In 1982, on the foothills of the road to Nigeria’s 1983 general elections, it was quite clear that the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had no plans to declare a vacancy in any significant political office around the country. Instead, they seemed bent on consolidating power in order to avoid a remake of the judicial nail-biter that yielded the presidency to Shehu Shagari in 1979.

The essential party positions featured a stellar cast. Adisa Akinloye, the party chairman, was a veteran lawyer with political experience predating Nigeria’s independence. The energetic Suleiman Takuma ran the party secretariat and Trade Minister, Umaru Dikko, was the ruthless campaign strategist. The job of guaranteeing the outcome that the party sought to engineer, however, fell on Sunday Adewusi, the then inspector-general of police (IGP). The son of parents from Ogbomoso, Adewusi grew up around Keffi in what later became Nasarawa state. He graduated at the top of his cadet set in 1958 and, at 45 in 1981, he was appointed Nigeria’s youngest ever IGP.

As inspector-general, Sunday Adewusi headed the armed and uniformed wing of the NPN. For the elections, his genius lay in his ability to depute just the right kind of officers to the places where the party needed to manufacture results. Then, as now, the ruling party felt called upon to claim the politically prodigal south-east of Nigeria as part of its realm, irrespective of the will of its people. For this purpose in 1983, the NPN desired to capture old Anambra state which happened also to be the home state of Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first post-colonial head of state and at the time leader of the NPN’s estranged political partners, the Nigerian Peoples’ Party (NPP). 

For the job of softening up Anambra state, Adewusi found just the right man in Bishop Eyitene. The “Bishop” in Eyitene’s name was not an ecclesiastical office nor was it a Pentecostal title. Bishop’s tenure as the commissioner of police in Anambra state was an extended bout of political Jiu Jitsu with then-state governor, Jim Nwobodo. Their politically irreconcilable co-habitation became the subject of bitter litigation, all designed, it seemed, to open the political flanks of the governor and his party. It worked a treat. 

On behalf of Adewusi, Eyitene won litigation before the court of appeal asserting the autonomy of the police on questions of personnel postings. For accomplishing his political task with aplomb, Adewusi rewarded Bishop with redeployment to Lagos ahead of the 1983 election. The new team he sent to Anambra state routed Jim Nwobodo and his NPP in the governorship election. It was left to the Supreme Court to certify the beauty of Adewusi’s handiwork and they duly obliged in December 1983 before the military sacked the lot of them.

Thirty-seven years later, the Supreme Court relied on numbers confectioned by a rogue Commissioner of Police to declare in January 2020 that the man who came fourth in the governorship election in Imo state the previous year was in fact the winner. Today, the judge who rendered that judgment leads Nigeria’s judiciary.

This past week has offered up a rich advertisement of the convenient partnership between judges, the police, and politicians. 

In Rivers state, the inspector-general of police clearly took sides in the political contest between the incumbent governor and his immediate predecessor, who is now the minister of the federal capital territory and who also desires to be known as the godfather-general of Rivers state. First, he sought to arrest scheduled local government elections in the state on the artifice of obeying a court order.

The problem is that there were two court orders, not one, from what lawyers would call courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction. The high court of Rivers state in Port Harcourt had mandated that elections occur on October 5. In requiring the police to withdraw from providing security cover for the vote, the federal high court in Abuja effectively ordered that they should not. 

Thwarted by what appeared to be a spontaneous civic revolt, election day witnessed uniformed police officers under the command of the IGP going from station to polling unit to cart away ballot boxes and tear down the displayed rolls of voters. The day after voting, supposed winners having been sworn in, the IGP announced the withdrawal of his officers and men from the state. As if on cue, practised arsonists descended on local government secretariats, burning and destroying them one after the other. 

In neighbouring Edo state, meanwhile, the IGP’s situational commitment to obeying court orders failed him. Lawyers for the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), Asue Ighodalo, armed with the duly served order of a competent court to inspect election materials found their way into the state headquarters of INEC in Benin first blocked by a wall of uniformed police officers. When the police requested reinforcement, they were joined not by units of more police assets but by thugs of the ruling party. 

The Nigeria Police Force is the oldest institution in the country and also the largest single employer of labour. Its personnel just happen also to be both uniformed and armed. Under the constitution, the president appoints the man who heads the police and that appointee is also obliged to take operational orders from the president. Historically, therefore, the position of the IGP has always been fraught and successive incumbents have mostly been prepared – with a few exceptions – to manage this delicate relationship with skill and professionalism acquired through exposure to their predecessors and to high-level leadership training. 

Much of this training was missed by the current incumbent, Kayode Egbetokun, while he spent much of his time in the force as long-term aide-de-camp (ADC) to the current president. His claim to the job therefore lies in personal fealty to his benefactor. For this, he has been handsomely rewarded, first with expedited preferment to a role for which his preparation falls short and, second, with a targeted amendment of the law to extend his tenure in order that he will be around to pre-determine the 2027 elections.

In November 2009, Kayode Fayemi, then an opposition candidate, took a temporary leave from the protracted legal tussle over the outcome of the governorship election in Ekiti state in south-west Nigeria two years earlier in which he was involved to travel to New Orleans in Louisiana, in the United States of America, to address the annual conference of the African Studies Association on “Electoral Politics and the Future of Electoral Reform in Nigeria.” 

In a deeply thoughtful delivery, Fayemi feared that “the quest for consolidating our democracy is now in retreat and risks encountering outright reversals.” He explained that there are “five ‘minigods’ that one must pay significant attention to in any attempt to understand the nature of electoral politics in Nigeria”. These include the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), “which often acts like a Siamese twin of the ruling party….”; the security agencies – particularly the Nigerian Police Force; “thugs and bandits”; the judiciary; the money god. 

Twenty years ago, the late Innocent Chukwuma and I met with Tafa Balogun inside the office now occupied by Egbetokun to discuss a document he had commissioned from us. After reviewing our recommendations, Tafa looked at us with the full majesty of his corpulent authority and told us that he was inclined not to proceed with our suggestions. Almost wistfully, he added that when it was someone else’s turn, the person could do what they wanted. It is now Egbetokun’s turn and, as inspector-general, he has turned Fayemi’s predictions of electoral dystopia supervised by the troika of the police, bandits, and crooked judges into a manual of policing. It just remains for police officers to be required to sing: “On your mandate we shall stand….!”

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

Umar Namadi, governor of Jigawa, has suspended Bashir Ado, his special adviser on salary and pensions, over a “premature statement” on implementation of the N70,000 new minimum wage.

Bala Ibrahim, secretary to the state government, disclosed this on Saturday in a statement.

Ibrahim said the government “viewed with serious concern, a statement circulating in various sections of the media alleging that the governor has approved N70,000 as new minimum wage for workers in the state”.

“This sounds embarrassing and pre-mature as the committee headed by Head of the State Civil Service, set up by the Government to advise on the appropriate wage is yet to complete its assignment and submit a report,” the statement reads.

He added that as a consequence, the governor has approved the immediate suspension of Ado, pending findings of a committee chaired by Bello Abdulkadir, attorney-general of the state and commissioner for justice.

Ibrahim added that the committee, which was given two weeks to submit its report, will investigate the source, actual content of the alleged statement and the motive behind it.

Ibrahim named Sagir Musa, commissioner for information, youth, sports and culture; Abdullahi Muhammmad, commissioner for health; and Muhammad Yahaya, permanent secretary of establishment and service matters, office of the SSG; as members of the committee.

On July 29, 2024, President Bola Tinubu signed the minimum wage bill into law.

The legislation increased the country’s minimum wage from N30,000 to N70,000.

In September 2024, the federal government approved the upward review of the consolidated public service salary structure (CONPSS).

[TheCable]

I have never made a secret of my admiration for Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar (rtd). Right from the time he broke into public consciousness with his brief stint as chief executive officer of the Federal Housing Authority (FHA) to the time he came unto his own as governor of old Kaduna State (including the present Katsina State), he has stood out as an officer and gentleman with an eye on history.

Drop-dead handsome and affable, there were stories about him being one of the three junior officers who played critical roles in the putsch that brought General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida to power. I often felt that officers like Umar were good marketing tools for the military in attracting brilliant young graduates to join the armed forces because they were the very antithesis of the traditional stereotype of a soldier being a little better than a zombie.

Background

The apple usually doesn’t fall far from the tree. His father, Alhaji Umaru Nassarawa, was a school teacher and administrator with the traditional title of Waziri of Gwandu. He became a member of the Federal House of Representatives between 1954 and 1964, and commissioner for works in the North-Western State from 1968 to 1975.

But having a distinguished pedigree is no guarantee for success in life. The young man put his hands on the grind right from Government College, Sokoto (1964 – 1968), Nigeria Defence Academy (NDA), Kaduna, (1967 – 1972); Nigerian Army Armoured School, Ibadan, (1972); US Army Administration School, Fort Benjamin Harrison, Indiana, USA (1976); Royal Armour School, Kentucky, USA (1977 – 1978); Command and Staff College, Jaji (1978 – 1979 and 1982 – 1983); Bayero University, Kano (1979 – 1981); and Harvard University, USA (1988 – 1989).

He had a distinguished career in the armoured corps of the Nigerian Army and earned the respect of his seniors as a brilliant junior officer before he was entrusted with higher state duties. He came to his own as governor of old Kaduna State where he faced the challenges of religious extremism frontally to the chagrin of many of the gladiators.

It was when Umar was governor of Kaduna that I had a taste of the kind of leader he was. I was the editor-in-chief of MONTHLY LIFE at the time. The Newspaper Proprietors’ Association of Nigeria (NPAN) had scheduled its meeting for Kaduna to discuss the problems facing the industry and intervene in a matter involving one of our colleagues.

New Nigerian

The knotty matter involved Innocent Okparadike, then Editor of New Nigerian newspapers. The grouse was that some editorials, written by faceless and narrow-minded persons, passed over his head, straight to production. Okparadike, it was claimed, still had to sign off on the paper as if he had seen and endorsed every item therein. When the matter was tabled, we all felt that our colleague shouldn’t be disrespected in that manner and that NPAN should take up the issue with Governor Umar later in the day. A committee of veteran publishers was immediately constituted.

If the committee thought that Governor Umar was going to use military fiat to resolve the problem, they were in for a surprise. The governor asked them who were the outsiders ghosting the editorials in question. Then he asked what Okparadike had done about it. When he was told that the editor did not want to ruffle feathers with notable members of the northern establishment, the governor replied that any editor who would sign off on a newspaper whose contents did not pass through his vetting was a coward. He advised that our colleague should refuse to sign off on the paper so that the ensuing crisis could teach all concerned a lesson. “Tell your colleague to be a man and challenge those intruders. It is only then that he can earn their respect”, he reportedly said.

I do not now recall how the matter eventually played out, but I remember that our colleague felt relieved that the governor was not part of the plot and that indeed the amiable colonel was ready to support him if he stood up for himself first.

Role Model

What eventually transported Umar to the pantheon of authentic role models, instructively, wasn’t his soldiering heroics or administrative ingenuity but his loyalty to principles and devil-may-care courage in confronting his bosses at a time when such a posture could have led to a kangaroo court marshal and, possibly, summary execution.

He was the last soldier standing when General Babangida annulled the freest and fairest election ever held in Nigeria. For the first time, a southern candidate beat his northern counterpart in the North and repeated the feat nationwide. The election that would have ushered in a truly national government not based on parochial provincialism was cruelly annulled following which General Babangida retired to his hilltop castle in Minna, Niger State.

Having failed to persuade his bosses to release the remaining results of the election and hand over power to the winner, Umar submitted his letter of resignation. It is unusual to do so in these climes. In a rare interview with TELL magazine, he made some startling revelations regarding his valiant attempts to save his bosses from their greed:

“I went and saw IBB in Abuja again from Bauchi. I told him there are stories (about pressures on him to stop the election results), He said, “I don’t know what is going on.” I said like what? He said, so much pressure is coming from some of your colleagues that they think there is a rumbling within the military. I said it is not true. I said the military is 85 percent and above for the installation of the winner of this election. And already, about 14 states (results) had been released and Abiola had won even in Kano. So, I said, ‘Sir, write your name in gold. If you hand power over to the winner, you will be hailed as the Ataturk (Turkish statesman) of Nigeria’. I said, ‘don’t do anything that will endanger the unity of this country…’”

Kangaroo Plot

Of course, in speaking truth to power, he stepped on many sensitive toes and stratagems were designed to eliminate him:

“Truly, they wrote a memo which Gwarzo took to Abacha that I was visiting places – Minna and Kontagora – and plotting a coup against Abacha’s government. That (memo) is real. And plans were done to eliminate me. Why I was not eliminated, God knows. But I know it’s the prayer of all those good persons that believe in the just cause I have been fighting. It is the invisible hand of God that protected me. It is the same God that protects people that stand by the truth. “

In the midst of all the sacrifice and personal risk, there were people who still thought that Umar’s steadfastness was too good to be true and that he had other hidden motives. He reminisces:

“Sadly enough, people keep wondering how, for goodness sake, can a Fulani man from the Sokoto royal family really fight for the interest of a Yoruba man (over the June 12 issue). There are people that are skeptical because of my geographical extraction, because of who I am, my personality. They cannot believe that I could support the cause of June 12 if that means swearing in a Yoruba man. What they don’t understand, the point they miss, is that one is not fighting purely for a Yoruba man. One is fighting for justice. One is fighting for truth and truth really has a universal language.”

At 75, Col. Abubakar Umar Dangiwa is the kind of personality we should show up as a role model to our children. Here is a man who has lived for something – a man who put his career and his life on the line in defence of truth and justice. I had expected to see his name among national award honourees in the last couple of decades. I wager that President Tinubu wouldn’t need any lobbying to confer the appropriate national award on this authentic hero who turned 75 last month. Ad multos annos, colonel!

Watching a football game live at the stadium provides a different set of thrills and fun. The shouts, drumming, cheers, boos and the side comments and commentaries from the fans create an exciting atmosphere that you don’t have watching it on TV. This is part of the reasons I flew into Uyo last week to see the Super Eagles do justice to the Mediterranean Knights of Libya last Friday. It would be my second time in the stadium to watch a match, the first being in 2016. I can’t remember what game that was. I went with my two children and their mathematics teacher then. But last week, I invited my friend, Emmanuel, a staff of Ibom Air, to join me. We were seated around 4pm – one hour to kickoff - at the VIP section of the stadium. The ticket cost N3,000, while the popular stand cost as low as N1,000. A short while later, a familiar face took the seat next to me. I took a long gaze at him, trying to remember him. ‘’Ah, Pastor Harry’’, I called out when it clicked. My pastor at RCCG, Uyo. What a pleasant surprise. Soon, my younger brother showed up. I had spoken with him the previous day, but we did not discuss football. Another surprise. This is indeed a veritable rendezvous for friends and family. The 30,000-capacity stadium, completed and commissioned ten years ago, is neat and well maintained. It is the best football stadium in West Africa, and the reason CAF has directed Ghana’s national team to play its remaining home matches in Uyo due to the deplorable state of Baba Yara Sports Stadium in Accra. I commend the Akwa Ibom State government for keeping this facility so well. Hip hop music was blaring from huge loud speakers while the supporters club were drumming, singing and dancing on the other side of the stadium.

 At 4.15 pm, the two teams came out for their warm-ups. Super Eagles received a huge applause from the fans. I easily recognized Ekong, Lookman, Stanley Nwabali and a few others. In fact, the goalkeeper was the first to come out for the warmup. The Libyans looked taller, big and fit. I felt anxious. Suffering an injury, Victor Osimhen paced up and down the sideline, filming his teammates. He’s always determined, energetic and passionate to score. His absence was obvious throughout the 90 minutes. Fans quickly grew disappointed that the Eagles could not pull off an early goal as they expected. With four points from their first two games, the Super Eagles were expected to dominate, but the Knights’ strong defence and the Eagles’ lack of a strong strike force made that difficult. Spectators turned themselves into the technical crew, telling the coach what to do. They were furious that our boys were not proving their mettle. ‘’I don’t’ know what Iwobi is doing in this team. I don’t like his game’’, someone said, joining the cacophony of voices that were complaining about our uninspiring performance. For much of the first half and until he was replaced in the second half, Alex Iwobi, the 28-year-old Fulham midfielder, was the subject of taunts and insults from the fans.

Almost everybody was shouting out to the coach to change Iwobi. But the young man looked unperturbed, putting in more efforts to impress the crowd. His efforts eventually paid off as he registered Nigeria’s first attempt at target, forcing Libyan goalkeeper, Murad Al Wuheeshi to make a quick save. But fans were still not happy. They wanted goals or at least one. The grumblings grew louder and louder as each person took turns to analyze the game and proffer solutions. Coach Augustine Eguavon was on his feet, giving out instructions. He knew that the stakes were high.

 Early in the second half, Wilfred Ndidi sent a pass to Bruno Onyemachi, who converted it to a cross into the box for Iwobi, but the Fulham midfielder couldn’t hit the target. That’s when the whole stadium nearly collapsed from shouts and curses. I couldn’t contain my frustration either. Someone suggested that Iwobi’s only qualification for playing for Nigeria is because ‘’he is Jay Jay Okocha’s nephew’’. That was beyond pale, but we all laughed. The young man has actually played for Arsenal, Everton and is now playing for Fulham, all premier leagues teams. If he were not that good, he would not have come this far. It then dawned on me that it must really be very daunting to play in front of home fans.

This was not the first time Alex Iwobi would be singled out for excoriation for our lacklustre outing. When we lost woefully to Benin Republic, a small country that borders Nigeria to the west earlier this this year, Iwobi was the scapegoat. Eventually, the message got to the coach and three new players were brought in and Iwobi was replaced. But the goals did not come immediately and the frustration continued to mount, especially as the Libyans resorted to time-wasting tactics. They just wanted a goalless draw. I had by now lost hope for a goal, but Emmanuel, my friend, kept assuring that ‘’goals will come’’. Finally, in the 87th minute, a substitute, Dele Bashiru, who replaced Iwobi, netted in the lone goal, finishing off a pass from Moses Simon. Before then, Ademola Lookman’s goal had been ruled out as offside. Some fans, of course, disagreed with the referee. ‘’Oh! My God, there is no VAR’’, someone exclaimed. ‘’We are the VAR’’, another retorted.

With this victory, Nigeria tops Group D, and it strengthens our chances of going to Morocco for AFCON 2025. But if we defeat the Knights in their country on Tuesday, it’s a done deaI. I left the stadium with two things on my mind. How do the players concentrate on their game with all the noises from the stand? Two, it is notable that the Akwa Ibom State government has broken with its tradition of opening the stadium for fans to watch football matches free. In an article titled ‘’Who needs free football tickets?’’ published in June, I had made the point that offering free tickets to fans is an ill-advised policy because watching ‘’football game or any other game at the stadium is a luxury pastime’’ which the government should not subsidize. Those who want to watch football should be able to save for it.

The first item that caught my attention on Facebook penultimate Wednesday was Mr. Nsikak Essien’s page. It reads: “Christianity is not a primitive accumulation of wealth, an obscene display of opulence”. The photograph of the Catholic Church’s Pope Francis blessing a white car followed. A horde of executives clad in black (business) suits stood behind him. Nsikak’s narrative continued: “This latest Lamborghini car, which costs $200,000.00, was donated to Pope Francis by the car company. After blessing (the car), His Holiness (that is, Pope Francis) donated it (the car) to be auctioned and the proceeds donated to four charity organizations in his (Pope Francis’s) name. How many men of God would do that?”

Before I continue, let me introduce Mr. Nsikak Essien to those who may not know him. Nsikak was the editor of the National Concord during those turbulent June 12, 1993 years when I was the editor of The PUNCH and Saturday PUNCH. He also was - and still is - one of the finest writers this country has produced. The National Concord was the flagship of numerous publications owned and bankrolled by Chief MKO Abiola. The PUNCH and CONCORD newspapers led the way in the battle against the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that was won free and square by Abiola. That election remains the most credible in the history of elections in this country, judged so by both local and international observers and commentators, private and governmental.

Back to Nsikak’s post. We now know that the cost of a (brand new) Lamborghini car is about $200,000.00. At an exchange rate of N1,700.00 to a dollar, that translates to N340,000,000.00 (Three Hundred and Forty Million Naira) only! Since the car was said to have been donated by the “car company”, which I understand to mean the company that made the Lamborghini, we should presume that it is a brand new car, not a “Tokunboh” or refurbished car. It is also sure to be a delectable, state-of-the-art car, possibly with special made-for-maximum-pleasure fittings and accessories.

 Despite this, the pope, obviously, was not blown out of this world because of this gift. He did not see, describe or exclaim it as a miracle from God or as evidence of answered prayers. There was no nexus or connection between the car gift and the anointing of God upon the head, life or ministry of the pope. The pope didn’t need the car in the real sense of the word. He must have had other cars that he had been riding before this gift came. So, it most likely did not solve any car needs for him. 6. 

Possibly as a result, he had no problems giving it away. Possibly, too, it is a function of his state of mind and philosophy of life not to engage in what Nsikak described as “primitive accumulation of wealth (and) obscene display of opulence”. Marxists define it as “primitive capitalist accumulation” because, in Marxian theory, capitalism and capitalists thrive on primitive accumulation, whether or not they have a need for that which is being accumulated.

 Rather than bask in the glory of a new Lamborghini as an addition to what may be an intimidating array of all manner, make and class of cars in his garage that may be bursting at the seams, and show it off to his congregation who would scream and yell and shout hallelujah as they struggle to touch the exotic car as a “point of contact” for their own miracle to tumble down from heaven swiftly, the pope gave his Lamborghini away to charity. He asked that the car be auctioned and the proceeds given to four charity organisations in his (the pope’s) name.

What must have gone through the pope’s mind, informing him to make that decision? Is it the bible passage that says what shall it profit a man if he inherits this world but loses his soul? (Mark 8:36 - 37). Or is it the other one that commands us to lay up our treasures in heaven and not here on earth? (Matthew 6: 19-21). Can it be the story of the young rich ruler who, thinking he could flaunt his own righteousness, came to Jesus and asked him what he must do to inherit the kingdom of God? He scaled all the hurdles listed by Jesus except one: sell what you have and give the proceeds to the poor (Mark 10: 17 - 31).

 Could this have been what informed the pope’s decision? Luke 12: 15 admonishes us to “Take heed and beware of covetousness, for one’s life does not consist in the abundance of the things he possessions” Not in the abundance of Lamborghini and Rolls Royce; private jets; palatial homes and exquisite wardrobes; and out-of-this-world riches that make the possessors some of the richest pastors on planet earth!

Pope Francis directed that his Lamborghini be auctioned and the proceeds shared among four charity organisations. Lucky organisations! If auctions are what we know them to be, that car, on auction, will attract far more than its factory price. The fact that it has had the pope’s name attached to it - he even blessed it - would certainly raise its value and make it a collectors' item. There are wealthy people who love to pluck up such items. Four charity organisations will be blessed by the pope’s large-heartedness. They are the ones who have received a miracle. They are the ones whose prayers have been answered.

If you are not current, Nsikak’s post will appear innocuous; you can simply read it, wonder what it is all about and move on. But for those who are current, it is pregnant with meaning. It is loaded. As our people will say: The witch cried yesterday and the child died today; who does not know that it is the witch that cried yesterday who killed the child that died today! A Nigerian man of God celebrated a landmark birthday a few days earlier and he reportedly got the gift of how many Rolls Royce cars! 

A Rolls Royce Cullinan, the type this man of God reportedly received, costs around $391,750.00, which is about N665, 975,000.000 (Six Hundred and Sixty-Five, Nine Hundred and Seventy-Five Million Naira, far more expensive than (almost double the price of) Lamborghini. And he got not just one but two - that is double portion and (evidence of?) double anointing! I am not aware if he took or will take the same steps as Pope Francis. Has he or will he auction his own Rolls Royces and give the proceeds to the poor? At no time other than now do the Nigerian poor need a helping hand and a large heart as Pope Francis’s!

My guess is that Nsikak was not just interested in criticising but wanted to draw attention to, and recommend, the example of the pope to his Nigerian counterpart. After all, a man of God is a man of God, be he black, be he white; and whether in Europe or Africa, God’s standard is the same. It is not impossible that the Nigerian man of God might not have seen the pope’s laudable example; that being the case, Nsikak’s post will be of immense help. Our elaborating it here should also be icing on the cake. Maybe the Nigerian man of God will chance upon this. Maybe someone will chance upon it and bring it to his attention. Maybe he will read Nsikak or this piece and be grateful that he did. Maybe not! Maybe he will read it, take umbrage and fly into a rage. What insolence! How dare they teach me what to do with my Rolls Royce? What audacity! Why try to ruin my birthday bash?

If he reacts like that, it could be real trouble! In 1973, the Port-Harcourt-based correspondent of the Bendel State Government-owned OBSERVER newspaper, Minere Amakiri, wrote a story deemed unpalatable by the then military governor, Alfred Diete-Spiff, simply because the story, which detailed the plight of teachers in the state, coincided with the governor’s birthday (30th July, 1973). The governor ordered that Amakairi be arrested and his head shaved with broken bottles! Decades later, after he had retired and was now a traditional ruler in the same Rivers State, I had the opportunity of interviewing Diete-Spiff. There was nothing really aghast in Amakiri’s story; the young and irascible governor’s hubris and uncontrollable anger were the issues.

And such elements are everywhere, churches and mosques inclusive. Some 12 or so years ago, I counselled a man of God and leader of the church against his incessant visit to the Presidential villa of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Reduce your frequency there, I told him in one of my columns. Rather than take heed, he took advantage of his position and reported me. I was summoned. I explained myself and was discharged and acquitted. Months later, this same man of God’s private aircraft got entangled in the cash-for-arms fiasco in South Africa. Do you remember that scandal? His vibrant voice became muted. He is yet to recover and regain his swagger!

 Those that have ears, let them hear!

FEEDBACK

 You have thoroughly researched your discourse on the nation's politics and elections. The 1993 presidential election turned out to be what it was: Fair, free, credible, and successful because of the quality of the main contestant, Chief MKO Abiola. He knew what he wanted and prepared adequately for it. It was MKO's long-term project . He knew that he had a lot of work to do and was prepared for it. Contestants since the 1993 elections just want power for the sake of power to satisfy their selfish interests and greed, with no intention to serve. That is why they buy votes and force themselves on the people. There can never be another 1993 presidential election, never again in this country! Modern-day contestants have no interest in the people who vote for them. But with people like you consistently pontificating, maybe our politicians will have a change of heart! Don't get discouraged! Maybe, someday, there will be sanity! - Wale Ojo.

The solution to our myriad problems is a return to the collective destiny begun under the Western Regional Government, by which every Yoruba was conscious of his/her existence. The atomization engendered by the creation of states under the neutralization of the autonomy of regional governance must be reversed; otherwise; we shall suffer a continuous lamentation of our plight. This is why the Yoruba Referendum Committee is advocating a "Yoruba Referendum" to legitimize our aspiration, which will address these issues. The Western Region did not wait for the rest of the country before pursuing self-government. There is no reason, therefore, for us to wait for countrywide restructuring before taking steps towards self-government. Other parts of the country so interested can emulate our example. A Bill to that effect has been sent to the Houses of Assembly in the South-west and the state governors. There is no point having a "Yoruba National Anthem" if we cannot determine our own destiny. -Femi.

 Former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, BOLAWOLE was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of The WESTERNER newsmagazine. He writes the ON THE LORD'S DAY column in the Sunday TRIBUNE and TREASURES column in NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper on Wednesdays. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

"Behold, I will make them of the synagogue of Satan who say they are Jews and are not but do lie — behold, I will make them to come and worship at thy feet and to know that I have loved thee" - Revelations 3:9.

There can be no doubt that the scripture above is referring to the Zionists and fake Jews who currently make up the State of Israel.

Worse still in John 8:44 Jesus actually referred to these fake Jews as "the children of the devil".

The Book of Revelations says that they are of "the Synagogue of Satan" and that "they claim to be Jews but are not".

Jeremiah 23:3-8 compounds the point by telling us that when Jesus returns He Himself will gather the real Israelites back to Israel.

Despite what people believe this great event has not yet taken place and the so-called establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 was not the one sanctioned or envisaged by God and the Holy Bible. 

This begs the question, if the Israel of today is not the one envisioned and promised by the Holy Bible then who and what exactly is it and for whose purpose was it established, God's or satan's?

Who and what is this boastful, vain, calamitous and fatherless monstrosity that boastfully flies the Star of David and that has brought so much havoc to the world?

Who and what is this strange, arrogant, cantankerous, overbearing and belligerent entity that falsely lays claim to being a divine resurrection of the Biblical Promise Land but is instead a torment to its neighbours and an ugly scar to the world? 

These are questions for another day but what can be said for now and hardly disputed is the following. 

In view of its racist laws and disposition and the monumental carnage and horror that it has visited on the innocent and defenceless women and children of Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon over the last one year and given the heinous crimes that it has subjected the Palestinians to over the last 76 years, the Israel of today can best be described as a vicious, bestial and callous ethno-supremacist, fascist, apartheid state that has no right to exist.

It is also a citadel of religious bigotry and extremism and a repugnant and repulsive repository and sewer of the most insidious and vicious form of Zionist propaganda and Jewish proselysation. 

It is an evil and genocidal entity whose intention is to eliminate and eradicate every single Arab man, woman and child in the Arab Gulf and all the nations and territories that exist between Egypt and Iran and forcefully occupy their land.

If Nazi Germany forfeited the right to exist as a consequence of the Holocaust perpetuated against the Jews before and during World War 11 why should Israel not forfeit the same right for doing precisely the same thing to the Palestinians 80 years later?

For those who dispute the fact that apartheid is alive and well in Israel I urge them to consider the words of Gideon Levi, a highly celebrated and respected Israeli journalist, who said the following at the Oxford Union a few years ago. 

"I am an Israeli. I was born in Israel. I am even perceived to be an Israeli patriot. I care about Israel. I belong to Israel and I am attached to Israel. Don’t speak about symmetry because there is no symmetry.

I would even suggest there is no conflict. Was there a French-Algerian conflict? 

There was a brutal French occupation in Algeria which came to its end. There is no Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There is a brutal Israeli occupation which must come to an end one way or the other. In our dark backyard there is a regime that today is by far one of the most cruel brutal, tyrannies on earth. Not less than this. I know what I say because I covered it for 40 years and this regime cannot but be defined as apartheid. Two peoples live in one piece of land and one people has all the rights in the world and I am talking only of the occupied territories. Two people share one piece of land there. One people has all the rights in the world, the other people has no rights whatsoever. It looks like apartheid, it talks like apartheid and it is apartheid. Nobody can contradict it: nobody who has been there and nobody who is fair enough to look. 

Go to the Jordan valley, see their prosperity in the settlements and then go and see the Palestinians who live there with no electricity, without water, without any rights and then tell me if it’s apartheid or you might invent it another title. When I steal your car I am not in a position to put conditions in returning the car. First of all return the car and the only way to return the car is by giving EQUAL RIGHTS TO THE PALESTINIANS".

If there are still any righteous and God-fearing men left in Israel, Gideon Levy, who is a regular contributor on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict on CNN, BBC and Al Jazeera, is one of them. It takes courage to swim against the tide and speak truth to power when you are a Jew that still lives in Tel Aviv. Kudos to him.

Many talk about the frightful and horrific events of October 7th when the Al Qassam Brigade, the armed wing of the Palestinian resistance movement known as Hamas, struck a devastating retaliatory blow against their oppressors, killed over 1000 Jews including women and children and abducted over 200 others yet they conveniently forget that Israel struck the first blow in 1948 by killing over 700,000 innocent and defenceless Palestinians, including women and children, and displacing over one million and taking over their homes during the infamous Nakba! 

Worst still ever since that time and for the last 76 years hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank have been murdered by Israeli security forces and armed right wing militant settlers, tens of thousands of Palestinian men, women and children have been illegally detained in Israeli prisons whilst Gaza, a tiny strip of land of over 2.5 million Palestinians sandwiched between Israel and the sea was turned into the world's largest and most degrading concentration camp second only to Auschwitz by the Zionists! 

As if that were not harrowing enough let us consider the fact that well over 60,000 civilians, most of whom are still buried below the rubble and three quarters of whom are women and children, have been killed in Gaza by the Israeli Defence Force in the last one year alone!

85,000 tons of explosives have been dropped on Gaza by the Israeli Defence Force in the same period and 75% of buildings and infrastructures have been blown up and flattened.

In addition to that ALL of the universities and 95% of schools have been destroyed together with all but one of the thirteen hospitals. Simply put there is no Gaza left! 

Women, children, infants, babies, students, aid workers, refugees, nurses, doctors, teachers, lecturers, UN officials, hospitals, university campuses, churches, mosques, refugee camps and virtually every other structure and living thing in the strip have not been spared.

A few days ago CNN reported the following: 

“According to the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders at least 128 journalists have been killed since the beginning of the war, nearly all of them Palestinian media workers in Gaza killed as a result of Israeli airstrikes. Some of the journalists died while wearing protective gear identifying them as members of the press. Multiple news organizations and free press groups have accused the Israeli military of deliberately targeting journalists.”

One would have thought that the mass slaughter of their colleagues alone if nothing else would have moved the Western media agencies to report the events in Gaza and now Lebanon in a more factual, balanced and objective manner but they have refused to do so and instead continue to cover up the heinous war crimes and crimes against humanity that Israel is indulging in with such impunity. 

Those that applaud the barbaric, inhuman and callous actions of the Zionists in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran forget that after the Zionists have finished killing everyone in the Middle East and establishing their 'Greater Israel' at the expense of Arab, Muslim and Christian lives, they will seek to subjugate, destroy and bend the rest of the global South to their will.

This is a challenge that we must prepare for and now is the time to build the necessary global, military and regional alliances to resist and thwart it whenever it comes. 

Yet the establishment of a 'Greater Israel' is not enough for the Zionists: what they really aspire to achieve is the total and complete capitulation and domination of the entire world, the eradication of all of the great faiths including Islam and Christianity and the enthronement of world Jewry. 

For them this quest borders on an obsession. It is their ultimate and long term objective and those that doubt it should read the Talmud and the Torah.

They should also read a major literary work known as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion which, contrary to the lie that many Jewish and Western historical revisionists have been peddling and propagating for years in an attempt to cover up what is clearly an evil intent, was NOT a fake document. 

Quite apart from that the unspeakable atrocities that have been committed by the rogue Zionist state over the last one year confirms the assertion that the greatest mistake that the world ever made was to allow the State of Israel to be re-established in 1948.

What was essentially an act of charity and kindness borne out of pity and guilt on the part of the Allied Powers after World War 11 may well be the catalyst to World War 111 today and could lead to the utter destruction of humanity.

This is indeed food for thought. 

Going forward many are beginning to question the right of Israel to exist let alone defend herself.

Does an alien invader, an occupier of other people's land, an ethnic cleanser and a murderous hegemon have the right to continue to rob, subjugate, oppress, butcher and slaughter the indegenous landowners? 

Does having white skin and European origins confer on the Ashkazi Jews the right to wreak havoc on the Palestinians, the Arabs and the entire Middle East? 

Are the Jews really a master race that are above all others, that are above international law and that can do no wrong?

Was President Emmanuel Macron of France not right when he said that the West should stop supplying arms and lethal weapons to Israel? 

Is it not time for the United States of America, who are clearly complicit in Israel's genocide, to regain its sovereignty and independence from AIPAC, the State of Israel and the Jewish lobby in their country?

Is it not time for them to review their rabidly pro-Israel policy and join the rest of the civilised world?

These are pertinent questions which must be answered at the soonest.

This is especially so given the fact that 80% of Israelis have rejected the idea of a two state solution and believe that the Palestinians are sub-human creatures that deserve to continue to live in subjugation and bondage. 

In case we are in any doubt about just how perverse, depraved and out of touch with reality most Americans are when it comes to Israel we should consider the words of Gov. Tim Walz who is the running mate to Vice President Kamala Harris in the upcoming American presidential election. 

During the Vice Presidential debate with Senator J. D. Vance last week he said,

""The expansion of Israel is an absolute necessity for the United States".

Whilst the civilised world is calling for restraint, a ceasefire, a cessation of hostilities and a peaceful resolution of the crisis many in America are calling for an expansion of Israel's borders and the establishment of Netanyahu's dream of a Greater Israel! That can hardly be the way forward.

Those that still doubt the Zionist quest for a Greater Israel would do well to consider the words of Bezalel Smoritch, the Israeli Finance Minister, who said the following.

"I openly declare that we want a Jewish state that includes Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon".

They should also consider the words of Israeli Heritage Minister Amichi Eliyahu who suggested that a nuclear bomb be dropped on Gaza and that the few Palestinians that may survive it should be driven into the Sinai desert!

Again they should reflect on the words of Israeli Minister of National Security, Itamer Ben Givr, who has been convicted by the Israeli courts on terrorism charges on several occasions and who said,

"My right, my wife's, my children's, to roam the roads of Judea and Samaria (meaning the West Bank) are more important than the right of movement of the Arabs. This is the reality and that's the truth. My right for life comes before their right to movement."

On other occasions Ben Givr has said even more outrageous things like calling for the storming and destruction of the Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem which happens to be Islam's second most sacred and most famous mosque in order to make way for the building of a Jewish temple on the same spot and he has also called for the summary execution of all Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli prisons in order to make space for others! 

On Gaza he said the following, "We cannot withdraw from the Gaza Strip. Not only do I not rule out Jewish settlement there, I believe it is also an important thing. The war presents an opportunity to concentrate on encouraging the migration of the residents of Gaza. In my view such a policy is correct, just, moral and humane solution”. 

He went on to say that of the 2.5 million Palestinians that live in Gaza, 25,000 each should be dispersed and deported to 100 different countries all over the world and any that are left should be thrown into the sea! 

One wonders what type of heartless creature this individual is.

Finally the skeptics and naysayers should also ponder on the fact that Israeli military snipers openly and consistently target Palestinian children and babies for elimination in Gaza and they should consider the words of Meirav Ben-Ari, a female Member of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) who said "the children of Gaza brought this upon themselves" and asserted that they "deserve what they were getting".

I could list many more examples of the mindless and callous words and disposition of the Zionist leaders which clearly illustrate their desire to wipe out not just the Palestinians but all the Arabs in order to make way for the Greater Israel but for the purposes of this contribution the few that I have cited will suffice. 

Needless to say, given their collective mindset, I have no doubt that Oliver Stone, the great American film producer, was absolutely right when he said that having met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on one occassion he had come to the conclusion that he was totally and completely insane.

I have little doubt that we can safely arrive at the same conclusion when we consider the mental and psychological disposition of Smotrich, Ben Givr, Eliyahu, Ben-Ari and virtually every other member of Netanyahu's cabinet and leading military commanders.

They are all blood-crazed, blood- thirsty psychopaths who are as mad as a hatter and who deserve to be confined to a mental institution! 

At this juncture permit me to express my complete and utter disgust at the way in which Israel has conducted itself over the last one year and I make bold to proclaim that a nation of ethnic cleansers, child killers and genocidal maniacs cannot possibly be victorious in any conflict.

It is only a matter of time before they are brought to their knees.

In this respect the words of a BBC reporter reporting from Tel Aviv just a few days ago are instructive. He said, "No one has hope for the future here. Many professionals are leaving Israel and many residents are going bankrupt. The war is expanding every day and its continuation increases the despair of the Israelis day by day."

Equally enlightening are the words of leading Israeli political commentators and media houses themselves who have evidently seen the handwriting on the wall and who are living in trepidation of the future and the consequences of the horrendous blood-drenched path that their Prime Minister has chosen to tread. 

Three examples will suffice.

A few days ago Sher Hever, a leading political economist who grew up in Israel, said the following.

"Israel's genocide in Gaza also threatens its own survival. Any regime that commits genocide also commits suicide.There is no coming back from it and this is what Israelis are seeing for themselves".

His insight is commendable and second to none.

On their part, Haarezt, which is one of the leading and most influential newspaper houses in Israel wrote the following in its editorial.

"Netanyahu led Israel into the worst year and the worst war in its history. And it's not even over. History will not judge Benjamin Netanyahu as a righteous crusader leading the West in a holy war against Islamofascism, as he sees himself. Instead it will regard him as the inept politician who blindly led Israel to October 7th and all the debacles that folllowed". 

Finally, in an article titled 'Israel Takes Its Last Breath' written a few days ago for Haarezt by Ari Shavit, a famous Zionist columnist, the author penned the following:

“It seems we have passed the point of no return and Israel may no longer be able to end the occupation, stop the colonization, and achieve peace. It seems that it is no longer possible to reform Zionism, save democracy, or unite the people in this country".

He goes on, "There’s no point in living in this country anymore. There’s no point in writing in Haarezt. There’s no point in reading Haarezt. We must do what Rogel Alpher suggested two years ago which is to leave the country. If ‘Israelism’ and Judaism are no longer vital parts of one’s identity and if every Israeli citizen holds a foreign passport not only in a technical sense but also psychologically, it’s over. It’s time to say goodbye to friends and move to San Francisco, Berlin, or Paris".

He goes further by saying, "We must step back and watch the democratic Jewish state sink. Maybe the issue hasn’t been resolved yet. Maybe we haven’t yet passed the point of no return. Maybe there’s still a chance to end the occupation, stop colonization, reform Zionism, save democracy, and divide the land".

He concludes by saying,

"It appears that we are dealing with one of the toughest people in history and the only solution is to give them their rights and end the occupation". 

Sher Hever, the Editorial Board of Haarezt and Ari Shavid reflect the thinking and share the fears of millions in Israel today and have said it all.

With sentiments like this being voiced in the apartheid state there may well be hope after all and the darkness that Benjamin Netanyahu represents may well be swept away from power from within.

Let us hope that this is the case because the alternative is a grave one for the State of Israel and may result in her being wiped off the face of the earth. 

The truth is that if anyone represents an existential threat to Israel it is not Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, the Arabs, Iran or the Palestinians but rather it is Benjamin Netanyahu and his cabinet of delusional and psychotic right wing fanatics who are hell bent on provoking a regional war which their nation cannot possibly survive let alone win.

Permit me to conclude with the following.

Giorgus Mitralias, a Greek journalist, a founding member of the Greek Committee Against Debt and a member of the CADTM network wrote the following in an essay titled 'When Israel's accomplices accustoms us to a monstrous, heartless and inhuman world'.

He said,

"Almost a year ago we wrote that one of the aims of Netanyahu and his acolytes was to accustom us to a world that increasingly resembles a jungle where only the law of the strongest reigns and where the worst atrocities against the weakest are permitted! Today, after twelve months of atrocities and crimes that often surpass the imagination, we can say that the Zionist state is accustoming us to something much more serious: perversity, mass sadism and indiscriminate, unrestrained violence against civilians, which are tolerated, recognized and even accepted as “normal” behavior by those above! This bestialises not only those who commit these unspeakable crimes but also all those who tolerate and encourage them, pretending not to see!"

Giorgus has spoken the bitter truth: the world has indeed lost its compassion and humanity.

May God deliver us all. 

(Chief Femi Fani-Kayode is the Sadaukin Shinkafi, a former Minister of Aviation and a former Minister of Culture and Tourism)

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Mascot Ogunjemiyo 

(A Stockbroker and Oil & Gas Expert)

Topic: Fuel Price Crisis and Economic Hardship

Date: 12th October, 2024                         

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https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

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President Bola Tinubu congratulates businesswoman Hajia Muinat Bola Shagaya as she celebrates her 65th birthday.

The President joins family, friends and business associates in celebrating the founder and CEO of Bolmus Group International, whose business and philanthropic endeavours have touched the lives of many Nigerians.

The President commends Hajia Shagaya’s contribution to the nation's economic growth, particularly through her diverse business investments in industries such as oil, real estate, banking, and communications.

President Tinubu extends his heartfelt wishes for the continued health and happiness of the trailblazing entrepreneur.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser to the President
(Information & Strategy)

President Bola Tinubu condoles with the Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Mr Kolo Mele Kyari over the death of his daughter.

Kyari’s daughter, Fatima died Friday at the age of 25 after protracted illness.

The President sympathizes with Kyari and the rest of the family on the irreparable and painful loss.

President Tinubu prays for the repose of the soul of Fatima and urges the Kyari family to stay strong at these trying times.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser to the President
(Information & Strategy)

The Supreme Court held that the State Governments have no power to keep, control, or disburse allocations from the Federation Account to Local Government Councils. It granted an order of injunction restraining the State governments by themselves, their privies, agents, officials, or howsoever called, from further collecting, receiving, spending, or tampering with local government council funds from the Federation Account for the benefit of Local Government Councils.

It also ordered that the Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria, through its relevant officials, should commence the direct payment to each Local Government Council of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account.

The age-long debate as to the status of Local Government Councils (LGC) doesn’t appear to have been finally settled, even with the recent Supreme Court judgement asserting the financial autonomy of the LGCs. Other important issues have trailed the LGCs, especially that of whether or not there should be a Local Government Electoral Commission, possibly within the structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), to replace the State Independent Electoral Commission. Will it make LGC elections credible, so that it’s not always the ruling political party in the State or appointees of the Governors that take all the Chairmanship and Councillorship positions within their States, as has been the outcome in most States over the years, since it is the Governor that is responsible for staffing SIEC? Will it guarantee the LGC’s independence, and their place as a third tier of Government? Will it curb the high handedness of the State Governors?

Festus Okoye, a former National Commissioner of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) gives an in-depth analysis of the issue, and recommends the best approach to settling it.

Sooner or later, the critical stakeholders in the Nigerian Federation must settle the debate on the place and role of State Independent Electoral Commissions in the matrix of electoral Commissions in Nigeria. Coterminous to the role and place of State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIEC), is the raging debate on the role, place, and independence of Local Governments in the Federal structure of Nigeria.

Related Issues

Three related issues underscore the urgency of a quick debate and resolution of the issue of Local Governments, through constitutional alteration and amendment of the constitutive legal instruments. The first is the unreported judgement of the Supreme Court in Suit No. SC/CV/343/2024 delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024 involving the Attorney-General of the Federation and the Attorneys -General of the 36 States of the Federation, on what is now popularly referred to as Local Government autonomy.

The second issue relates to a pending Bill before the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, seeking to establish a National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) charged with the responsibility of conducting elections to the office of Local Government Chairmen and Councillors across all States of the Federation. The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531)” was sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, (APC, Niger-East).

The third issue is the flurry of Local Government Elections that have been conducted since the judgement of the Supreme Court delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024. There are also the judgements of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court on the dissolution of Local Governments, and the unimplemented reports of Committees set up by the Federal Government on electoral matters, that have become residual issues in our electoral framework.

The other ancillary issue is that Section 197 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), establishes the State Independent Electoral Commission as one of the State Executive Bodies. The Constitution gives the Governor of each State the power to appoint the Chairman and members, subject to confirmation by the House of Assembly of the State. Nigeria and Nigerians must resolve whether the State Independent Electoral Commissions must continue to exist and conduct Local Government elections. This is because of their performance and sheer powerlessness, before the State Governors and the State Houses of Assembly.

Impact of Supreme Court Judgement in LG Financial Autonomy Case

There is no doubt that the judgement of the Supreme Court of Nigeria on financial autonomy for the seven hundred and sixty-eight Local Government Areas in Nigeria and six Area Council Areas in the Federal Capital Territory has raised, once again, the question of the place, relevance and independence of the various Local Governments in Nigeria. It has also raised the question of the independence, relevance, and impartiality of the States’ Independent Electoral Commissions. More fundamentally, it has brought to the fore, our practice of Federalism and the place of grassroots structures in our Federal structure.

The critical question is, whether the judgement of the Supreme Court delivered on the 11th day of July, 2024 will solve the myriad challenges bedevilling the Local Government system in Nigeria. Other than the Supreme Court judgement on the financial independence of the local governments, are there other issues that must be tackled to strengthen the place of local governments in the Nigerian Federal structure? First, it will be good to understand the problems resolved by the judgement of the Supreme Court.

On the 24th day of May, 2024, the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) took out an Originating Summons before the Supreme Court of Nigeria against the Attorneys-General of 36 States of the Federation, seeking various reliefs. On the 11th day of July, 2024, the Supreme Court delivered its judgement and granted 11 Declarations and 3 Orders. The Supreme Court granted a declaration that the States of Nigeria, or any one of them, acting through their/its respective State Governors and or State House of Assembly, are/is under obligation to ensure democratic governance at the third tier of government in Nigeria, that is the Local Government level.

The Supreme Court decried the unlawful and unconstitutional dissolution of democratically elected Local Government Councils, and their replacement with Caretaker Committees. It held that State Governments and the Houses of Assembly have no power to constitute, appoint, or determine a Local Government. It held that a State Government or the Governor of a State has no power to constitute, appoint, or determine a local government that Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution has prescribed can only be by Local Government Councils, democratically elected by persons in a local government area.The Supreme Court stated that only democratically elected Local Governments can receive distributable amounts standing to the credit of Local Government Councils in the Federation Account. The Supreme Court held that it amounts to grave misconduct to use a State Law or Administrative directive to dissolve or cause the dissolution of democratically elected Local Government Councils. It also held that the State Governments have no power to keep, control, or disburse allocations from the Federation Account to Local Government Councils. It granted an order of injunction restraining the State governments by themselves, their privies, agents, officials, or howsoever called, from further collecting, receiving, spending, or tampering with local government council funds from the Federation Account for the benefit of Local Government Councils. It also ordered that the Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria, through its relevant officials, should commence the direct payment to each Local Government Council of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account.

Before the Supreme Court judgement, most Nigerians saw the local governments as glorified outposts of the State Governments, and most of them were selected and not democratically elected. The State Independent Electoral Commissions organised “one-way” elections, and in most of the States, the ruling party “cleared” all the contested positions.

The State Governments and the State Houses of Assembly dissolved the Local Government Councils at will, appointed Caretaker Committees, and arbitrarily fixed their tenure. The Courts intervened, but, the problems persisted. The bone of contention has been the interpretation and application of Section 7 of the Constitution (as it provides that “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to Section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a Law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions of such councils”).

In the case of Eze & ors v Governor of Abia State & ors (2010) LPELR-4133(CA) on the dissolution of democratically elected Local Governments, the Court of Appeal per Helen Moronkeji Ogunwumiju, JCA (as she then was) held that the powers conferred on the Government of every State by Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution to ensure the existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of a local government, can only be executed within the confines of the provisions of the Constitution. Thus, the power of the State House of Assembly under Section 4(7) of the Constitution, cannot extend to truncate the tenure of a democratically elected local government council. The Constitution only recognises elected members of the local government council. It is ultra vires the Constitution, for any State Legislature to make a law that dissolves a local government council made up of elected Chairmen and Councillors, and replace it with members of a Caretaker Committee selected by the State Government. 

The Court of Appeal in the case of AG Benue State & ors v Umar & ors (2007) LPELR-8076, emphasised that Caretaker Committees have no place in our constitutional democracy. It held that “under Section 7(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, the system of local government by democratically elected Local Government Councils is guaranteed, and the Government of every State is obliged to ensure their existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of such councils”.

The Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) (2008), weighed in on the conduct of Local Government elections by the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). It addressed the composition and functions of SIEC in Chapter 5 of Volume 1(Main Report). The Committee found that “the 1999 Constitution provides for the establishment of State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs), which have the function of conducting elections of Chairmen and Councillors into the Local Government Councils. Paragraph 3 to the Third Schedule (Part II) of the 1999 Constitution provides that “A State Independent Electoral Commission shall comprise the following members (a) a Chairman; and (b) not less than five but not more than seven other persons” who are to be appointed by the State Governor, and confirmed by the House of Assembly for the State. Many people who submitted memoranda, expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of SIECs, which were considered mere organs of the incumbent State Governors and the ruling parties. Unfortunately, the conduct of the local government elections by them in 2004, and more recently in 2008 in many States of the Federation, tended to support the negative perception of the SIECs. In most of the States where local government elections were conducted, candidates of the ruling parties won virtually all the seats. Often, such results do not reflect the voting pattern in Federal elections. In view of the performance of the SIECs in 2004 and 2008 elections, there have been popular suggestions at the public hearings, in some of the memoranda submitted, and also in the media for their abrogation. The poor performance of SIECs gives cause for concern, given the significance of local governments in a democratic society. The third tier of government, should be the foundation of democratic governance for the citizens. It is the closest level of government to the citizens. Therefore, it should be seen to address the basic needs of the citizens. Furthermore, it provides citizens with more direct representation, and opportunity for political participation. However, in its present form, Local Government operators are seen as mere nominees of State Governors who lack the independence to implement popular and democratic programmes”.

Various Recommendations on the Reform of SIECs

The Committee recommended that the existing SIECs be reorganised and integrated into the structure of INEC, for greater efficiency and autonomy. This will entail constitutional amendment and statutory provisions, integrating and coordinating the activities of the State offices of INEC and SIECs for all elections.

1) Scrapping of SIECs and Transfer of their Functions to INEC

On 4th October, 2016, the Constitution and Electoral Reform Committee (CERC) was inaugurated by Mr Abubakar Malami, SAN, the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice “to, among other things, recommend measures required to improve the electoral process and deepen democracy in Nigeria”. The Committee recommended the scrapping of SIECs, and the transfer of their functions to INEC. The Committee also recommended the amendment of the Constitution to include a provision that “INEC shall not be subject to the directive or control of any other authority or person, in the performance of its functions’’. This provision is to insulate INEC from the influence and control of Government and its agencies.

2) Establishment of National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission

Presently, we have a Bill before the National Assembly seeking to establish a Local Government Independent Electoral Commission. The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531)”, was sponsored by the Chairman Senate Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, (APC, Niger-East). The Bill seeks to establish the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission (NILGEC) responsible for conducting elections to the office of the Local Government Chairman and Councillors, and any other matter to do with local government as a third tier of government. NILGEC will organise, oversee, and conduct elections for the offices of Local Government Chairman and Councillors across all States.

Part of the functions of NILGEC will include preparing and maintaining an accurate and up-to-date voter register, ensuring the conduct of voter education and public awareness regarding the electoral process, and setting and enforcing electoral guidelines and regulations for Local Government elections, recruitment and training of electoral officers and staff for efficient election management and investigating and adjudicating electoral disputes. The budget for the proposed Commission will be approved by the National Assembly, and elections for the offices of Local Government Chairman and Councillors shall be conducted every four years. “Upon the establishment of NILGEC, all powers and functions related to the conduct of Local Government elections previously vested in any other body or authority, shall be transferred to NILGEC.”

Now, the Federal and State Governments are working out modalities to implement the judgement of the Supreme Court. This has led to a flurry of Local Government elections, and dates for their conduct. Kwara State has conducted its Local Government Election, and the ruling party “won” all 16 Chairmanship positions and the 193 Councillorship positions. Imo State conducted its Local Government elections, and the ruling party “won” all 17 Chairmanship positions and the 305 Councillorship positions. Enugu State has conducted its Local Government Elections, and the ruling party won all 17 Chairmanship positions. In Delta State, the ruling party “won” the 25 Chairmanship positions and 499 of the 500 Councillorship seats. In Sokoto State, the ruling party “won” all the 23 Chairmanship seats and the 244 Councillorship positions. Anambra State conducted its own Local Government elections on the 28th day of September, 2024. The ruling party” won” the Chairmanship and Councillorship positions in the 21 Local Government Areas of the State. Kaduna State will conduct its own on the 19th day of October, 2024 and Abia State will conduct its own on the 4th of November, 2024.

The Supreme Court’s judgement, is a huge victory for the rule of law and due process. It is a credit to the AGF, that some form of financial independence has been restored to the Local Governments. Nigerians expect the Local Governments to impact grassroots development, rather than existing for the payment of salaries and sharing overheads.

A related issue thrown up by the Supreme Court’s judgement on the local government’s financial autonomy, is whether the problems bedevilling the Local Governments have everything to do with the retention and use of money meant for the Local Governments by State Governments through the Joint Accounts. The retention of the money due to them, rendered the Local Governments redundant. The arbitrary dissolution of the local governments instills fear in the occupants of the positions, and makes them subservient to the State Government and the State Assembly. The juggling and uncertainty of tenure means that, aspirants to the position of Chairman and Councillors of Local Governments can spend so much money on nomination forms, campaigns, payment of poll agents, and other ancillary things, and lose office in less than one year after assuming office.

Financial autonomy has not changed, and may not change the dizzying scenarios associated with Local Government elections. The results from the conduct of Local Government elections after the judgement of the Supreme Court, further affirms that Nigeria has a long way to go in restoring the integrity and independence of the Local Governments.

The Bill pending before the National Assembly, seeks to establish a NILGEC. The sponsor of the Bill is responding to the challenge of the Local Governments, and the inability of the State Independent Electoral Commissions to conduct credible elections. The sponsor of the Bill therefore, seeks a collective and uniform approach to solving the problem through a single electoral management body to conduct elections in the Local Governments in the 36 States of the Federation.

The Bill may suffer a stillbirth, for a variety of reasons. Local Governments in Nigeria are a creation of the Constitution. Section 7 of the Constitution is clear and emphatic, on the system of local government administration. “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to Section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a Law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions of such councils”. Furthermore, Section 197 of the Constitution establishes the State Independent Electoral Commission, as one of the State Executive Bodies. The Constitution gives the Governor the power to appoint the Chairman and members, subject to confirmation by the House of Assembly of the State.

This means that no law made by the National Assembly, can alter or override the provisions of the Constitution. The Constitution is the fundamental law of the land, and all other laws flow from the Constitution, and any other law that is inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution will be void to the extent of the inconsistency. Section 1(3) of the Constitution provides: “If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall to the extent of the inconsistency be void”.

The National Assembly, the Executive, and the Judiciary derive their powers from the Constitution. As observed by Ayoola, JSC in the case of INEC v MUSA (2003) LPELR-24927(SC), “the legislative powers of the Legislature, cannot be exercised inconsistently with the Constitution. Where it is so exercised, it is invalid to the extent of such inconsistency”. He also observed that“where the Constitution has enacted exhaustively relating to any situation, conduct, or subject, a body that claims to legislate in addition to what the Constitution had enacted, must show that it has derived the legislative authority to do so from the Constitution”. Hon. Justice Mary Peter-Odili, JSC, made the same point in the case of Jegede & Anor v INEC & Ors and said “The Constitution is the very foundation and structure, upon which the existence of all organs of government is hinged. It must be held inviolable”. Similarly, in the case of HOPE DEMOCRATIC PARTY v OBI (2012) ALL FWLR (Pt. 612) 1620 at page 1644, the Supreme Court, per Adekeye JSC held that: “The Constitution is the supreme law of the land, therefore, the provisions are superior to every provision embodied in any Act or law, and are binding on all persons or authorities in Nigeria. The failure to follow any of the provisions, renders the steps taken unconstitutional, null, and void.”

The Bill titled “Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531), cannot be used to amend the Constitution. The Bill cannot abolish State Independent Electoral Commission, as it is a creation of the Constitution. The new Commission cannot organise the registration of voters, as that power is specifically donated to the Independent National Electoral Commission. The Distinguished Senator can only introduce a Bill to amend the Constitution, and bring into being the proposed Local Government Independent Electoral Commission. While the sentiments that gave rise to Local Government Independent Electoral Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2024 (SB. 531) are understandable, the route to an independent State Electoral Commission must be found in the Constitution. It is wasteful to duplicate electoral management bodies. It is wasteful for the new body, to conduct voter registration. It is wasteful for the new body to have the full complement of offices, staff, and the paraphernalia of conducting elections.

I still submit that it is wasteful to have 36 electoral management bodies for the country, with each having offices and staff in all the Local Government areas of the country. It is wasteful for the State Independent Electoral Commissions to have their own Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, ballot boxes, and cubicles.

The Best Approach and Constitutional Amendments Required 

The best approach to an independent electoral management body that can conduct credible elections at the local governments, is suggested by the Electoral Reform Committee (2008), and that is the integration of the State Independent Electoral Commission into the structure of the Independent National Electoral Commission, to form one electoral body for the country. The Committee recommended that the existing SIECs be reorganised and integrated into the structure of INEC, for greater efficiency and autonomy. This will entail constitutional amendments, and statutory provisions integrating and coordinating the activities of the State offices of INEC and SIECs for all elections. This will entail altering Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution, to vest the Independent National Electoral Commission with the power to conduct Local Government Elections. It will entail amending Section 285 of the Constitution and all other corresponding sections, to bring them into conformity with the new legal regime.

It will also entail amending Section 7 of the Constitution, to prescribe a definite tenure for the Local Governments in Nigeria. The National Assembly must amend Section 197 establishing the State Independent Electoral Commission. They must also amend Sections 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, and 205 of the Constitution. These sections deal with the removal of members of SIEC, independence of certain bodies, quorum and decisions, powers and procedures, and interpretation. Section 110 of the Electoral Act 2022 has prescribed the procedure for the removal from office, of a Chairman and Vice-Chairman of an Area Council. The amendment must follow the same pattern, and prescribe the procedure for the removal from office of a Chairman or Vice-Chairman of a Local Government. The National Assembly must also tweak Section 150 of the Electoral Act relating to the procedure for Local Government Elections, in furtherance of Paragraph 11 of Part ll of the Second Schedule to the Constitution, to rhyme with Sections 98 to 113 of the Electoral Act.

Half measures, will not be enough. Financial independence alone, will not guarantee the autonomy of the Local Governments. The process through which Local Government Chairmen and Councillors get elected and assume office, must be protected. Their tenure must be guaranteed, and there must be diversity in the membership of the various Local Government Councils. The Executive and the Legislature at the National and State levels must put the nation first, and strengthen grassroots democracy. Every nation arrives at Federalism based on its history, culture, practices, and antecedents. We must practice Federalism that works for us, and not one that undermines grassroots democracy.

Festus Okoye, Legal Practitioner; former National Commissioner, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

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