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[OPINION] Nigeria and the Illusion of Good Governance - Dakuku Peterside
Good governance is universally acknowledged as a critical factor in the progress and development of any nation. In Nigeria, both the elite and the common people share this profound understanding of governance’s impact on the country’s trajectory. However, despite this shared understanding, these groups have a significant divide in their conception of what constitutes “good governance.” For the masses, good governance is primarily about tangible improvements in living conditions—such as access to necessities, healthcare, education, and security. The elite, however, view good governance through a broader lens, encompassing systematic approaches to resolving public policy challenges. Meanwhile, technocrats and academics emphasize key principles like participation, transparency, accountability, responsiveness, equity, effectiveness, and inclusivity as the hallmarks of good governance. Despite these varied perspectives, there is a consensus across all sectors that good governance is sorely lacking in Nigeria.
This column explores the reasons behind Nigeria’s persistent struggle with good governance, even after sixty three years of independence and twenty-five years of representative democracy. The question arises: why, despite numerous opportunities for reform and change, does good governance remain elusive? To find an answer, we might consider Joseph de Maistre’s assertion that “every society gets the kind of leadership it deserves,” or Jimmy Carter’s observation that “a government is as good as its people.” However, I argue that the root causes lie deeper than these philosophical reflections. Corruption, underdevelopment, lack of political accountability, misuse of power, insecurity, and nepotism are not the root causes but symptoms of a broader deficit in good governance.
To explore this issue further, I engaged in informal discussions with ten members of Nigeria’s elite circle. Several recurring themes emerged from these conversations, offering insight into why good governance remains so elusive in Nigeria despite regular elections and changes in leadership.
One of the fundamental reasons for Nigeria’s governance challenges is the high rate of illiteracy, which is fundamentally incompatible with the demands of a functional democracy. Democracy relies on an informed citizenry that can actively participate in governance, demand accountability, and advocate for their rights. However, in Nigeria, high illiteracy levels have created a populace that cannot effectively participate in the process leading to or demand good governance. This situation has allowed the elite to maintain power with minimal resistance, perpetuating a cycle of poor governance. Without an educated and informed electorate, the necessary pressure for good governance remains absent.
Illiteracy not only weakens the citizenry’s ability to hold leaders accountable but also makes them vulnerable to manipulation by unscrupulous politicians. In many cases, illiterate voters are swayed by short-term incentives, such as cash handouts or promises of immediate benefits, rather than assessing the long-term implications of their choices. This dynamic perpetuates a cycle of poor governance, as leaders who are elected based on populist appeals rather than merit are less likely to prioritize the common good once in office.
Another significant factor contributing to Nigeria’s governance challenges is the weakness of civil society. A robust civil society is essential for fostering participatory democracy, holding leaders accountable, and ensuring that governance serves the public interest. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s civil society remains fragmented and largely ineffective. High illiteracy, economic hardship, and a lack of civic consciousness exacerbate this weakness. Historical evidence suggests that strong civil societies are correlated with better governance outcomes. For instance, countries like China and Japan experienced significant improvements in governance following periods of strong civil society engagement. China was post Chairman Mao, during the reign of Dieng Xiaoiong and Japan under Junichiro Koizumi. In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society continues to contribute to the persistence of poor governance.
The limitations of civil society in Nigeria are partly due to the country’s socio-economic challenges, including poverty, unemployment, and inequality. These issues have made it difficult for many citizens to engage in civil society activities, as they are preoccupied with meeting their basic needs. Additionally, the government’s often hostile stance towards civil society, including restrictive regulations and harassment of activists, has further weakened the sector’s ability to influence governance positively.
A robust civil society is essential for fostering good governance, as it provides a platform for citizens to voice their concerns, advocate for change, and hold leaders accountable. In countries where civil society is strong, such as in many Western democracies, there is often a higher level of political accountability and better governance outcomes. In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society has struggled to mobilize the populace effectively or to challenge the entrenched power structures that perpetuate poor governance.
Effective leadership does not occur in a vacuum; it requires strong institutional frameworks that guide and support the governance process. In Nigeria, the absence of these frameworks has resulted in unstructured and ineffective leadership. Institutions play a critical role in ensuring continuity, stability, and accountability in governance. When these structures are lacking, leadership becomes arbitrary, and the delivery of public services suffers. Without strong institutions, governance becomes a matter of personal discretion rather than a structured process to serve the public good. The absence of effective checks and balances allows for the concentration of power in the hands of a few, leading to the abuse of authority and the perpetuation of corruption. Nigeria’s governance system lacks the uniform standards, benchmarks, and guardrails necessary to ensure consistent and high-quality governance. Strengthening these institutions is essential for improving governance in Nigeria, as they provide the necessary framework for ensuring that leaders are held accountable and that public resources are managed responsibly.
Nigeria’s leadership selection process is another significant barrier to good governance. A credible governance system should be meritocratic, ensuring that the most qualified individuals ascend to leadership positions. However, the political party system in Nigeria is far from meritocratic. It is dominated by cronyism and clientelism, resulting in the selection of leaders who prioritize personal gain over public service. This flawed system perpetuates a cycle of ineffective governance, as leaders selected for their loyalty rather than their competence are unlikely to deliver the kind of leadership that fosters development and progress.
This flawed selection process is deeply rooted in the country’s political culture, where politics is often seen as a means of personal enrichment rather than public service. Political parties, rather than serving as platforms for articulating and advancing policy ideas, are often vehicles for advancing the interests of powerful individuals or groups. This results in a political landscape where the most qualified candidates are frequently sidelined in favour of those who can mobilize financial resources or secure the backing of influential figures.
Nigeria’s cultural norms and attitudes also significantly hinder good governance. These norms often create an environment resistant to public accountability, a key pillar of effective governance. In many Nigerian communities, particularly in the northern regions, there is a preference for strong, autocratic leaders, and dissent is often discouraged. This cultural disposition aligns with the ruling elite’s aversion to accountability, further stifling the development of good governance practices. In such an environment, the principles of democracy—debate, dissent, and accountability—are often viewed with suspicion or outright hostility.
Moreover, the cultural acceptance of corruption and the normalization of unethical behaviour further entrench the governance deficit in Nigeria. In many communities, corrupt practices are not only tolerated but are also seen as a necessary means of survival or advancement. This creates a vicious cycle where corruption is perpetuated at all levels of society, from the grassroots to the highest echelons of power.
The country’s diverse geopolitical, regional, and socio-cultural differences have produced a fragmented governance system with little uniformity in standards. While well-intentioned, policies such as the Federal Character and affirmative action have further complicated the governance landscape, creating disparities across regions and leading to uneven governance outcomes. The absence of clear standards and benchmarks allows for a wide variation in governance quality across different parts of the country, further complicating efforts to achieve good governance on a national scale.
The challenge of achieving good governance in Nigeria is multifaceted, rooted in a complex interplay of high illiteracy rates, weak civil society, the absence of robust institutional frameworks, a flawed leadership selection process, anti-democratic cultural norms, and the lack of uniform governance standards. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive approach that includes improving education, strengthening civil society, building robust institutions, reforming the leadership selection process, promoting democratic cultural norms, and establishing clear governance standards. Only by addressing these underlying issues in a comprehensive manner can Nigeria hope to overcome its governance challenges and achieve sustainable development.
Re: Why smuggling of fuel from Nigeria to neighbouring countries cannot stop — Oil Minister - Femi Falana
The federal government has acknowledged that fuel smuggling from Nigeria to neighbouring countries is an issue that can not be entirely eradicated. The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Heineken Lokpobiri, highlighted this at the 2024 Energy and Labour Summit in Abuja, explaining that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) lacks the funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines, which contributes to the problem.
Lokpobiri pointed out that the old, corroded pipelines, some of which date back to the 1960s and 1970s, are easily vandalized, facilitating the illegal transport of fuel. The Minister also said that if NNPC imports PMS and sells to marketers at perhaps N600 or below, there’s no way that smuggling can stop and that the situation is exacerbated by security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities.
Although the Minister was honest to indict the Federal Government in the smuggling of PMS which he blamed on lacks of funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines and security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities, the reason adduced for smuggling are totally misleading. The Minister cannot be unaware of the deliberate encouragement of smuggling of PMS by the Federal Government and the deliberate sabotage of the national economy by the NNPCL.
In 2010, the federal government and a private company, TPMS, operated the policy on the basis of a PPP arrangement. Even though the system dealt a heavy blow to smuggling of petrol and oil theft, the arrangement was terminated in 2011. Since then, all efforts to restore the Cargo Trafficking Note have been frustrated. However, on August 9, 2018, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved the installation of technology monitoring schemes and structures under the Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF) for N17 billion.
The then Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu, disclosed that the deployment of the automated fuel system management and censor network would ensure 100 per cent tracking and monitoring of petroleum products as the system would enable Nigerians to know how much PMS is consumed in Nigeria; volumes of products moved out illegally and the whole impact on Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). But the
automated fuel system management was never installed, while the contract sum of N17 billion was stolen.
On July 13, 2024, the Federal Executive Council announced the award of a $21m contract for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria, to properly account for the country’s production and exports. It was also disclosed that the council awarded another contract for the deployment of software that would enable the government to monitor the movement of Nigeria’s crude from the point of loading of every cargo in Nigeria up to the point of the cargo’s destination.
Mr. Heineken Lokpobiri, who disclosed Nigerians about the award of the two contracts, stated that “It is a major development that has never happened in this country. And this project is meant to be completed within six months, within 180 days." He also pointed out that the approved cost for the deployment of the meters was $21m, adding that it would be complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology.
Having awarded contracts for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology, a software for tracking and monitoring of petroleum products including PMS, the Federal Government cannot turn round to say that oil theft and smuggling of petrol out of Nigeria to neighboring countries will continue unabated to the detriment of the national economy.
Apart from the acquisition of the software to stop the smuggling of petroleum products from Nigeria, the NNPCL had embraced the suggestion to establish mega stations in the neighbouring countries. Both policies were, however, discarded by the NNPCL in order to boost the smuggling of PMS from Nigeria.
In view of the foregoing, Mr. Lokpobiri should be advised to stop exposing Nigeria to ridicule by saying that the federal government lacks the capacity to curb the nefarious activities of smugglers. However, the federal government should come out clean if it has added to the monumental suffering of the Nigerian people by increasing the price of PMS. After all, from less than N700 in July, a litre of petrol has since risen gradually to above N1,000 in most filling stations since the beginning of August. The upward trend of the price of PMS has continued with no successful attempt to stop it as of today.
Femi Falana SAN,
The Chair,
Alliance on Surviving COVID-19 and Beyond (ASCAB)
[PRESS RELEASE] NNPC Ltd Faces Financial Strain Due to PMS Supply Costs, Impacting Supply Sustainability
NNPC Ltd has acknowledged recent reports in national newspapers regarding the company's significant debt to petrol suppliers. This financial strain has placed considerable pressure on the Company and poses a threat to the sustainability of fuel supply.
In line with the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), NNPC Ltd remains dedicated to its role as the supplier of last resort, ensuring national energy security. We are actively collaborating with relevant government agencies and other stakeholders to maintain a consistent supply of petroleum products nationwide.
Olufemi Soneye
Chief Corporate Communications Officer
NNPC Ltd.
Bello Turji: Minister Orders Chief Of Defence Staff, Other Military Heads To Relocate To Sokoto
The Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, has ordered the Chief of Defence Staff and other military heads to relocate to Sokoto State as part of efforts targeted at eliminating bandits, terrorists and other criminals in the North West.
The Minister, who expressed sadness over the activities of the criminals in the region and other parts of the country, said while in Sokoto, the military chiefs would specifically supervise operations and ensure that Bello Turji and his gang are flushed out.
Naija News reports that Sokoto State is the headquarters of the General Officer Commanding, which oversees Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, and Kebbi states.
Matawalle said the government is deeply concerned about the persistent threat posed by banditry and terrorism in the North West particularly, and President Bola Tinubu is not happy with the situation.
He also urged the people of the region to remain vigilant and cooperate with the security forces in ridding the states of insecurity fuelled by the activities of the bandits.
The statement on Saturday, signed by the Director of Information and Public Relations, Henshaw Ogubike Minor, reads: “The Honourable Minister of State for Defence H.E Dr Bello Muhammed Matawalle MON has expressed his sadness over the activities of terrorists and Bandits terrorizing Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and kebbi States and its environs.
“Consequent to this the Honourable Minister of State has directed the Chief of Defence Staff and other military chiefs to move to Sokoto which is the Headquarters of the GOC Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and kebbi states with him as part of an intensified effort by the Federal Government to rid the North West of the menace of banditry, kidnapping and terrorism.
“This strategic move underscores the unwavering commitment of the government to restoring peace and security in the region. While in the North West, they will supervise operations and ensure that Bello Turji and his Bandits gang are flushed out.
“These criminal Bandits have been circulating videos of a Nigerian military Armoured vehicle that was stuck in a water-logged area and late in the night the officers were asked to withdraw to avoid being ambushed by bandits, later in the night the bandits went to the water-logged area, recording video of the Armoured vehicle that was stuck and celebrating it. This incident happened in Kwashabawa, Zurmi local government Area of Zamfara state. This is not acceptable as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR has been giving great support to the Armed Forces of Nigeria.
“The Federal Government is deeply concerned about the persistent threat posed by banditry and terrorism in the North West particularly. We are ready to deploy all necessary assets to ensure that these criminal elements are flushed out and peace is restored to our communities, Dr Matawalle stated. We must move against these terrorists to enable our people to move freely.
“The time is up for these bandits and terrorists as increased and consistent operations will weaken all their bases.
“Matawalle hereby calls on the Armed forces of Nigeria to flush out the bandits and terrorists as his presence in the North West will ginger our armed forces.
“Matawalle further assured the people of Sokoto, Katsina, Zamfara, kebbi states and the entire North West region that the security forces will not leave any stone unturned until they flush out the bandits.
The Minister assured that he would be on the ground in the North West with the CDS and other military chiefs, leading the security agents against the criminals.
“In addition, the Honourable Minister of State for Defence also called on the people of Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and kebbi states to remain vigilant and cooperate with the Security forces and he reiterated the Federal Government’s resolve to protect the lives and properties of all Nigerians, emphasizing that the security and well-being of the people remain the government’s top priority.”
[NaijaNews]
[OPINION] Why Is Hate So Alluring? - Wole Olaoye
Despite digital civilisation and pretences to sophistication, man still prefers hate to love. Hate is as attractive as mortal sin. It was one of the building blocks of the Holocaust. Haters will tell you that hate is what makes the world go round. You hate me; I hate you; we hate each other, hoping that someday, we may be able to blindside the object of our hate and pound his skull into a porridge mess.
Hate is so attractive. It doesn’t require any fine qualities, nor does it demand introspection. It makes no demands of your finer emotions. To hell with empathy! Logic be damned! What’s the relevance of that ancient admonition of doing unto others as you would want them to do unto you? Nonsense! The world is better served when man is beast to man.
…Don’t look farther than the United Kingdom (UK) to know exactly how primitive human society could still be in 2024. Between July 30 and August 5, man, as represented by white supremacists, was beast to fellow man – in this case, people of colour.
Primitive
The descent to medieval beastliness was caused by disinformation on social media by a wannabe influencer. On July 29, there was a knife attack at a children’s yoga and dance workshop in which three children were killed and eight others injured. There was incorrect speculation about the identity (nationality, immigration status, religion) of the attacker on social media which was widely shared by far-right activists. An incendiary posting believed to have originated on the X platform of a well-known racist falsely claimed that the killer was one “Ali Al-Shakati” (insinuation: Muslim; Arab or Middle-Eastern; illegal immigrant). The falsehood went viral when it was rebroadcast by a notorious fake news website called Channel3Now.
Protesters attacked the police and the mosque in Southport. Then, the riots spread to other towns and cities. Immigrants were verbally and physically assaulted, their businesses attacked and looted, homes ransacked, and hotels accommodating asylum seekers assailed. On July 31, over 100 protesters were arrested in London. By August 6, men and women of conscience in the anti-racist lobby took over the streets, outnumbering the far-right extremists and rallying to the cause of common humanity.
Once again, we have seen how social media can be deployed as a force for evil and social dislocation. With the new media, there is no longer any need for protest organisers to formally organise. The most they need is a chat group or dedicated website where they can share their prejudices and conspiracies, and schedule demonstrations.
Nigerians living in the UK tried to keep a low profile as much as possible. Still, there was nothing they could do about the prejudices of the largely semi-illiterate, white, economically-marginalised horde who continued to believe that immigrants were the cause of all their problems.
Premium Times reported the story of one Mrs Oyindamola, who said the riots were orchestrated as a cover for existing grievances: “A lot of Brits are of the notion that immigrants come here free, get all the jobs, stay in five-star hotels and take all the benefits,” she noted, adding that she was comforted by her British friends who had condemned the ongoing violence.
Genocide Advocate
Shocks from that week of madness reminded the world that HATE is the oxygen that sustains far-right extremism. Unfortunately, the rude din of that alarm has not discouraged some of our countrymen and women from treading the same destructive path as was witnessed recently in the case of Canada-based Amaka Patience Sunnberger whose tribal tirade and threat against Yoruba and Bini people in Canada has gone viral and stirred passions. In an era when tribal fences are being mended by patriots who believe in our common humanity, this preachment of hate could not have come at a worse time.
It was offensive enough listening to the harangue once. I won’t desecrate these pages with a repost. Every platform that has featured the story has literally caught fire with the habitual Nigerian pastime of insult flinging. We shouldn’t fall into the traps of those who insist that the best way we can relate with our brothers and sisters is by treating them with contempt.
Don’t Generalise
The culprit in this case may have been Igbo, but she was not speaking for all Igbos – otherwise, we would be guilty of the same fallacy as America’s white supremacists who insist that every Black man is either a thief, murderer or rapist.
Amaka’s mass murder plan, outlined and broadcast to give notice to the world that a serial genocidal war had commenced, is so hair-brained that I doubt her sanity. She is probably in more urgent need of psychiatric help than excoriation.
We must all avoid the temptation of allowing this woman’s sick verbal effusions to poison the waters of amity between Igbo and their Yoruba and Bini compatriots, although I concede that there is a fertile market for hate to go round the respective tribal territories several times over. But that resignation to hate-for-hate would only expand the demonic attraction that fascinates our firefly to self-immolation.
Some of us have consistently spoken up against hate whenever and wherever it reared its head because it always rebounds. In 1996, on Airport Road, Abuja, I was nearly shot by one of Abacha’s Strike Force operatives, a drunken boy of about 18 years, wielding a menacing firearm and wondering what a “Yoruba idiot” like me was doing in the FCT. If you experience hate once, you won’t desire it for your worst enemy.
When some Nigerians started the conspiracy theory that former President Muhammadu Buhari was dead and that a body double whose real name was Jibrin Al Sudani had been planted in the presidential villa to complete Buhari’s tenure, I cautioned the rumour mongers that their pastime was a dangerous venture which could destroy the country if the hate behind it metastasised.
The same kind of hate was evident during the last elections when political “Oro” festival was introduced in Lagos ostensibly with the intention of scaring non-indigenes away from the polls. Hate is hate, no matter who demonstrates it. I condemned it then; I revile it now; I will always denounce it.
Dangerous
If the streets of major towns and cities in the United Kingdom could be set afire by just one targeted piece of disinformation on the internet which played on a real-life tragedy involving the death of three innocent children, let no one underestimate the fallout that could be triggered by the insane video clip shared by Amaka Patience Sunnberger against whom, I hear, a Nigerian government agency has now formally protested to the Canadian authorities.
Did that hater spare any consideration for the fact that quite a number of her tribesmen and women have mixed Igbo/Yoruba, or Igbo/Bini heritage?
Hate may appear alluring but it is cheap. Let’s try the good old system of genuine interaction based on a dispassionate assessment of where the rain started beating us, what our respective aspirations and frustrations are, the areas where we all need tweaking (Yes!), and then how we can navigate the treacherous waters of life in whatever part of the world we find ourselves as Nigerians.
Appreciating the goodness on the other side of the aisle will not be as easy as it sounds. But it will be worth our while.
[OPINION] My fear for Wike - Lanre Adewole
No doubt, PDP has a Nyesom Wike problem. Forget his raucous and rambling messaging, he is adamant on a southerner in the villa till 2031 and his “party” still appears not committed to his conviction, the same way it wasn’t in 2023. Despite his perceived chummy-chummy with the acting National chairman of his “party” Iliya Damagum, Wike has a recent history to teach him that the “needful” would still be done at the last minute for an average Northern political establishment royalty to give the North what it wants. Political North wants to beat Bola Tinubu badly in 2027 and Damagum can’t be seen standing in the way of a bigger picture. It’s possibly why he is seen going out of the rule book to hand Rivers PDP to Wike as compensation for the national platform the FCT Minister would not be allowed to fully have as long as North wants to make Atiku Abubakar president. Wike appears to know this as he shifts gear calling for an elected national chairman and other exco members. Politicians will sort themselves out, and thankfully it’s the judiciary they now use mostly as well as state power of coercion. Rampant political assassinations that heralded this republic have thankfully receded to a blurry yesterday though almost none was resolved by security agencies. Top political figures now secure themselves more, at least as humanly possible, with men and technology, while some are practically putting their security in their own hands, by openly slugging rifles to public events, as seen in a recent viral video somewhere in the East.
Yoruba will describe what Wike is doing in and with PDP as kaka keku ma je sese a fi se awa danu (it will be useful to no one if I won’t have it). Such a mindset has led to the demise of many two-timing men, where none of the “sharing” women, is ready to let go, including the party that has no need for the two-timer. Wike is obviously not running for president in 2027 even if PDP yields the platform to him, to fail once and for all, and to forever quieten him, just like it did with Dino Melaye in Kogi, when it was obvious that even his Ijumu people would desire a better representation.
The FCT Minister is Tinubu’s wingman who is content with being a bogeyman in PDP and would have enjoyed these dual identities for as long as his relevance would carry him, only that the North is desperate again and like in 2014 when it looked West-ward to smile again, it would only need to look East-ward this time to smile again in 2027. And unlike 2023, the deprivation desperation across the land would easily persuade seemingly impossible alliances that even dreams would not have hitherto conjured. Like I said in past writings, Tinubu isn’t only vulnerable but very very beatable in 2027 even in a very tainted and uneven contest, regardless of what becomes of the economy in the next two years, which only a miracle now, can turn into a thing of joy for Nigerians. His presidential record and ability are already cast. Yoruba always wonder about a man who spends two decades laying foundation for madness; how long is he going to be mad for? Yes, the foundation of a structure that will endure vicissitudes must be firmly planted and could take a while, but you don’t contour out the landscape further with meaningless burrowing, all in the name of starting afresh. The part of the building that most thoughtfulness should go into, remains the foundation. You can’t do a flight of fancy with it, because some spirit possessed you on your very first day at work. The foundation of the economy appears damaged and Psalm 11:3 is rhetorically asking “if the foundations are being destroyed what can the righteous do? The Bible has answers. Desperate Nigerians should ask God through His Word the ways out of the dolorous season.
No politician has the magic wand and Nigerians’ eyes should be wide to that by now, at least not after the one called idan (magical) himself has worked more misfortune into the lives of both his haters and hailers. But politicians won’t stop baying for power which is fast becoming a couture for self-aggrandizement for most of them worldwide and a spectacle is looming in the tragicomical tryst expected to feature Wike/Tinubu, PDP and the Judiciary, for the soul of the nation ahead of 2027.
Under Ariwoola as CJN, Wike walked unhindered into the heart of the Judiciary using patronage. As he was building for judiciary in Abuja, his wife was being built into the penultimate court in the land. Yoruba will say “gbafun Gbada nile, ni gbafun Gbada loko (rubbing backs).
Wike has repeatedly said he would not seek the presidency as long as Tinubu is on the ballot. No matter what, as they say, the president is expected to be on the ballot, God sparing his life. But nothing is given. At least the Biden bounce and thud is a lesson in assuming nothing. The supposed most powerful man on the earth had locked the nomination of his Democratic party and the leverage of incumbency was counting for him in the photo-finish he was doing with Republican Trump in battleground states and national polling. Then he dared God to come down and get him off the ballot and God proved His Omnipotence to him using his closest allies like ex-Speaker Nancy Pelosi to turn on him. The rest is history with his three-day COVID excuse.
Even if God is stopping Tinubu in 2027, APC is never likely to field Wike. South West would want to retain the ticket and for a leader without a visible and known successor after falling out with Rauf Aregbesola, a likely free-for-all, won’t still favour Wike, with the one leg in, one leg out, he is doing with APC. The absence of Tinubu on the 2027 ballot won’t also open the PDP presidential ticket to him, though the opposition party is believed to run more on filthy lucre than principle and constitutional integrity, even if Damagum is properly elected by Wike’s billions and ready to do the bidding of the payer of the piper. As currently constituted South and its leaders are dsadvantaged in PDP, despite the recent ruckus raked by Bode George against Atiku Abubakar, arguably the opposition leader in the country, though Peter Obi is hard on his heels and the younger man, is more nationally regarded in the public opinion court.
So if Wike currently has no presidential path in PDP, why is he fighting to finish? Why not in APC where he is better acknowledged, at least by Tinubu, the official leader of the ruling party? Definitely, the Ikwerre fellow would have self-convincing reason(s) to continue playing what is widely seen as a spoiler role in the party he professes its front-row membership. Maybe it has to do with the personal war he declared on Atiku leading to the victory he cost the PDP candidate in the 2023 poll and his desire to reinflict the same electoral pain in 2027, considering the cold reality Turaki is on his way to another nomination by PDP. But what happens after another Turaki loss, if indeed he would lose this time to Tinubu, though I personally believe only a Southern candidate on another platform with a semblance of national acceptability, backed majorly by the North, stands the chance of sending Tinubu back to Bourdillion in 2027 and there is no chance in heaven Wike is that candidate. So, why doing what Yoruba will call atoko wa ba ile je (the one who comes from the village to scatter the city). Yoruba will accuse such a fellow to be mon daru (one who relishes confusion).
Another atoko wa ba ile je, Ekiti’s Ayo Fayose who claims to lead PDP in the state but endorsing APC’s incumbent Governor Abiodun Oyebanji, was seen in a viral video warning Governor Siminalayi “sim” Fubara of Rivers of Wike’s capacity for unending hideous acrimony once he starts, during the state dinner “washing” Fubara’s election, with Wike beaming beside his now-estranged political son. How can one glory in Yoruba describing him as ala jai gbila (the one who can’t be persuaded to embrace peace once in a fight). When someone won’t let when he should give peace a chance, Yoruba have a way of predicting a shameful end with “alaseju pere ni te (the unrelenting will soon tank). Even for those who are hailing his supposed heroism in ensuring a Southern president which was a correct equity call to make in 2023, the spirit of aja i gbila (scattering everything without peace allowance) would soon make this unlikely hero of Southern Nigeria a villain back home. Wike is already a marked man in the North, he should position his politics to reflect his growing image as a leader from the South. Nothing says he must beTinubu’s night soil-man in 2027 to remain relevant. And he doesn’t have to destroy platforms where credible alternatives to the president can emerge. The time to reset is now.
[OPINION] Reengineering the bureaucracy as engine room of government - Tunji Olaopa
The recently concluded maiden annual distinguished public lecture of the Association of Retired Heads of Service and Permanent Secretaries of Oyo and Osun State (ARHESPSOOS) held at the International Conference Centre, University of Ibadan, provided another opportunity to brainstorm on the present challenges and future possibilities of the civil service system in Nigeria. The occasion is a significant one for the fundamental reason that it pools the administrative experiences of retired heads of service and permanent secretaries who in their own rights constitute a legitimate institutional memory that ought to be harness in all the conversations that reflect on and rethink the capability of the civil service in Nigeria.
For those familiar with my public commentaries on the civil service and its institutional reform, my preferred methodological approach is to deploy a mix of historical and analytical methodology to outline a trajectory of administrative development, philosophies, and management design thinking to interrogate the current state of the civil service in Nigeria, as basis for our reflection on the future of public administration in Nigeria. This method not only allows us to make critical deductions from the narrative about administrative history and praxis in Nigeria and how they have influenced and affected the series of reform strategies and programmes that have been put in place to redirect the civil service system. Further than this, these deductions allow us to explore extrapolations and scenarios for future reform possibilities, with the objective of excavating a number of recommendations that could possibly feed into the policy intelligence of the political and administrative leadership in Nigeria in their spirited efforts to transform the institutional capability requirements of the civil service necessary for achieving democratic service delivery, infrastructural development and ultimately, national socio-economic transformation.
Public administration has come a long way in historical reckoning. From the ancient pharaonic society to the height of Roman sociopolitical requirement, public administration was a phenomenon whose necessity has increased in complexity today. The ancient Pharaohs needed to dam the River Nile and build the mathematically complex pyramids. The ancient Romans needed to efficiently win many complex wars and ingeniously build many engineering feats. From the scribal authority of the ancient pharaohs to the tenured and salaried profession that public administration demanded in the Roman Empire, public administration eventually evolved into a noble vocation that mirrored the Levitical spiritual order of the Hebrews. With Max Weber, the bureaucracy was modelled into a legal-rational command-and-control structure that reflects the Prussian military governance system.
This is the origin of the “I-am-directed” Weberian administrative tradition that Nigeria, as well as most countries of the world, inherited. This tradition conceives of the bureaucracy as a neutral, hierarchically organised, efficient organisation, which demands precision, continuity, discipline, strictness and reliability. The framework of the legal-rational authority privileges written rules and procedures. Each position in the bureaucracy has its duties and rights, which are clearly defined; rules and procedures are laid down to determine how the given authority is to be exercised. Bureaucracy therefore promises a stable organisation, despite the fact that its incumbents come and go. How did the bureaucracy then earn its bad reputation? A better question is: What is it about the bureaucratic system that makes it so powerful as to threaten its very own essence as well as the service it is supposed to carry out on behalf of government? The short answer is that as the locus of governmental power, the bureaucracy is saddled with the coordination of complex administrative that raises the possibility that street-level and front-line bureaucrats follow rules for their own sake.
This is the origin of the bureau pathologies of the civil service system, a pathological predicament that is aggravated in a postcolonial context like Nigeria. Douglas McGregor characterized that tradition as Theory X, a transactional model that conceives of the administrator as a thermostat regulating an organization founded on a bleak picture of employees. Theory X is undergirded by the perception of human nature as indolent, lacking motivation, naturally egoistic and resistant to change. This is why it became necessary to impose a legal-rational framework. The General Order (GO) represents the codified operating standard for this administrative model.
By 1968, the Fulton Report had already been submitted as Britain’s concession to the new managerial revolution of that time, and the urgency of reforming the British civil service that had become a great rock in the tideline. By 1974, the Udoji Commission Report had taken the challenge of reorienting Nigeria’s civil service system away from the Weberian tradition towards managerialism. The Report’s assessment of the system is its administrative inflexibility which makes it difficult to anticipate and respond to governance and administrative challenges and positive institutional transformation. This particularly concerned, for example, the generalist-professionals rivalry, and the need to inject the system with new blood working within a result-oriented performance management model. Since this Report, and the failure to ground its fundamental recommendation that would have strategically transformed the civil service system, Nigeria has been swinging between moving away from the Weberian tradition (as in the Dotun Phillip Report of 1984 that would have managerialism as the foundation of the civil service) and the Allison Ayida administrative revisionism that reconstituted the system along the Weberian order based on the conception-reality gap it detected in the Philip Report.
And yet, since the 1999 commencement of Nigeria’s democratic experiment, the civil service system has witnessed a series of institutional reforms that keep pushing the system towards the goal of being a world class institution. These reforms include the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS), SERVICOM, pension and pay reforms, the professionalisation of the FOS/NBS, FIRS/NEITI, the price intelligence and procurement reform, fiscal responsibility plus MTSS/MTEF, to name just a few. But these achievements are too small and far in-between to short-circuit the already distorted trajectory of organizational development through the five-stage life-cycle: birth-adolescence-maturity-institutionalisation-reformulation. We have majorly the military intervention in Nigeria’s political development to ‘thank’ for this.
An engineering metaphor helps make the point of reform very clearly: Whereas the Nigerian state urgently needs an administrative backend that is efficiently propelled by a jet engine, what the many years of administrative hiccups, institutional disruptions, reform misconceptions and fortuitous breakthroughs have equipped the bureaucracy with is the capacity inherent in the engine of a Beatle car. Essentially, the service workforce structure can be characterized by a situation where there are too many doing nothing, too many doing too little, and too few people doing too much. It is not surprising therefore that a key part of diagnosis of the system’s dysfunction is the execution trap derivable from the system’s inability to achieve capability readiness for democratic service delivery. And so, in a 2005 study, a World Bank review reported the finding that: 29% of development programmes ever got completed, 45% of on-going projects are rated satisfactory, and 26% of such projects usually get cancelled.
How then can we move from institutional debilitation to bureaucratic reform? Institutional reforms underscore the possibility of creatively evolving a developmental democratic state in Nigeria. Such a state, in global discourse, is backstopped by a functional, effective, efficient and optimal civil service system. And so, the reform of the public service is the first condition towards such objective. This means that the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs)—the engine rooms of the public service system and therefore of governance—must be adequately capacitated to become effective and efficient as the formidable institutional framework that would be ready at all times to meet the challenge of nation building, good governance and national development. This requires a change management framework that is anchored around three critical frameworks of significantly reprofiling:
- the quality of bureaucratic efficiency;
- the quality of service delivery and performance accountability within a democracy; and
c. the professionalism of the public servants
These critical frameworks focus the objective of institutional reform: the public bureaucracies must be transformed to become:
* Fast moving, intelligent, professional, information-rich, flexible, adaptable and entrepreneurial;
* Less employee-focused and rule-driven, deliver quality service;
* Performance-focused, accountable and productive—defined objectives and measurable results, outputs and outcomes;
* Capable of creating the policy climate that will unlock the energy of the private sector and other sectors and to install a new productivity paradigm in the national economy;
* Operated by multidisciplinary team of new generation public managers and project teams signed on to performance agreements or contracts within carefully crafted ministerial scorecards to which everyone is held accountable;
*Bound within a framework of social compact stewardship that sees citizens as clients deserving of effective and efficient services
To achieve such a new public service demands several systemic and structural imperatives in change management that go straight to the heart of the old Weberian administrative tradition, and its business model and procedures. The first is that a developmental state demands neo-Weberian administrative framework. The idea of the neo-Weberian is useful for two reasons. One, the managerial revolution in most Western countries was not an attempt to entirely jettison the Weberian model. Rather, the reform efforts were an incremental attempt to recalibrate its efficiency and effectiveness. Two, the Weberian bureaucratic framework has not outlived its utility, especially when considering the African context. The implication of this is that the new public management has to be brought into conversation with the Weberian tradition to be able to achieve the effectiveness and efficiency of the new public service envisioned in Nigeria.
The second imperative is the urgency of rethinking the intellectual foundations of public administration as the vehicle for the administrative reconstruction of the Nigerian state and the quest for good governance. This will involve several developments. There is first the need to reflect on a non-adversarial and cooperative relationship between politicians and administrators. Secondly, the system demands a firm and meritocratic gatekeeping measure that is founded on the principles of public-spiritedness and professionalism. And thirdly, the necessity of keying into global and regional best practices in terms of competency and human resource framework for doing government business and articulating efficiency in the workplace.
The next imperative is correlative. The new foundation on which the public service must be based needs a new generation and cohort of public managers who are capacitated with the requisite values and competences to manage the demands of the new public service that the developmental state in Nigeria needs to make an appearance in the fourth industrial revolution. This will necessarily serve as the first condition for the possibility of instituting a new performance management system and HRM framework that could transform the workplace efficiency and productivity, especially in the face of the new normal that COVID-19 has imposed on the world, and the flexibility demanded by the Gen Z. This is the move that transforms the service IQ in the form of a strategic leadership intelligence through the creation of a multidisciplinary talents-reinforced senior executive service (SES) guided by a new ethical professionalism.
Next, the new public service must deal with the demand of facilitating public-private partnership dynamics, and moving them to a higher level that allows good corporate governance principles to drive the frameworks for democratic governance. This enables, as part of the HR function transformation, the possibility of incorporating commercial skills as part of the HRM capacitation of the public managers. Lastly, none of these reform imperatives would make any sense if the public service does not facilitate a paradigmatic shift away from an adversarial to developmental industrial relations that makes it possible for the workplace to generate the level of performance and productivity commensurate with the reform inputs.
Transforming the civil service system is not an issue to be politicized. And the simple but fundamental reason is that it is the fulcrum for achieving sustainable development that constitutes the most significant objective of the developmental state. That, in overall analysis, is where the Nigerian state should be headed.
(Being a Distinguished Public Lecture Delivered by Prof. Tunji Olaopa, professor of public administration and Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission, at the Maiden Annual Association of Retired Heads of Service and Permanent Secretaries of Oyo and Osun State – ARHESPSOOS – held at the International Conference Centre, University of Ibadan, on Wednesday, 21st of August, 2024)
NAHCO Aviance Rewards Aircraft Cleaner Who Returned Passenger’s $10,000
A worker with the Nigerian Aviation Handling Company Plc (NAHCO Aviance) Auwal Dankode, who found and returned $10,000 while cleaning an aircraft in Kano recently, has been rewarded by the company.
Dankode and other colleagues were assigned to clean an MS 878 aircraft operated by Egypt Air when he found the money left behind by passenger on a seat and took the money to the airline’s station manager.
The group managing director/CEO of the company, Mr. Indranil Gupta, announced a cash reward, instant promotion and appointment as NAHCO brand ambassador when he was hosted at the headquarters of the company at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA) in Lagos at the weekend, according to a statement from the company.
Gupta said, “We are truly proud of the exemplary character exhibited by Auwal. He is a true NAHCO ambassador and an embodiment of what NAHCO stands for, honesty, integrity, diligence and hard work.
“We celebrate your being and we want this to be just the beginning. Let the values which has been instilled by your family, guide you and groom you into ideal leader which everyone will be proud of.”
He said majority of NAHCO staff exhibit these values in their everyday work, adding; “We urge you to continue working the same with very high integrity, diligently and continue being a good NAHCO ambassador.”
Chief finance officer of NAHCO, Mr. Adeoye Emiloju, commended Dankode for his integrity.
Responding, Dankode expressed appreciation to the management for giving him the opportunity.
He said, “No one in my area has ever worked at the airport. I am very grateful to NAHCO for the training they gave us and the opportunity to work and earn a decent living. I am greatly thankful of the NAHCO management for the honour and recognition of my effort.”
[Leadership]
I Got A Second Chance To Achieve My Goal, Says Nigerian Winner Rejected In South Africa
Chidimma Adetshina, winner of Miss Universe Nigeria 2024 pageant, said being invited to take part in the competition was a second chance to achieve one of her biggest dreams.
The 23-year-old law student came to Nigeria after accepting to participate in the competition following her controversial withdrawal from Miss South Africa 2024 due to xenophobic backlash over her nationality.
Born to a Nigerian father, and a Mozambique mother, she was raised in Soweto.
She represented Taraba State in the keenly contested competition, which had a total of 25 participants.
Adetshina will receive N10 million in cash along with other prizes as well as representing Nigeria at the Miss Universe pageant in Mexico this November.
Speaking before she emerged victorious in an interview with Arise Television, Adetshina said, “I am so excited, I just feel like this is a second chance in achieving one of my biggest dreams and my biggest goals, and I’m really excited. I’ve always wanted to be a model, I wasn’t really educated on pageantry and all of that.
“When I first knew what pageantry was, it was in 2017, and that’s when I told myself I want to be the next Miss Universe. So, for me, it’s just a thing of I had goals and I set them for myself, and I’m here to achieve them. So, I think I’m just aligning with what I’ve always wanted to do, and I’m really grateful for that.”
However, when asked if she would have participated in the pageant if she was not invited, she said, “No, I wouldn’t, because I wouldn’t have known if I was able to. And also, it has been long since I’ve been here (Nigeria). But I also saw the comments and I was like, maybe this is something I should try out, but then, obviously, the invitation came out and I was really excited that I was given that opportunity, so that’s why I took it as quick as possible.
“Ever since I’ve gotten here, I’ve only received so much love and encouragement from all of the girls. So, I came in here thinking that a lot of them will feel some type of way about the invitation and about me actually coming, but I can guarantee the words of encouragement, the support I’ve been given by these amazing women has been there, and I’m just really happy that they accept me, and that they are not feeling some type of way after receiving all the critiques and the comments about this advantage that people might feel that I might have had.
“I’m grateful for all the love and the support, I don’t think anybody deserves to be treated differently or feel unaccepted or unloved or whatever. So I’m really grateful because I’ve seen the support, I’ve seen the love. I thought, you know, most of it was all hate, but I’ve seen the love and I’m so grateful, because that is actually what fuels me, that is what gives me joy, that is what makes me motivated to actually continue thriving in my everyday life and my dreams as well, so, I’m really grateful for them.”
{dailytrust]
Save Nigeria from total collapse – Afenifere to FG
Pan-Yoruba group, Afenifere, has called on the Federal Government to save Nigeria, expressing concern over what it described as the near collapse of the nation since the administration of President Bola Tinubu took over.
In a communique by its Deputy Leader, Oladipo Olaitan and the Deputy Secretary General, Alade Rotimi-John after a regular quarterly meeting held in Ogun State, Afenifere maintained that the state of the nation has left the people perplexed.
According to the group, the Nigerian people are sorely troubled by the pervasive hardship, crippling hunger, unremitting insecurity in the land, runaway inflation, and massive unemployment all of which have left the people worse off than they were at the beginning.
It also observed the reckless, obstinate and indifferent attitude of the government to the long-term effects of the lack of forethought or purpose regarding the handling of the public revenue.
Afenifere, therefore, rued some of the Tinubu administration’s profligate predilection or inclination to waste resources, stating that $100m or N 240 billion as the purchase price for an Airbus A330 jet for the President and a further $50m to retrofit it was uncalled for.
In addition, Afenifere noted that N950m each as purchase price of a new set of armoured Cadillac Escalade Limousine SUVs as befitting vehicles for the President, N21 billion for renovating a new mansion for the Vice President, N90 billion as subsidy for religious pilgrimage and N10 billion to renovate the Presidential Lodge at Ribadu Road, Lagos, among others, gave an insight of a wasteful nature of the administration.
“Afenifere is scandalised or shamed by the odium and poor international or global image which have attended these profligate or prodigal expenditures.
“We are puzzled that a government can be so masterful at diversionary tactics just to lull the people to sleep and confuse them as they wake amid grave national circumstances and of a strident or sustained debate of its desultory or unmethodical handling of governance,” the group stated.
[DailyPost]