One significant highlight of the 147th National Economic Council(NEC) is a new consensus by all state governments on establishing state police. However, this initiative requires a more robust but speedy engagement to align it with the local cultural context, ensuring that it is appreciated and supported by the citizens it aims to serve. Citizen engagement is not just a formality, but a crucial step to ensure public understanding and support for the state police proposal. 

Building trust between state police and local communities is a crucial advantage of this reform. Effective local policing initiatives can foster relationships that build trust and cooperation, especially in Nigeria, where the trust deficit is high. Trust is an essential component of crime fighting. Innovative local community-police liaison arrangements and other community-focused programs can strengthen these ties, creating an environment of mutual respect and collaboration. When police officers understand their communities’ cultural and societal dynamics, they are better equipped to address security challenges and maintain peace. The active participation and trust of the Nigerian public in this reform process are crucial for its success. 

Concerns about the potential misuse of state police for political purposes are valid but can be systematically addressed. Abuse of State Independent Electoral Commissions ( SIEC) by state governors is often cited. This is another reason why extensive and targeted citizen engagement is key before putting the law in place. Safeguards must be designed and implemented to prevent governors from exploiting state police for political and electoral manipulation purposes, personal gain, or to feed their authoritarian appetite. Laws prohibiting state police involvement in electoral matters and empowering oversight bodies can ensure neutrality. Clear delineation of the roles and responsibilities of state and federal police will also be essential to avoid jurisdictional conflicts. Establishing a framework for collaboration and information-sharing between the two levels of law enforcement will further enhance effectiveness. However, these measures will require careful planning and execution to ensure their efficacy and address potential challenges such as resistance to change and extensive training and capacity building.

Independent regulatory bodies are critical to ensuring accountability and preventing abuse. A State Police Security Commission (SPSC), comprising representatives from civil society, established professional bodies, legal experts, and public security professionals, could oversee state police operations. Regular audits and public reporting ensure transparency. Additionally, a robust judiciary is essential to protect citizens from potential abuses. Judicial reforms that enhance the independence and efficiency of courts would be vital in supporting this transition. For instance, in Canada, provincial ombudspersons have played pivotal roles in monitoring police misconduct, providing Nigeria with a possible blueprint for ensuring accountability.

Strengthening relationships between police and communities through genuine engagement and collaborative problem-solving must remain a priority. Establishing community advisory boards can provide platforms for dialogue and accountability. Actionable trust-building initiatives, such as open-door policies and  periodic town hall meetings, should replace superficial slogans like “Police is your friend.”

 Addressing insecurity also requires holistic solutions. Investments in education, healthcare, and youth empowerment are essential for tackling the root causes of crime. Integrating vocational training and social services into crime prevention strategies would complement policing reforms, creating a foundation for sustainable security. For example, a similar approach in India’s Kerala state led to a 40% reduction in youth crime over a decade.

Introducing state police in Nigeria represents a transformative opportunity to address the nation’s security crisis. While challenges are inevitable, they should not deter progress. Beginning the decentralisation process will allow for the identification and resolution of potential issues as they arise. The widespread consensus around reforming Nigeria’s policing architecture underscores the urgency of this change. With proper safeguards, political will, and public support, state police can become a cornerstone of a more secure, equitable, and prosperous Nigeria. A prerequisite is the government’s robust publicengagement and orientation programme to get the complete buy-in of all stakeholders, including the National Assembly, the state assembly and the masses. The time to act is now, and this reform must be embraced as a step toward a brighter and safer future for all Nigerians. Establishing state police would signify a shift in policy and a bold reimagining of Nigeria’s approach to security—one that prioritises the people, respects regional diversity, and lays the foundation for sustainable peace and progress.

Everything that has a beginning must have an end. For every hello, there will eventually be a goodbye which in its turn contains the seeds for another cry of welcome. There is a lesson to be learnt in the fall of any empire or kingdom or dynasty. Every dictator looks unconquerable until Father Time ticks his box and harvests his scalp.

As Amy Poehler argues, “You have to remember that goodbyes are temporary because no one ever really leaves and nothing lasts forever. People are always with us, because they are in our hearts and in our memory. The only thing we can depend on is change… Life is just a series of moments — a string of pearls that make up the necklace of your life and so every once in a while, to complete the circle, you need to end a chapter.”

Time Up!

For the Butcher of Damascus, Bashar al-Assad, the long horrific chapter of his perch at the top of the man-eating power game in Syria came to a screeching halt last week, almost anticlimactically. Even though the world knew that the dictator was living on borrowed times, no one knew that his end would be as ordinary as a dog folding its tail between its legs and voting with its paws!

In my neck of the woods, the old Oyo Empire, the king (Alaafin) was second only to the gods. He was the father and mother of death. But he was not omnipotent. If he was considered to have committed a serious infraction against the Earth or misruled in a way adjudged anti-people, he would be presented with a ritual calabash which was a symbolic invitation to man-up and commit suicide. He wasn’t expected to cut and run as Bashar did. The same society that honoured him with so much power and wealth had also designed a “heroic” way of exiting the throne if he had to be shown the door. It was unthinkable that an Alaafin would exit like a plebeian, or, like a Bashar, be found hiding between the legs of Vladimir Putin!

One of the lessons that mankind must learn from the failed Assad dynasty is the good old saying that man proposes but God disposes. Imagine, Bashar’s father and predecessor, Hafez al-Assad, had not planned to have Bashar on the throne. Bashar’s elder brother, Basil, was the heir apparent until he died in a high-speed car crash in 1994, thus forcing the father to start grooming his second son, Bashar, a quiet medical doctor born on September 11, 1965, for succession. The new heir was soon entered into the Syrian military academy at Homs, and rose through the ranks to become an army colonel in 1999.

Bashar had given the impression that he would be a modernist and so, many people looked up to a new era when his father passed away in June 2000 after more than 25 years in power. His father’s loyalists in the security forces, military, ruling Baath Party and his minority Alawite religious sect ensured that he was appointed commander of the armed forces and secretary-general of the Baath Party, before a referendum confirmed him as president.

Bashar tailored his foreign policy to align with his father’s precepts. He maintained a hardline posture towards Israel. He was one of the few anti-war voices against the United States (US)-led invasion of Iraq which was, indeed, a treasure hunt, not an anti-terror intervention.

Repression

Historians and political analysts have characterised Assad’s presidency as a highly personalist dictatorship, which governed Syria as a totalitarian police state and was marked by numerous human rights violations and severe repression. While the Assad government described itself as secular, various political scientists and observers noted that his regime exploited sectarian tensions in the country. Assad’s early economic liberalisation programmes worsened inequalities and centralised the socio-political power of the loyalist Damascene elite of the Assad family.

Twenty-three years ago, Assad decreed a Press Law that tightened government control over all literature printed or published in Syria; ranging from newspapers to books, pamphlets and periodicals. Publishers, writers, editors, distributors, journalists and other individuals accused of violating the Press Law are imprisoned or fined. Censorship has also been expanded into cyberspace, and various websites are banned.

The civil war made matters worse. Homs, like many Syrian cities and towns, was devastated by the fighting as rebels seized control of large parts of the North and east of the country, and the opposition National Coalition was recognised as “the legitimate representative” of the Syrian people by more than 100 countries. When the death toll passed 60,000, Bashar ruled out negotiations with the rebels, labelling them “enemies of God and puppets of the West”.

Chemical Weapons

Pro-government forces in early 2013 launched attacks in southern and western Syria with some help from the Lebanese Shia militant group, Hezbollah. The Syrian army reportedly deployed its arsenal of chemical weapons to decimate the ranks of the enemies. Hundreds of people died after rockets containing the nerve agent Sarin were fired at rebel-held towns in the Ghouta region.

The Syrian government suffered a string of defeats in the first half of 2015, losing control of the northern provincial city of Idlib to rebel factions and more territories in the East to IS. Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered a major air campaign in support of Assad that September. Russian military signatures could be seen all over eastern Aleppo in 2016. The intervention swung the conflict heavily in Assad’s favour.

Russia was accused by a joint UN-OPCW mission of being behind a Sarin attack on the rebel-held northern town of Khan Sheikhoun in April 2017. Almost one million people were displaced by the fighting in Idlib in 2019 and 2020. In late 2019, Assad’s forces resumed their offensive. Hundreds of people were killed and almost a million fled their homes before Turkey and Russia agreed another ceasefire in March 2020.

Fragile

Only two weeks ago, Assad had seemed so secure after Russia, Iran and Iranian-backed militias had helped the military push the rebels trying to overthrow him into a small enclave in the north-west. His newfound confidence made him reject calls to engage in negotiations with the rebels.

But the fragility of Assad’s government was exposed by the launch of a lightning offensive led by the Islamist militant group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. Assad’s foreign allies were busy with their own wars, and were not in a position to help,

If you look properly, you’ll see that history keeps repeating itself. Bashar may not have cut the picture of your favourite cousin but the US and its allies were okay with him when he professed liberal inanities and cut the picture of a potential puppy, as Osama bin Laden once did. The fact that America prefers the Islamist rebels to Assad tells you that it’s all about interests. Ask Afghanistan. America doesn’t care what happens to a country after getting rid of the strong man. Libya is today a land of warlords after the US helped to get rid of Gaddafi.

My prediction: With the dominance of the Islamist ideologues, the new Syria may eventually slip into a protracted sectarian war.

Assad may not have been my idea of a president. Nonetheless, with a friend like the western powers who are now dancing on his political grave, Syria does not need to light a lantern in search of enemies.

A few years ago, our fathers said gambling was sinful. They warned us to stay away from it as they warned us to stay away from narcotics. They said those who embraced gambling ran the risk of becoming slaves to it and ruining their lives. When we passed by pool betting houses, they didn’t let us cast sustained glances at them. Now, almost everybody is a gambler.

Before the prosperity preachers seized the pulpits, gambling was leprosy. The church didn’t just regard it as a financially debilitating addiction; it was a satanic get-rich-quick habit that could tear to pieces the moral fabric of society and church weaved with threads of hard work, merit and contentment. 

When prosperity preaching replaced the Repent or Perish dogma in the late 80s, the socially exuberant breed poured in. The abundance of grace and a little room for the flesh made the new church a win-win enterprise. Pentecostalism became the fad. The old Scripture Union fastidiousness has been supplanted by something more mellow, effervescent, and promising yet as redemptive. The new spirituality didn’t demand the old rigour. The promise of instant wealth by miracles spread to the tired orthodox churches and conditioned the youth. And normalised gambling. 

In truth, the old church had annual bazaars that allowed children to scratch cards and spin wheels, but only for a day or two. A week of licensed flirtation with it didn’t efface the stigma the church and society cut out for gambling. Gambling was concretely abhorrent. That was then. Now, the new church won’t do bazaars. They will pinch their noses at it. They are too righteous for such activities. For any activities reminiscent of that which drew the ire of young Jesus, forcing him to whip people in the temple. However, some tolerate raffle draws: you buy a ticket of 5000 naira for a dinner and qualify to win a car. That sort of thing. But we need not split hairs because the tragedy lies elsewhere.

 The new church’s devotion to miracles, including things like ‘miracle money’ and other magical financial concepts, have conspired to undermine the once sacrosanct spiritual illegitimacy of gambling. Many serious pastors now pray for their congregation to win jackpots. A thing that was peculiar to white garment sorcery. The relegation of hard work and merit by a devotion to the miraculous has blurred the boundaries and allowed young Christian consciences to permit sudden wealth, covetousness and foolhardiness. 

To quote the Director General of the Cross River State Lottery Gaming Agency, “People are beginning to understand the essence of gambling as the gaming industry sells hope and helps in wealth redistribution, creation of jobs, and revenue generation. The governments at various levels are doing their best to upgrade their platforms and working very hard to ensure all operators are brought to the tax net.”

So the horses have bolted. Governments are encouraging gambling habits so they can collect more in taxes. But they need not make the roguishly comical argument that it helps wealth distribution. That’s like saying that cocaine makes frustrated people happy. Mbappe, the French football star, has said he would never partake in advertising gambling. But football stars in Nigeria and other celebrities aren’t that thoughtful. The endorsement fee from gambling companies doesn’t leave them room to evaluate the morality of their involvement 

Data says 60 million Nigerians engage in daily betting. That figure probably doesn’t include the youth in rural areas who plough half of their miserable earnings into betting on the outcome of football matches in Italy and Russia. Some say it’s now a billion-dollar industry. The politicians are happy that it’s blooming. Lagos makes hundreds of millions from it annually. No politician seems bothered about the menace. But if gambling culture lasts and continues to dispossess the youth of cash and hope, the consequences will be an inexorable rise in drug and substance abuse, homelessness and crimes. 

A few months ago, I walked into one of the betting offices that have mushroomed across the country. No seat was empty. Young boys sat in front of computer screens, wincing and sweating. Digitalisation has made the addiction easy to cultivate and challenging to break. Their wallets and the betting apps are all on their phones. The improbable stories of the fortunate one-in-a-million who come by a win are also spread by phone to create the illusion of wealth distribution. 

Gambling in Nigeria is perpetuated by lousy governance and pervasive hopelessness. Everyone daydreams. Reality is often too bleak for comfort. People are willing to stake their only meal for the day, taking shots in the dark. They feel wretched. The idea is they can’t fall any lower. Then there is the other pressure. Society doesn’t give a hoot about the source of wealth. Money, including illicit money, brings instant honour and power. Everyone worships the rich man. So, the most effective role models are drug dealers, guy men, and thieving politicians. They are the personification of sudden wealth. Their negative influence is amplified by the obsession with exhibitionism, which this strain of riches comes with. 

If the new church weren’t as permissive, it would have been a dampener. But devotion to prosperity brings other demons. The new church is trapped in rivalry, outlandish projects and Hollywood ideas. Rather than being the biblical preservative salt, it has become the facilitator, the inveterate accomplice. The new church lacks the capacity for sober reflection and introspection. It’s nearly always suffocating in the stranglehold of unending financial deadlines. So, it can barely have the mental serenity to interrogate its insidious emasculation by mammonism.

 So, with a broken religious compass and myopic political leaders, the nation marches on relentlessly into bondage. Any hope in political manifestoes is now a joke. The hope in gambling is a mirage. But how did we lose collective compunction? Often, the truth can’t be seen because sportspeople and celebrities owe nothing to their fans. They sell gambling as an investment. And since ‘Ego mbute’ is allowed by the policing agencies to be so loquacious that it seems ubiquitous, its enticing power is quadrupled. 

The overall effect is that many poor people walk around with imaginary hopes that leave actual perforations in their pockets. As the betting companies multiply, the total impoverishment of the desperately poor appears unstoppable. The betting companies are milking them to crime and death. 

The church needs a revival. The country needs a rebirth.