Admin

Admin

The Supreme Court, on Tuesday, fixed Oct. 22 for the hearing of a suit filed by at least 16 state governments challenging the constitutionality of the laws establishing the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and two others.

A seven-member panel of justices, led by Justice Uwani Abba-Aji, fixed the date after the states were joined as co-plaintiffs and leave granted for consolidation of the case in the suit originally filed by the Kogi Government through its Attorney General (AG).

 
 

The states that joined in the suit marked: SC/CV/178/2023 include Ondo, Edo, Oyo, Ogun, Nassarawa, Kebbi, Katsina, Sokoto, Jigawa, Enugu, Benue, Anambra, Plateau, Cross-River and Niger.

The 16 states said they are relying on the fact that the constitution is the supreme law and any law that is inconsistent with it is a nullity.

The plaintiffs argued that the Supreme Court, in Dr Joseph Nwobike Vs Federal Republic of Nigeria, had held that it was a UN Convention against corruption that was reduced into the EFCC Establishment Act and that in enacting this law in 2004, the provision of Section 12 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, was not followed.

They argued that, in bringing a convention into Nigerian law, the provision of Section 12 must be complied with.

According to them, the provision of the Constitution necessitated the majority of the states’ Houses of Assembly agreeing to bring the convention in before passing the EFCC Act and others, which was allegedly never done.

The argument of the states in their present suit, which they said had been corroborated by the Supreme Court in the previous case mentioned, is that the law, as enacted, could not be applied to states that never approved of it, in accordance with the provisions of the Nigerian constitution.

Hence, they argued that any institution so formed should be regarded as an illegal institution.

When the case was called on Tuesday, lawyers, who represented the states, made their submissions.

While the majority sought to be joined as co-plaintiffs, two of the states prayed for an order for consolidation of the case.

Kogi AG’s counsel, Abdulwahab Mohammed, SAN, informed the court that there were states that indicated interest in consolidation of the case and those seeking to be joined as co-plaintiffs.

“It is for this honourable court to tell us how to proceed my lord.

“Out of about 15 states, there are about 13 of them that have indicated interest to be co-plaintiffs and only two want consolidation.

“To make the task of the court easier, those who want to be joined as co-plaintiff should be joined and abide by the processes already filed and those who sought consolidation should be asked to file within seven days,” Mohammed said.

After the lawyers’ submissions, Justice Abba-Aji granted their prayers.
She adjourned the matter until Oct. 22 for a hearing.

The Kogi State AG had, in the suit number: SC/CV/178/2023 sued the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as sole defendant.

In the originating summons filed by a team of lawyers led by Prof .Musa Yakubu, SAN, the state raised six questions for determination and sought nine reliefs.

The Kogi government sought a declaration that the federal government through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) lacked the power to issue any directive, guideline, advisory or any instrument however called for the administration and management of funds belonging to the state.

The government also sought a declaration that the EFCC, the NFIU or any agency of the federal government cannot investigate, requisition documents, invite and or arrest anyone concerning offences arising from or touching on the administration and management of funds belonging to the state.

[Vanguard]

OPENING ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR, AT THE 54TH ANNUAL ACCOUNTANTS CONFERENCE: "GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED: MAPPING THE FUTURE", TUESDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2024

(DELIVERED BY ABUBAKAR ATIKU BAGUDU, MINISTER OF BUDGET AND ECONOMIC PLANNING)

PROTOCOL

Ladies and Gentlemen,

1. It is with profound honour that I stand before you today as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and a fellow advocate for transformative governance. I welcome all the distinguished guests, esteemed speakers, and dedicated participants in this pivotal annual accountants’ conference.

Today, we unite under the visionary theme: Governance Reimagined: Mapping the Future.” This theme captures our aspirations and marks a significant milestone in our journey towards refining governance and fortifying accountability across our great nation.

2. As we convene in this esteemed assembly, I would like to pose a question: How can we, as stewards of governance and accountability, harness our collective expertise to foster a more
transparent, efficient, and equitable society?

Your role as accountants in cultivating transparency, upholding integrity, and managing our nation’s resources adeptly is indispensable. Your expertise does not merely shape our economic landscape—it fortifies the foundation of trust upon which our societal progress is built.

3. We convene at a time when the governance landscape is dramatically evolving, presenting challenges and opportunities that demand innovative solutions and proactive strategies. The advent of emerging technologies opens new avenues for enhancing accountability and transparency. We must foster robust collaboration and networking among policymakers, regulators, and professionals to harness these opportunities effectively.

4. Your profession provides you with the skill set to appreciate a company or Government strategy. Some of you are at the heart of or have been involved with turnaround for companies and choices necessary for survival in a competitive environment. The Renewed Hope agenda is our strategy for Nigeria to confront her reality: we are not where we want to be, we are not growing fast enough, and decades of underinvestment have limited the economy from delivering on its potential.

5. The Necessary Choices, pleasant and otherwise, we made in the last 17 months were designed to stop the decline and put us on a path to higher, sustainable, and inclusive growth. It is encouraging that GDP growth for the first and second quarters of 2024 was positive while inflation turned downwards. The foreign exchange market is stabilising, and we see encouraging investment signals.

6. We are continuing with innovative reform measures: digitisation of revenue collection and government services, consumer credit system to boost manufacturing and enable access to goods and services, mortgage system reform to provide wider opportunities for home ownership, CNG penetration to offer cheaper and alternative energy sources, and agriculture development fund to de-risk agricultural investments further.

7. Our reforms include removing punitive subsidies to the economy. Revenue bleeding has reduced, and the three tiers of Government are receiving higher allocations, which enable more support to vulnerable populations. Social investment spending is increasing, the minimum wage has increased, student loans are available, and interventions to support NANO, MSME, farming, fishing, and the livestock sector have increased.

8. Our collective vision for Nigeria’s future is anchored on strengthening our institutions and nurturing a pervasive culture of accountability. We are committed to leveraging cutting-edge
technologies to boost transparency and efficiency and cultivate strategic partnerships that pave the way for sustainable development.

9. As we delve into the complexities of governance, I call upon each of you to participate actively in the dialogues unfolding over the next few days. Share your unique insights and forge new connections. Together, let us develop actionable plans to lead Nigeria towards a future where governance is synonymous with integrity, transparency, and accountability.

10. With great enthusiasm and driven by our shared commitment to excellence in governance, I officially declare the 54th Annual Accountants Conference open.

Let us embark on a path of meaningful discussions and enriching knowledge exchange.

Thank you for your attention, your dedication, and commitment to the noble cause of reshaping our nation’s destiny. Let us reimagine governance and map a future that generations will look upon with pride.


President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR

Milan prosecutors Fabio De Pasquale and Sergio Spadaro have been sentenced to eight months in prison for hiding vital evidence in the trial of Shell and Eni over the OPL 245 affair.

According to a report by Ansa, an Italian news website, the sentence was handed down by a Brescia court on Tuesday.

The sentence, which is suspended — meaning they would only go to jail if there is a repeat offence — is another episode in the OPL 245 saga which the Italian prosecutors lost in the Court of Milan after failing to provide evidence of fraud in the sale of the oil block to Shell and Eni by Malabu Oil and Gas Limited, a Nigerian company, in 2011.

All the cases alleging fraud in the OPL 245 transaction failed in Italy, the UK and in Nigeria.

 

The Brescia court, chaired by Roberto Spanò, ruled that De Pascale and Spadaro as state attorneys had a legal obligation to present all documents during the trial in Italy.

These documents include those that could have helped the case of the defence.

The judges ruled that the prosecutors gad infringed the rights of the defendants by failing to provide them.

 

Their lawyers had asked the magistrates to acquit them on the ground that they were not under obligation to present the documents to the Milan court.

De Pasquale was demoted in May 2024 by the country’s Superior Council of the Judiciary (CSM) for “lack of impartiality and fairness” in the way he handled the prosecution.

He had also hidden evidence that showed that the property purportedly linked to Mohammed Bello Adoke, the Nigerian attorney-general when the OPL 245 resolution agreement was signed, as bribe from the OPL 245 in fact belonged to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

Adoke was discharged by an FCT high court in March 2024 over allegations of bribery and corruption in the transaction filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

 

Also discharged and acquitted by the court are: Aliyu Abubakar, a businessman; Rasky Gbinigie, Malabu Oil & Gas Ltd’s company secretary; Malabu Oil & Gas Ltd; Nigeria Agip Exploration (NAE); Shell Ultra Deep Nigeria (SNUD) Ltd; and Shell Nigeria Exploration Production Company (SNEPCO) Ltd.

The high court chided the EFCC for wasting four years over the case without a shred of evidence of crime.

THE OPL 245 CASE

Shell and Eni had, in 2011, paid $1.1 billion to acquire OPL 245 after Malabu, the original allotee, relinquished its entire interest in the oil block.

 

This followed a settlement brokered by the Nigerian government to end a 10-year legal dispute on the acreage, which is considered to be one of the richest in Africa.

The oil companies also paid a signature bonus of $210 million to the Nigerian government. It is the biggest signature bonus in Nigeria’s history.

 

However, transparency watchdogs alleged that the $1.1 billion paid to Malabu was intended to bribe government officials.

In 2018, De Pasquale launched a criminal case against the oil companies, their executives, agents and some Nigerians, including Dan Etete, former minister of petroleum resources.

 

The government of Nigeria joined the suit as the civil “injured” party, while Royal Dutch Shell, ENI S.P.A., Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Ltd, Shell UK Ltd, and Shell Exploration and Production Africa Ltd were listed as “parties liable for civil damages”.

After a trial that lasted for nearly three years, the Court of Milan, presided over by Marco Tremolada, determined that the allegations of fraud and corruption were not proven.

 

In July 2022, an attempt to appeal against the verdict was terminated by the attorney general of Italy who said the case “must finish today because it has no basis… in fact, it should have finished earlier”.

Two defendants — including a Nigerian middleman — who had been convicted and jailed in a fast-tracked aspect of the trial were freed after winning on appeal.

WHAT DID DE PASQUALE AND SPADARO ‘HIDE’?

It came to light in June 2021 — three months after Shell and others were discharged and acquitted — that some vital pieces of evidence in the possession of the prosecutors were hidden from the Court of Milan.

This was considered to be a professional misconduct and is now being treated as a criminal act.

The judges of the Milan court said it was “incomprehensible” that the public prosecutor chose “not to file among the proceedings a document which contains extraordinary elements in favour of the defendants”.

One, there was a secretly recorded video in which the former Eni manager, Vincenzo Armanna, who was a defendant in the trial and whose witness statements formed a large part of the prosecution’s case, spoke with Piero Amara, a former lawyer of Eni.

According to the judges, Armanna disclosed an intention to blackmail Eni’s top management and launch a devastating media campaign against them. He hoped to turn to the prosecutor to get them covered in “an avalanche of s***”.

Two, Paolo Storari, the Milanese prosecutor, had sent to De Pasquale and Spadaro chats found on Armanna’s phone suggesting that he had paid $50,000 to Isaak Eke, a Nigerian witness, to make accusatory statements against some co-defendants.

Three, Armanna had also produced purported WhatsApp conversations with Claudio Descalzi, Eni CEO, and Claudio Granata, chief of staff, in 2013 seeking to prove that they asked him to recant his allegations of corruption in the OPL 245 case so that he could be re-hired by the oil company and be helped to make money through a Nigerian firm.

However, it turned out the chats were fabricated after a technological analysis was done in 2021.

The Vodafone numbers attributed to the two top Eni executives were not active in 2013 and did not have any call records.

In January 2023, Christian Colombo, the judge in the preliminary hearing at the Court of Brescia, indicted De Pasquale and Spadaro and remanded them for failing to file the evidence.

Colombo accepted the evidence provided by Brescia prosecutors — Francesco Milanesi and Donato Greco — and decided that the indicted prosecutors should go on trial.

He said De Pasquale and Spadaro had a duty not to conceal from the defence and from the court the facts and evidence at their disposal.

WHAT DOES DE PASQUALE WANT?

De Pasquale styles himself as an anti-corruption hunter and was celebrated for getting Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian prime minister, convicted over tax fraud in 2012.

He had also been looking to get Eni convicted over allegations of corporate fraud. The OPL 245 case provided him an opportunity to prosecute what transparency campaigners described as “the biggest corporate fraud in history”.

In November 2015, De Pasquale visited Nigeria and had meetings with senior government officials, including Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, over the OPL 245 affair.

TheCable understands he suggested that Nigeria could get back the $1.1 billion paid by Shell and Eni to Malabu by criminalising the 2011 settlement agreement so that he could pursue a criminal case against the key entities and persons in Italy.

Adoke alleged in his book, ‘Burden of Service’, that the EFCC was asked to go after him by putting him on trial and getting a conviction to serve as proof of corruption in the deal.

This was expected to strengthen De Pasquale’s case in Milan.

Adoke was not in trial in Italy, but the EFCC filed several cases against him in Nigeria and his name was constantly mentioned in the Milan court, although the court did not make any adverse pronouncement against him in its verdict.

One of the cases filed against Adoke was that he collected a $2 million bribe from the $1.1 billion paid to Malabu and bought a property in Abuja, an allegation he denied and for which he has been cleared.

SURAJU, AN ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGNER WHO WORKED CLOSELY WITH DE PASQUALE IN THE OPL 245 CASE, WAS CHARGED TO COURT BY THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT FOR ALLEGEDLY CIRCULATING DOCTORED EVIDENCE AGAINST ADOKE. THE CASE WAS TERMINATED BEFORE TRIAL COULD START 

‘DE PASQUALE HIDING VITAL EVIDENCE’

In May 2018, when the Milan trial was on, Adoke alleged that the Italian prosecutors had hidden vital evidence from the court which would have exonerated him of alleged bribery in the transaction.

In June 2021, he also wrote a petition to the Italian minster of justice to complain about the prosecutors.

Adoke alleged that they deliberately concealed his failed N300 million mortgage transaction with Unity Bank from the Milan court just to create the impression that it was a bribe.

He also alleged that an email purportedly sent by him from the account of a property company mentioned in the OPL 245 payments was forged.

Adoke further alleged that a phone conversation was stage-managed to implicate him.

In it, somebody posing as Adoke was heard saying he knew the OPL 245 deal was “a presidential scam”.

Following a petition by Adoke, the Nigerian police quizzed and indicted Olanrewaju Suraju, chairman of HEDA, over allegations of forgery.

HEDA is the Nigerian partner of the international campaigners who helped the Italian prosecutors in the OPL 245 trial.

The Corner House, Re:Common and Global Witness worked with HEDA to generate global media publicity around the trial.

Suraju was charged to court by the federal government over the forgery allegations.

The government later decided to terminate the case, reportedly because it was relying on the same disputed evidence in its civil claims against JP Morgan over the OPL 245 deal.

Suraju was then discharged but not acquitted by the Nigerian court.

Nigeria still lost the JP Morgan case as the commercial court in London ruled that there was no evidence of fraud in the OPL 245 deal.

[TheCable]

  • Summary
  • Companies
  • Investors seek prototype details, mass-production timeline
  • Analysts skeptical about immediate financial boost
  • High expectations but significant technological and regulatory hurdles
Tesla (TSLA.O), opens new tab faces a watershed moment on Thursday when CEO Elon Musk takes the stage at the Warner Bros Hollywood studio to unveil much-delayed plans for a robotaxi, a project that has reignited the electric vehicle maker's stock, despite cooling expectations for EV growth.
Musk has said Tesla's robotaxi product - called a Cybercab - will be a new model of vehicle that can drive itself and work on a Tesla ride-hailing platform. Tesla also will allow owners to make money off their cars by putting them on the ride-hailing network as autonomous cabs, which he has called a "combination of Airbnb and Uber."
Advertisement · Scroll to continue
 
Tesla's relies on cameras and artificial intelligence to drive current cars, with driver supervision but without the costly additional hardware associated with radar systems and lidar technology that other robotaxi players use.
Musk expects that improving this technology will let him crack a still-nascent and tightly regulated industry that has resulted in billions of dollars in losses for others.
Advertisement · Scroll to continue
 
Investors, attracted by Musk's estimate that Tesla's robotaxi business could drive the company's valuation to $5 trillion from $750 billion now, want to see a prototype and learn how quickly Musk can mass-produce it, at a profit. They want to understand regulatory hurdles and how FSD, still categorized as a type of partial automation, can become safer than a human driver.
"They need to get going because this has been sort of discussed, rumored, talked about and announced in various forms for a while," said Elliot Johnson, chief investment officer at Evolve ETFs, which manages investments in Tesla. He does not expect anything announced on Thursday to have a financial impact for one to two years.
 
Musk said in 2019 he was "very confident" the company would have operational robotaxis by the next year. This year he shelved plans for a new, affordable vehicle in a sharp pivot to robotaxis. Tesla "should be thought of as an AI robotics company," not a carmaker, he said.
Few observers, if any, expect a fully functioning product.
"We believe the robotaxi event will be long on vision, and short on immediate deliverables or incremental revenue drivers," Bernstein analyst Toni Sacconaghi said in a research note. "The company has a track record - particularly in FSD - of being overly optimistic and there is significant devil in the details."
 
Tesla could also give specifics on cheaper versions of its current lineup as well as update investors on its humanoid robots, Optimus, he said.

HIGH EXPECTATIONS AND RISK

Hopes are high ahead of the event - called "We, Robot" in an apparent nod to the "I, Robot" collection of science-fiction short stories by American writer Isaac Asimov.
Tesla shares - hurt in recent years by worries EV rivals with cheaper and fresher models are eating in to its market share - are up nearly 50% since April when Musk announced the shift to robotaxis. Still, expectations of volatility in Tesla's stock over the next 30 days are close to a two-year high, driven primarily by uncertainties around the robotaxi event, according to options data from Trade Alert.
 
Bringing self-driving vehicles to market has proven time-consuming and costly for other companies.
Alphabet's (GOOGL.O), opens new tab Waymo is the only U.S. firm operating uncrewed robotaxis that collect fares. Others still in the race include General Motors' (GM.N), opens new tab Cruise - re-launching robotaxis with a safety driver after an accident last fall forced it to halt operations - and Amazon's (AMZN.O), opens new tab Zoox, which is expanding testing of its self-driving taxis that come without steering wheels and pedals.
To keep Tesla's costs in check, Musk has decided to steer clear of sensors beyond cameras and he could potentially develop the first generation of Cybercab on its existing platform that runs the Model 3 and the Model Y.
Tesla also has learnings from the data it collects from millions of vehicles.
But investors and analysts said leapfrogging to high levels of automation that do not require driver supervision from its current FSD technology - which has come under increased regulatory and legal scrutiny with at least two fatal accidents - will not be easy.
"We think this is still several years away and numerous technological hurdles, safety tests, and regulatory approvals are still standing in the way," CFRA Research analyst Garrett Nelson said, highlighting "an increasing disconnect between the stock's lofty valuation and the reality that Tesla's earnings growth has hit a wall."
 
[Reuters]

On October 7th, 2024, Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) conducted an Express Entry draw, issuing 1,613 Invitations to Apply (ITAs) for permanent residency.

Express Entry is a system for handling applications from skilled workers who want permanent residency in Canada.

Candidates create an online profile and are scored based on factors like work experience, education, and language skills.

 

The candidates with the highest scores receive invitations to apply. To qualify, they must meet the requirements of one of the federal economic immigration programs.

According to recent reports from Immigration News Canada(INC), ‘This draw specifically targeted candidates under the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP) who achieved a Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS) score of 743 or higher.’

Current Draw Highlights 

Reports inform that this draw comes after a week that started with a PNP-only draw, suggesting more Express Entry draws may happen soon.

There is anticipation for additional draws, especially for the Canadian Experience Class (CEC) on October 8th. The emphasis on specific immigration streams indicates that IRCC is refining its strategy to address labour market needs through targeted selections.

CRS Score Distribution 

The distribution of CRS scores among candidates in the Express Entry pool reveals the competitive nature of the process.

As of the most recent update, there are 209,892 candidates in the Express Entry pool, each assigned a Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS) score based on various factors. The breakdown of candidates by CRS score range is as follows:

  • 601-1200: 1,656 candidates have scores in this range.
  • 501-600: 11,800 candidates fall within this range.
  • 451-500: 62,853 candidates have scores between 451 and 500.
  • 401-450: 54,313 candidates have scores in this range.
  • 301-350: 23,155 candidates have scores between 301 and 350.
  • 0-300: 5,374 candidates have scores below 300.

This breakdown shows how many candidates are competing at different score levels, highlighting the competitiveness of the pool, with the majority having scores between 401 and 500.

2024 CRS Score Trends 

IRCC’s draws this year have shown fluctuations in CRS score cutoffs based on the immigration program targeted. The trends indicate a focused approach in selecting candidates:

1. General or No Program Specified:

  • Draws: 9
  • Invitations Issued: 14,445
  • Average CRS Score: 536

This category includes candidates who are not tied to a specific immigration program.

2. Provincial Nominee Program (PNP):

  • Draws: 9
  • Invitations Issued: 12,167
  • Average CRS Score: 695

This reflects draws targeting candidates nominated by provinces, indicating a higher average score, which suggests these candidates are typically more competitive.

3. Canadian Experience Class (CEC):

  • Draws: 6
  • Invitations Issued: 24,800
  • Average CRS Score: 516

This category focuses on candidates with work experience in Canada, showing a significant number of invitations.

4. French-Speaking Candidates:

  • Draws: 8
  • Invitations Issued: 20,400
  • Average CRS Score:390

This highlights draws aimed at candidates who are proficient in French, with a lower average score compared to other categories.

Overall, this data illustrates how many draws occurred, how many invitations were issued in each category, and the average CRS score of those invited, reflecting the varying competitiveness and focus of the draws.

Understanding Provincial Nominee Programs 

The Provincial Nominee Programs operate within the Express Entry system to address specific labour market needs. Participating provinces and territories can nominate individuals who fulfill their economic requirements.

When candidates receive a nomination, they gain an additional 600 points toward their CRS score, enhancing their chances of receiving an ITA for permanent residency. This system allows provinces to respond directly to labour shortages and attract skilled workers

As Canada continues to refine its immigration strategy, individuals interested in Canada’s Express Entry system should remain informed about upcoming draws and opportunities tailored to specific professions and programs.

[Nairametrics]

At a lively bar somewhere in Lagos, on a typical evening of banter and discussions about politics, sports, and the day’s frustrations, a friend interrupted the flow of conversations. “Have you seen this?” he asked, waving his phone towards a group of friends including this writer, our laughter fading as we caught a glimpse of the headline: “I’m not thinking of 2027 now – Tinubu.”

As expected, that single headline stirred emotions. Reactions ranged from skepticism to outright frustration. One man, clearly unable to contain his alarm, blurted out, “Is he planning on going for a second term already?” Others, with their brows furrowed, exchanged glances filled with anxiety, as if asking themselves, “Is this the nightmare we are headed towards?”

The response to the headline underscores the unease and collective anxiety gripping many Nigerians today. It is not so much that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu openly declared his intention to run again in 2027. In fact, his statement seemed to imply the opposite, as he expressed that he was not currently focused on the future election. But to many Nigerians who have borne the brunt of his policies since taking office on May 29, 2023, the mere suggestion of another term under Tinubu’s administration stirs a sense of dread.

 

At the heart of this growing anxiety lies the economic hardship that has unfolded over the past few months. For many, the burden has been unbearable. Fuel subsidies were removed, the naira was devalued, and inflation spiraled out of control, making basic necessities like food and transportation almost unaffordable for the average Nigerian. These were moves intended to jump-start an ailing economy, but instead, they’ve pushed millions deeper into poverty.

So, when the topic of another Tinubu presidency comes up, even indirectly, it is no surprise that the immediate reaction from most Nigerians is one of fear. To them, it is not just about who is in power, but about the reality they have been forced to live with since Tinubu took over.

For many Nigerians, the term “hardship” has become synonymous with Tinubu’s first few months in office. While his administration has championed tough reforms that it believes will ultimately benefit the country, the short-term impact has been devastating.

 

First, the removal of fuel subsidies sent shockwaves through the economy. Gas prices tripled overnight, and with Nigeria being a country where the price of fuel affects nearly every aspect of daily life, the effects were immediate. Transportation costs surged, making commuting a daily struggle. Small businesses, dependent on affordable fuel for their operations, either scaled back drastically or shut down entirely. The increase in fuel costs also had a domino effect on food prices, with items like rice, bread, and cooking oil becoming almost twice as expensive within weeks.

Then came the currency devaluation. Tinubu’s government unified the exchange rate system, which led to the naira losing significant value against the US dollar. While the move was intended to attract foreign investment and stabilize the economy in the long run, the immediate impact was inflation. Imported goods—ranging from electronics to medicines, became more expensive, further stretching the budgets of already struggling households.

Adding to this financial squeeze were rising electricity tariffs and increased taxes, all of which have made life more difficult for the average Nigerian. To put it plainly, many feel like they have been asked to carry a burden that is disproportionately heavy on the poorest and most vulnerable.

 

The Tinubu administration argues that these changes are necessary for the long-term stability and growth of the Nigerian economy. But as the weeks turn into months, the patience of the Nigerian people is wearing thin. Many are questioning whether the promised benefits will ever materialize, or if this is simply a case of the rich getting richer while the poor are left to suffer.

When a man at a Lagos bar questions whether Tinubu is eyeing a second term, what he is really asking is: “Can we survive another four years like this?” The fear is not so much about Tinubu himself, but about the policies and the harsh realities they have created.

Many Nigerians are still trying to wrap their heads around the present challenges, let alone contemplate the possibility of enduring them for a second term. The anxiety is understandable. From the young professionals struggling to make ends meet in Lagos, to the farmers in rural areas who cannot afford basic tools due to skyrocketing prices, the sentiment is largely the same: “When will relief come?”

 

The distrust that many Nigerians have towards the ongoing government also plays a role in the skepticism around Tinubu’s comment. Politicians, historically, have been known to downplay their ambitions, only to make a surprising move later on. Could this be a subtle precursor to Tinubu announcing his bid for a second term?

President Tinubu still has time to make good on his promises, but that window is narrowing. His administration has pointed to its long-term vision for economic growth, job creation, and infrastructure development. But Nigerians, rightfully so, are asking to see tangible results now, not in a vague future.

To regain the trust of the people, Tinubu will have to focus on easing the daily struggles that many are facing. Economic reforms are necessary, but without mitigating their immediate impact on the population, they will only fuel further discontent. The government must ensure that social safety nets, such as the distribution of palliatives, reach those who need them most.

 

There is also a growing call for transparency and communication. Nigerians want to know that their leaders are listening to them, that their concerns are being heard. The lack of this connection has often fueled rumors, conspiracy theories, and a general sense of disillusionment with the political process.

If Tinubu does eventually seek a second term, his success will largely depend on how the rest of his current term plays out. Can his administration steer the country toward economic recovery? Will the sacrifices being made now pay off in the long run? These are the questions on the minds of many Nigerians, and they will need clear answers before 2027.

For now, the mere mention of the 2027 election is enough to send shivers down the spines of many. It is not just the fear of what lies ahead, but the reality of what they are living through now. For the sake of millions of Nigerians, the hope is that the hardships they are enduring today will lead to a better tomorrow. But that hope is fragile, and time is running out for Tinubu to prove that his administration is capable of delivering on its promises.

 

Until then, the question remains: Can Nigeria survive another four years under Bola Ahmed Tinubu, or is the thought of a second term simply too much to bear? As Nigerians anxiously await the answer, the fear of the unknown looms large.

I recently witnessed two divorce cases in court that made me feel sad for the institution of marriage and its present state in today’s world. In the first case, the husband initiated the divorce on the grounds that his wife had called his late mother a witch and accused her of poisoning her. In the second case, the wife filed for divorce, citing instances of domestic violence.

What is peculiar about both of these cases is that, in the first, when the Honourable Justice asked the lawyers whether they had made efforts to reconcile the two parties, the wife’s lawyer said his client was open to reconciliation, but the husband was not. In the second case, the Honourable Justice asked a similar question, but this time, the husband was open to reconciliation while the wife said she could no longer endure being the man’s “punching bag.”

Although both grounds for divorce are understandable—I, for one, would not tolerate insults toward the woman who carried me in her womb for nine months, nor would I tolerate domestic violence against my sister or daughter—what is heartbreaking is how these people, who were once in love, now cannot even see eye to eye. To think that neither party felt reluctant about revealing the other’s secrets in court: indeed, love can make the strangest enemies out of two people.

 

In the first case, the wife brought their daughter to court, but the latter was excused as the proceedings were about to begin to spare her the emotional trauma of seeing her parents in the witness box, tearing each other apart. As the young girl made her way out of the court, I couldn’t help but feel the weight of the situation. Watching her parents’ love unravel in such a public and painful way must have been an unimaginable burden for her. It highlighted the collateral damage caused when marriages break down.

These cases reflect the painful reality that when marriages fail, it not only affects the couple but also those around them, especially children. In both cases, the women complained about how the fathers had essentially abandoned the children, leaving the responsibility of caring for them entirely in their hands.

Sadly, Nigeria happens to be among the countries with the highest divorce rates, according to recent statistics from Divorce.com, a United States website that provides a platform for couples navigating life before or after divorce. The website placed Nigeria eleventh on its list of twenty-six countries with high divorce rates, stating that Nigeria’s divorce rate reached 2.9 percent in 2023. This translates to 1.8 divorces per 1,000 people in the same year.

 

What’s even more troubling is that this high divorce rate exists despite the fact that both Islam and Christianity strongly frown upon divorce. The Prophet Muhammad (SAW) was quoted as saying, “The most hated of permissible things in the eyes of Allah is divorce.” Unfortunately, divorce has become very common among the Muslim community today. Similarly, conservative Christians, who traditionally discouraged divorce, now increasingly see it as a better alternative to domestic violence and infidelity.

Divorce.com also noted that in a country like Nigeria, the stability of a marriage primarily depends on factors like religion, extended family ties, and cultural values. Marriage is highly valued, and the stigmatization of divorce helps sustain the intense social pressure to maintain marriages, even in the face of difficulties.

However, times are changing. For one, conservative Christians, who have long frowned upon divorce and encouraged couples to seek reconciliation, now increasingly see it as a better option than domestic violence and infidelity. Additionally, Divorce.com mentioned that in some parts of Nigeria, if a marriage requires paying a substantial amount of money—commonly known as the “bride price”—to the bride’s family, maternal relatives will try to keep the union from falling apart to avoid returning the bride price.

 

Again, the passage of time has brought paradigm shifts. The reduction of stigma surrounding divorce and the growing financial independence of women have made a difference. Many women no longer see domestic violence as something to be endured, especially when it occurs frequently and places them at risk of significant physical injury, mental and emotional trauma, and, in some extreme cases, the loss of their own lives. As such, more women now find it easier to seek divorce as a measure of finality rather than as a last resort.

This points to a deeper societal issue, where marital discord and a lack of responsibility after separation seem to be growing trends. At the end of the day, it is the children—products of failed marriages—who bear the heaviest burden, as they are forced to navigate life amidst the chaos of their parents’ broken union.

Reports have shown that children raised in broken homes are more likely to face emotional, behavioral, and academic challenges. They often struggle with feelings of abandonment, insecurity, and confusion, which can affect their development and future relationships. An African proverb says that when two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. That perfectly captures the reality when a marriage falls apart and a family is broken.

 

A particularly painful reality for children of broken homes—especially girls—is the stigma they face. In many Nigerian communities, women from broken homes are often unfairly judged. I remember when I wanted to marry, one of the excuses my father and his relatives gave was that the lady’s mother was not in her father’s house. This belief reflects a common stereotype that when a marriage fails, it’s often blamed on the woman’s “awful attitude,” while no one questions the role the man may have played in the breakdown. This bias is deeply rooted and perpetuates unhealthy attitudes toward both women and marriage itself. Imagine the reverse scenario: would a man face such scrutiny for coming from a broken home? Likely not, and that speaks to the unfairness that persists in how divorce is perceived in society.

If you type the question “Why do marriages fail?” into a Google search bar, you will be presented with results from several sites dealing with psychology or marriage. These results might include a lack of love and intimacy, communication problems, lack of commitment, constant arguing or conflict, infidelity, domestic violence and abuse, financial problems, religious differences, and sexual incompatibility. However, these are all just common factors. Every marriage is a unique system with peculiar dynamics holding it up, so the dissolution of one might differ slightly from another, even if they share similar causes for said dissolution.

I have thought about how finding out the root causes of failed marriages could help our society, but the more I have thought about this, the more I realized that the most important question of all, which should be asked before a marital knot is tied, is: “Why should I even be getting married in the first place?” It would not be far-fetched to theorize that many marriages fall apart because partners marry too young and enter marriage with unrealistic expectations about their partner or the marriage itself. When the reality of the strain that marriage induces eventually sets in, these people are often caught unawares and left scrambling for solutions or a way out.

 

A society that works to unravel the mystery of growing divorce rates is a progressive one. If anyone asks why it is so important that we care about marriages, I might simply tell them that most of the people who turn out bad on the streets—and even off it—could have been saved. Think about it. A child raised in a two-parent household with discipline and love is more likely to emerge as a wholesome individual, especially one willing to contribute positively towards society.

Perhaps marriages fail because, as human beings, we fail to see just how much work goes into sustaining a good home. Conflict is inevitable in any relationship, but resolution is never impossible. Of course, domestic violence and abuse are inexcusable. Anyone who is constantly being abused within a marriage should be encouraged to leave for their own good, whether children are involved or not. In the end, we should look to a solid source for answers: the successful marriages still thriving in our society. There are couples who have been together for decades and are still going strong. If we ask these couples how they managed to stay together despite the odds, their invaluable answers might not be all that surprising.

In the fast-paced world of entertainment, not everyone who enters the spotlight remains relevant or manages to strike a balance between personal and professional growth. However, for Regina Daniels, a remarkable Nollywood actress, producer, and philanthropist, her journey has been one of continuous evolution, rising gracefully from the role of a child actress to becoming a queen of the Nigerian entertainment industry. In this article, we celebrate her incredible contributions to Nollywood, her empowering voice for women, and her role as a model of success and growth for the younger generation.

Regina Daniels’ story begins with her remarkable entry into Nollywood at an incredibly young age. Born on October 10, 2000, Regina displayed an undeniable passion for acting even as a child. Encouraged by her mother, Rita Daniels, a prominent figure in Nollywood, Regina made her acting debut at the tender age of seven. Her role in the 2010 movie “Marriage of Sorrow” was met with acclaim, and it marked the start of her journey to stardom.

From that point on, Regina took on various roles that showcased her versatility as an actress. Whether playing the innocent child or a character thrust into complex and emotional situations, she displayed a level of talent far beyond her years. This early success in Nollywood made Regina a household name in Nigeria and across Africa, and she quickly became one of the most sought-after young actresses in the industry.

 

As Regina matured both on and off-screen, she sought to expand her role in the entertainment industry. Rather than staying confined to acting, she took the bold step of venturing into film production, displaying an entrepreneurial spirit rarely seen at such a young age. In 2019, she produced her first movie, “The Enemy I Know”, showcasing her ability to not just interpret scripts but to create captivating stories from behind the camera.

Her transition into film production signaled her growing ambition and desire to leave a lasting legacy in the film industry. By producing her own movies, Regina showed that she was more than just a child star; she was evolving into a full-fledged powerhouse in Nollywood. This growth was a testament to her resilience and ability to reinvent herself while staying relevant in an industry where longevity is often elusive.

In 2020, Regina Daniels entered a new phase of her life, becoming a mother. The birth of her son, Munir, was a pivotal moment for her, but instead of stepping back from the limelight, she embraced motherhood with the same grace and poise that had defined her acting career. Regina’s ability to balance her professional life with her role as a mother has been nothing short of inspiring.

 

For many young women in Nigeria and beyond, Regina’s journey into motherhood while maintaining her career has become a source of inspiration. She represents a new era of empowered women who refuse to sacrifice their dreams or ambitions after starting a family. Instead, she seamlessly blends her personal and professional life, showing that women can have it all, a thriving career, a loving family, and the ability to impact society positively.

Beyond her work in Nollywood, Regina Daniels has also used her platform to make a difference in the lives of others. Her philanthropic endeavors are well-documented, with the actress often engaging in charitable activities that support women, children, and those in need. Through the Regina Daniels Foundation, she has spearheaded several initiatives aimed at empowering the less privileged. One notable initiative is her focus on providing educational opportunities for children, believing that education is the key to a brighter future.

Regina’s philanthropic efforts have earned her widespread admiration and have helped position her as more than just a movie star,  she is a role model for young people who look up to her for inspiration. Her actions have shown that success is not just about personal achievement but also about giving back to the community and using one’s influence for the greater good.

 

At just 23 years old, Regina Daniels has achieved what many people can only dream of. She has managed to carve out a career that spans acting, production, and philanthropy, all while maintaining her dignity and grace in the public eye. Her journey from a child star to a powerful woman in the entertainment industry is a story that resonates with young Nigerians, particularly women.

Regina represents the idea that age should not be a barrier to success. Whether as a child actress captivating audiences with her performances or as a young mother balancing family life and a thriving career, she has consistently broken down stereotypes and redefined what it means to be a woman in the Nigerian entertainment industry. Her determination to keep growing and evolving is proof that she is not just a star but a beacon of inspiration for those coming after her.

Regina Daniels’ journey is far from over. As she continues to grow, both personally and professionally, her future looks incredibly bright. With more movies under her belt and more philanthropic endeavors in the works, there is no limit to what she can achieve. Her ability to adapt to the ever-changing landscape of Nollywood, combined with her entrepreneurial spirit, ensures that Regina Daniels will remain a prominent figure in the industry for years to come.

 

In a world where fame can often be fleeting, Regina’s sustained success is a testament to her talent, hard work, and resilience. She stands as a shining example of what it means to pursue one’s dreams with passion and dedication, while also lifting others up along the way.

Regina Daniels is a symbol of youthful talent, ambition, and empowerment. Her journey from a child actress to a Nollywood queen, producer, and philanthropist has been nothing short of extraordinary. By constantly pushing boundaries and embracing new challenges, she has carved a niche for herself that goes beyond the screen. For the next generation of young Nigerians, Regina serves as a reminder that with determination, passion, and hard work, anything is possible.

It is pertinent to begin by unequivocally positing that religion and spirituality are two different things. It would be a misnomer to call the organized religion prevalent in Africa today spirituality. African spirituality predates Christianity, Islam, and all other religions alien to Africa, Abrahamic or otherwise. As Prof. PLO Lumumba puts it, ‘Africans are spiritual because they believe and recognize that they are temporal beings and that there is a superior being.’ All over Africa, before the advent of organised religion, there had always been a belief in a superior being which is invariably referred to as a supreme being in various African languages and dialects.
 
The Igbos of Nigeria reverence this supreme being as Chukwu, which is a portmanteau of ‘Chi’ and ‘Ukwu’. Chi means God and Ukwu means big or grand or supreme. Hence, Chukwu loosely translates as the supreme God or the big God. Similarly, to the Yorubas, the supreme being is regarded as the Olofin-Orun, ‘Lord of heaven’, also he is Olodumare, ‘almighty’ and ‘supreme’. He is reverenced as the sky god, the discerner of hearts—’ he who sees the inside and the outside of man’. Among the Gikuyus of Kenya, Ngai (also called Murungu or Enkai) is the supreme god. In this manner, Africans expressed their spirituality and awareness of the existence of God and sought a path to him.
 
Today, religion-organized religion has replaced spirituality in Africa. The most blatant flaw of each of these religions is the sole claim to salvation and the path to God. It is also glaring how each religion positions itself as the last ‘bus stop’ for all problems – spiritual, financial, marital, mental, psychological, and otherwise. As humans are naturally in a perpetual search of solutions and answers, they embrace religion hopelessly. It is in this context that religion has become the web that Africa is trapped in. The web is so convoluted and sticky that development and growth are pursued not by deliberate planning but through fasting and prayer.
 
As Karl Max warned, religion is ‘the opium of the masses’. Indeed, the masses in Africa resort to religion in despair. But as we have seen time and again, the ‘masses’ that allow religion to cloud their minds and sense of judgment are not just the poor and lowly. The educated, sophisticated, and elite are also caught in this web of religious tomfoolery. The effect of this rather sad situation is felt in every aspect of life in Africa.
 
From the sword-swinging Crusaders of the Middle Ages to the 21st-century AK-47-wielding Jihadists, religion has always been a source of conflict. People have killed more in the name of God than they have for any other cause. Today, Africa is crawling with all sorts of religious groups and sects that hold extreme views and consider people who adhere to different religions as enemies that must be vanquished. Some sects and denominations threaten order and peaceful coexistence even within the same religious groups. One would run out of ink and paper if they attempted to chronicle religious conflicts that Africa has witnessed over the years. Yet some are worth mentioning.
 
In 2022, the gruesome murder of a student in Sokoto, northwest, Nigeria by a mob was reported. The student who was accused of ‘blasphemy’ was forcefully removed from the school security room, where she was hidden by the school authorities and killed by her fellow students. It is important to note that this act of vile barbarism was carried out by students in an institution of higher learning. If such savagery can happen in an environment where people should be acquiring the necessary knowledge to free themselves from fear, ignorance and superstition, then the future is bleak.
 
 A number of the terrorist groups unleashing mayhem in Africa started as religious sects carved out from Islam. Bokoharam and Al-Shabaab are prime examples. The activities of these groups have brought about the deaths of thousands, if not millions of people and the destruction of properties worth millions of dollars. The less said about those being displaced and uprooted from their ancestral homes, the better.
 
There is ample evidence to suggest that there is a correlation between religion and poverty in Africa. Take the curious case of Nigeria. It is common to see four or five different churches housed within the same building. What goes on in these churches? Well, on weekdays, people gather to pray fervently for ‘unmerited favor’ and miracle money. Men and women in their prime jettison working and planning for their futures and embrace praying and fasting. And when the answers to their prayers take too long to come, they simply switch to the church on the next floor. And in this manner, people dig their graves as they descend even deeper into the abyss of poverty.
 
Africa is home to some of the wealthiest preachers on earth. Clerics are so wealthy that they make thieving politicians jealous. The obscenely luxurious lifestyle of these preachers is largely funded by the pennies squeezed out of their impoverished multitude of followers. The sermons of these prosperity preachers always bother on tithe and giving. And as the faithful give, the preachers accumulate enormous wealth, purchasing private jets and building schools and universities that 95 percent of members of their congregation cannot afford to send their children to.
 
If the excesses of these clerics were limited to just milking their flock dry, it would have been bearable. These charlatans hide under the umbrella of religion to commit all manner of crimes ranging from fraud, murder, human sacrifice, human trafficking, rape, torture, etc. In 2023, it was reported that over 400 people died in Kenya while engaged in fasting to meet Jesus. And just recently, the Nelspruit Sexual Offences Court in South Africa sentenced a 42-year-old pastor, Dumisani Khumalo, to life imprisonment for the rape of a 14-year-old girl in 2020.
 
Shocking as it may sound, the crimes and excesses of religious leaders are largely underreported, as in most cases, these nefarious activities are concealed by members of the congregation, believing it would bring the man of God and the church of God to disrepute. It usually takes years of observation and meticulous investigative journalism to unmask these criminals. The BBC documentary on Prophet TB Joshua is a typical example. As expected, the public affairs director of the Synagogue Church of All Nations (SCOAN) dismissed the BBC documentary as an agenda to rubbish the indelible footprints of TB Joshua’s legacies. The Nigerian government has yet to react to any of the gross violations of human rights revealed in the documentary.
 
The deviation of Africa from spirituality to religion has brought about more ignorance, superstition, fear, and poverty. This is supremely sad, today, we live in an Africa where people die of treatable diseases merely because their pastors prescribe faith instead of medicine. Religion has been weaponized by politicians as a means of dividing the people and keeping them perpetually occupied, even as they loot the national treasury. During elections, people largely vote according to their religious affiliation. Competence, capacity, and pedigree mean little or nothing at the polls.
 
Simply put, now is the time for Africa to wake up and unshackle herself from the yoke of religious tomfoolery. No developed nation prayed, or fasted or ‘tithed’ their way to national development and economic emancipation. We must begin to use our God-given sense to think outside of the box and proffer solutions to our collective problems. The belief that religion is the elixir for all our problems is false. As the Bible points out, we are created in God’s image. Hence, we should be able to create opportunities and solutions and quit praying to God to provide things that, with proper planning and hard work, we can provide for ourselves.
 
Finally, permit me to conclude this contribution about the Moral Dilemma Of Religious Tomfoolery and Superstition with the provocative words of Myles Munroe, a Bahamian evangelist and ordained minister, professor, author, speaker, and leadership consultant. Munroe, remarked as follows: “Stop asking God to send someone to heal your country” Put succinctly, Myles Munroe was speaking on the subject of prayer and governance.
 
Richard Odusanya

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has reassured of its commitment to ensuring the stability and reliability of the Nigerian financial system.

The CBN which gave the assurance in a bid to retain customers’ confidence in the system, reaffirmed that all deposits in Nigerian banks are secure.

The reassurance comes on the back of a recent panic of a possible collapse of one of Nigeria’s tier 1 banks.

There had been videos circulating on social media showing how customers of the bank were left stranded outside the banking halls and unable to make online and physical transactions.

Allaying the fears, the CBN said it has measures to ensure that banks adhere to established regulations and best practices to maintain the integrity of the financial system.

The bank, in a statement on Tuesday by its spokesperson, Hakama Ali, said, “Regular stress testing is conducted to identify potential vulnerabilities, helping to ensure that our financial institutions are resilient.”

 

The apex bank stressed that it has implemented early warning systems that proactively detect and address emerging risks, allowing it to provide timely solutions to any foreseen issues.

“The Bank’s approach to Risk-Based Supervision ensures that it focuses its regulatory efforts on institutions that may pose the highest risk to the financial system. This targeted strategy allows it to maintain a robust oversight mechanism while promoting the overall health of the banking sector.

“Furthermore, the CBN has established Memoranda of Understanding with the various countries where Nigerian banks’ subsidiaries are located. This collaboration enhances regulatory coordination and ensures that our banks operate within a safe and sound framework in accordance with banking regulations, both domestically and internationally.

“The CBN remains dedicated to fostering a secure banking environment where depositors can be fully confident in the safety of their funds. It will continue to monitor and adapt strategies to safeguard the financial interests of all Nigerians and stakeholders in our financial system,” Ali said.

[Leadership]