Nigerian senators have received their “holiday token” allowance as directed by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio.

The controversial directive which has incensed Nigerians and has dominated the social media was earlier denied by the Senator representing the Federal Capital Territory of Abuja, Ireti Kingibe.

The Senate management has kept mute and attempt to confirm this paper’s findings on Thursday proved abortive.

Kingibe said she had received only “statutory allowance” and she did “not know what” Akpabio was talking about.

Recall Akpabio during the last day of extraordinary plenary to confirm ministerial nominees whose names were sent for screening and confirmation by President Bola Tinubu had directed that the clerk of the national assembly to send to each senator “holiday token for enjoyment.”

He however said “I withdraw that statement” after his colleagues expressed their shock and frowned at it as it was exposing them to public ridicule.

Akpabio afterwards added that he had sent “prayers to your mailbox”, a revelation Senator Kingibe also denied noting that “I have not received any email.”

According to THE WHISTLER, a screenshot of the credit alert shared  on Thursday afternoon showed that the 109 senators in the Nigerian upper house have received the alert.

In an alert which a senator from Ondo State (name withheld) forwarded, a credit alert of N2 million was seen.

The alert was received at exactly 11:44am on August 8, 2023.

The information on the alert show, “txn: credit Ac:2xx .97x Amount NGN:2,000,000.00

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“Des: NFT SENATE OVE/NAT,” part of the alert showed.

Attempts to speak with the Senator proved abortive as his media aide did not respond when contacted via email.

Also, Senator Kingibe did not respond when contacted to verify if she has now received the new alert contrary to her earlier position.

In the intricate tapestry of human interactions, trust is the cornerstone upon which societies are built, nations flourish, and progress thrives. It is a beacon that guides our collective endeavours, shaping the dynamics of national unity and development. In our country Nigeria, a nation rich in diversity and history, trust has played a pivotal role in the past.

It possesses the potential to pave the way for a brighter future. As we navigate the complex landscape of the present world, it becomes evident that the implications of eroding trust are profound and far-reaching. The lack of trust casts shadows of conflict, misunderstandings, and insecurity, undermining the essence of societal cohesion among the various components of Nigerian society.

However, beyond these ominous clouds lies the promise of enhanced national unity, harmony, and prosperity if we have trust and understanding.

Trust, a cornerstone of societal harmony, economic progress, and national solidarity, serves as the adhesive that binds diverse individuals into a cohesive whole. It encompasses the belief in reliability, honesty, and effectiveness, a shared faith that empowers cooperative efforts towards shared goals. Today, Nigeria stands at a crucial juncture, facing both the ravages of mistrust and boundless unity opportunities. In this context, nurturing trust emerges as a solution to the current conflicts and misunderstandings and as a vital catalyst for security, prosperity, and global relevance.

A glance into history reveals a Nigeria adorned with interwoven bonds of trust. Tradespeople entrusting their goods and children to business associates across regions has been a hallmark of cross-cultural partnerships and mutual reliance over the past few decades. Communities embraced the values of accommodation and hospitality, fostering an environment where trust was the currency of interaction. However, contemporary times find us on a different path. Amidst rumours, suspicions, and the deluge of misinformation, the erosion of trust has been palpable.

The fraying of these essential bonds is evident in the swift resort to religion and ethnicity in national debates, eclipsing the broader perspectives that should unite us.

The ramifications of this deficit in trust are dire. Once harmonious under a banner of unity, the discordant chords of ethnicity and religion now resound with disharmony. The aftermath of the EndSARS movement and the last general elections highlighted the fractures within the national fabric, exposing a landscape marred by primordial sentiments, selfish inclinations, and a loss of collective identity. This critical moment demands reevaluating our societal values and an introspective journey towards rebuilding the trust that underpins our progress as a nation.

But why has trust waned, and who is responsible? Due to the unchecked spread of false information and fake news on social media, politics, religion, and cultural biases play a part. To navigate our diversity, we must champion the shared values that transcend our differences. Examples abound of countries embracing their diversity to forge national unity. Their successes underscore the state’s and its citizens’ pivotal role in sculpting a harmonious narrative. The state must not merely govern but also inspire trust through transparent governance, unbiased justice, and inclusive policies. In tandem, citizens are entrusted with nurturing a culture of empathy, openness, and cooperation.

To transform our trajectory, concerted efforts are indispensable. National orientation, public education, and enlightenment campaigns will serve as the lodestars that guide our collective ethos. Reviving neglected sports as a binding force is imperative, as is strengthening institutions like the National Orientation Agency (NOA) and the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC). By promoting cultural exchange programmes and inter-ethnic marriages, we lay the foundation for an inclusive Nigeria.

Government ministries, departments, and agencies, notably information and culture, youth, sports, the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), civil society organisations, and other professional bodies, are pivotal in spearheading initiatives to engender a sense of belonging and unity. Good governance, complemented by incentives for inter-ethnic marriages, will facilitate a tapestry where diversity is celebrated rather than vilified. Our media should play a transformative role by amplifying cultural practices that foster unity rather than those that divide us.

Yet, the path to restored trust is full of obstacles. The communication gap between citizens and authorities needs bridging, requiring timely, truthful, and transparent information dissemination. The government can nurture a culture of responsiveness that fortifies trust by leveraging modern communication channels such as mainstream d social media and credible non-partisan organisations and associations.

Although this project may be challenging, the rewards are immeasurable—a united Nigeria built on integrity and trust.
In the mosaic of our nation, trust is the luminous thread that stitches hearts and minds together. By embracing the collective heritage bestowed by our founding fathers and the shared values that bind us, Nigeria can transcend its current challenges and emerge as a beacon of unity, strength, and progress on the global stage. With trust as our cornerstone, we can mould a future where national development and security thrive, prosperity is shared, and our collective identity stands resolute against the tides of discord.
In the end, trust will unite us, and in unity, we shall thrive.

The writer, Sani Usman Kukasheka, mni is an Abuja-based public analyst, strategic communication expert, and security expert. 

On Wednesday, pictures of the deposed emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi, and the leader of the junta in the Niger Republic, Abdrahmane Tchiani, surfaced online.

Mr Sanusi was accompanied by the sultan of Damagaram, from Zinder in Niger, Aboubakar Oumarou.

Me Oumarou is one of the most influential traditional rulers in the Niger Republic.

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed sanctions on Niger after its presidential guards toppled the government of Mohamed Bazoum and announced Mr Tchiani as the country’s new leader.

The sanctions include shutting down all borders by Nigeria and cutting off electricity supply to Niger.

The one-week deadline given to the junta to reinstate Mr Bazoum expired last Sunday but ECOWAS has yet to use military action to remove the junta in Niger as it threatened.

Burkina Faso and Mali, also ruled by military juntas vowed to deploy troops to help the junta in Niger stay in power if ECOWAS decided to go ahead with its threat.

“Disgraced” envoys

The meeting between Mr Sanusi and Mr Tchiani came as a surprise to many analysts because up until the photos surfaced online, the junta has turned down requests by countries and organisations to meet the coup leader.

Only the Chadian leader, Mahamat Deby, met Mr Tchiani in the early days of the coup.

Over the last few weeks, regional and international communities have tried to convince Mr Tchiani’s junta to reinstate Mr Bazoum who is still being held at the Presidential palace.

An ECOWAS delegation led by the Sultan of Sokoto, Sa’ad Abubakar, and a former military head of state, Abdulsalam Abubakar were said to have been kept at the airport without meeting the coup leaders.

Last Monday, the United States Deputy Secretary of State, Victoria Nuland was in Niger but did not get to meet Mr Tchiani.

Ms Nuland said she spoke extensively with some military leaders but the intended meeting with the head of the junta did not happen.

On Tuesday, the coup leaders also refused to meet a combined delegation from the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

A PREMIUM TIMES report noted that despite official communication from the delegation notifying the Niger Republic of the intention to visit the country to discuss, the coup leaders didn’t allow the meeting to take place.

They said the postponement of the meeting was inevitable.

“While reiterating their readiness to engage in discussions with delegations or emissaries concerning the situation in Niger, as indicated to the mission led by the former President of Nigeria, Abdulsalami Abubakar, the current context of anger and revolt of the populations following the sanctions imposed by ECOWAS, does not allow to welcome the said delegation in the required serenity and security,” the report quoted a memo.

Why I went to Niger

Addressing journalists at the Presidential Villa in Abuja hours after his return from Niger, Mr Sanusi said he was in the country to discuss possible ways of solving the crisis.

He said he was not sent by the federal government or ECOWAS. However, he said some government officials were aware of his trip.

“No, I was not sent by the government. The government officials were aware but it was my personal initiative, using my personal contact to get there and I’ll continue to do my best. It’s my duty as a leader to do that,” Mr Sanusi said.

Cultural links

Mr Sanusi has maintained relationships with two influential traditional rulers in Niger Republic; the Sultan of Damagaram (Zinder) and Sarkin Katsina of Maradi, even after his dethronement.

While it’s not known whether previous delegations made efforts to include local traditional rulers from Niger in their quest for an audience with Mr Tchiani, Mr Sanusi has now achieved a feat which will perhaps serve as a pointer to future envoys.

Mr Oumarou leads the third largest city in the country only second to Niamey, the capital city and Maradi. His appearance in the pictures validated the belief that he was in Mr Sanusi’s entourage.

Traditional leaders in Niger, which shares an expanse border with northern Nigeria, are revered as in Northern Nigeria. As one of the most influential leaders in the country, Mr Oumarou could have facilitated Mr Sanusi’s visit.

“Sanusi possibly learnt from the mistakes made by the earlier envoys, though I don’t know whether he (Mr Sanusi) was sent by the federal government or not, but he learnt from the mistakes of the Sultan-led delegation and others and decided to use cultural links with Dangane.

“Damagaram emirate is influential in Niger Republic. And it (Damagaram) has a close relationship with the Kano emirate. So being a former emir and a prince from Kano, he used that influence. There was no way the junta leaders would not have listened to the Sultan of Damagaram due to his status in the country,” Baba – Bala Katsina, a social historian told PREMIUM TIMES.

Tijjaniya factor

Another factor that might have played to Mr Sanusi’s advantage is his position as the leader of the Tijjaniya sect in Nigeria. The sect was founded by the late Islamic scholar, Ibrahim Nyass.

The sect has several followers in the Niger Republic, as in Nigeria. Mr Sanusi might have used his influence as the leader of the sect in Nigeria to facilitate the meeting with the leader of the junta.

So far, the Niger coup leaders seem to be enjoying popular support and adherents of the popular sect might not be happy if the request of one of their leaders to mediate with the junta was turned down.

“Sanusi is a spiritual leader in West Africa for instance. And in Niger Republic, we know that Tijjaniya and Kadiriyya sect’s followers are in large numbers. The junta leaders might have felt obliged to respect Sanusi because of his status which will naturally make the sect followers admire them (coup leaders) more,” Kabir Yandaki, the head of the Department of Political Science at Ummaru Musa Yar’adua University Katsina told PREMIUM TIMES.

A personal initiative

Another reason the head of the junta might have decided to meet Mr Sanusi was that he was pursuing a personal initiative and not being prodded by the Nigerian government of leaders of ECOWAS.

He said himself that he was not an envoy of the federal government or the ECOWAS.

“The pledge by Burkina Faso and Mali as well the presumed availability of the Wagner group, coup leaders believe they would have nothing to fear from the ECOWAS and so decided not to receive any of the regional or international delegations.

“The threat of force and sanctions imposed on the country has emboldened Mr Tchiani and the other coup leaders more.

“The Sultan’s led delegation didn’t make internal connections in the Niger Republic. Besides, you know it was in the early days of the coup when sentiments were high.

“The harsh words used by the ECOWAS complicated the situation. The Sultan’s delegation went there (Niger Republic) in the name of ECOWAS so, it’s only natural for the coup plotters not to listen to them because of the image of the president (Mr Tinubu) the coup leaders have in their minds. But Sanusi on the other hand went on his own to seek a way to discuss with them. They could have agreed to listen to him because they might felt he was not there to give them conditions,” Mr Katsina said.

Against military might

When ECOWAS gave the junta in the Niger Republic a week’s deadline to relinquish power or be removed by force, Mr Sanusi, a former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, was among influential people from northern Nigeria who opposed the idea.

“They would be more comfortable discussing with Sanusi because he was among those who didn’t support the use of force against the Niger Republic seen as brothers and sisters in northern Nigeria. So, they might have felt Sanusi wouldn’t support the use of force or any harsh decision against them,” Mr Yandaki said.

Mr Sanusi reportedly briefed Mr Tinubu about his visit to Niger Wednesday night.

Now many analysts are wondering if the visit of the deposed emir to the junta leader of Niger will yield fruit where previous negotiations led by several international organisations have failed.

Former WNBA superstar Liz Cambage is changing her tune a bit after video emerged of a scrimmage against Nigeria where she allegedly called players “monkeys.”

Cambage, a four-time All-Star, has been out of the WNBA for a year following a dispute with her LA Sparks players and coaches.

Around that time, news emerged of the now infamous scrimmage which took place prior to the 2021 Tokyo Olympics.

Cambage was set to play for her native Australia, but left the team prior to the tournament after citing mental health reasons.

In a recent interview with Taylor Rooks of Bleacher Report, the 6-foot-9 center said that the alleged events didn’t happen.

“I don’t really lean towards racially backed insults,” she continued. “That’s not how I go. I’m very pro-Black. I did not say these [things] to these girls. The truth looks a lot worse for other organizations involved, than using me as a scapegoat.”

She also claimed she was joining the Nigerian national team.

“Why does Nigeria want me to leave Australia and go and represent them?” said Cambage, whose father is Nigerian.

“We’re filing for me to leave the Australian national team so I can represent Nigeria,” she continued. “I’ve been in cahoots. I’ve been talking with them since all of this happened. This is what I mean. People don’t know the truth.”

But that all changed on Tuesday night when footage emerged from the pre-Olympics scrimmage.

Cambage throws an elbow at one player while slapping another in the video.

She issued a statement shortly after it released.

“The circulating video portrays a highly physical game with no officiating, resulting in me being attacked and sustaining a concussion,” she said. “Contrary to false claims I did not use racial slurs or refer to anyone as a monkey, which is evident from the footage.”

She also walked back comments about joining the Nigerian national team.

“To set the record straight, I never stated that I had officially joined the Nigerian national team,” Cambage said. “Instead, I expressed my interest in joining the team and representing Nigeria. I had discussions with staff members about the necessary steps to become eligible, and thought I was doing them. I extend my best wishes to all players on D’Tigress.”

This certainly has the feel of a saga that is far from over.

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During the second version of the Russia-Africa Summit held in St. Petersburg, Russia, last month, it was all too evident that the attendance of only 17 African state leaders was significantly lower than the inaugural summit in 2019. While this may indicate that most African nations do not support Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, it is still important to consider current events in Africa, such as the ongoing situation in Niger, in relation to Russia’s objectives on the African continent. Especially with the United States (US) already seeing a “narrow” window of opportunity to reverse the military takeover in Niger.

One could contend that ongoing events can be interpreted as a strategic maneuver by Russia to redirect the conflict with the European Union (EU), specifically France, from Ukraine to the Western Africa region. Throughout history, this region has been widely acknowledged as one of France’s most crucial strongholds, where its unwavering influence has been steadfastly maintained for numerous decades. Nevertheless, considering the political upheavals witnessed in both Mali and Burkina Faso, resulting in the establishment of pro-Russian and anti-Western governments, the ongoing rebellion in Niger represents yet another significant event that has the potential to bolster Russian influence in Africa. While it is not unusual for western African nations to experience coups, the recent coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and the ongoing coup in Niger exhibit a shared characteristic in the new regimes’ alignment with Russia. The latter is evident from the ongoing protests in these nations, where the Russian flag is proudly displayed, along with the growing influence of Russia’s Wagner Group in these territories.

In recent years, Russia has sought strategic partnerships with African nations, including Niger, a landlocked country in West Africa. While the extent and motivations behind Russia’s engagement in each African country differ, one can observe certain patterns in its approach. These patterns include diplomatic and economic initiatives, military cooperation, and resource-related interests. Russia has undertaken diplomatic efforts to increase engagement in Africa, often involving high-level visits and deepening economic cooperation. In Niger, for instance, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited in 2021 to consolidate bilateral relations. Agreements were reached on various cooperation areas, such as energy, mining, and defense. Russia perceives Africa as an area where it can diminish Western influence by leveraging historical ties and fostering alliances with African nations. By solidifying partnerships with countries like Niger, Russia is likely to undermine Western-backed initiatives and projects, such as economic aid and military cooperation. This approach allows Russia to challenge the hegemony of the West and increase its own sphere of influence on the global stage.

Russia’s interest in Niger also highlights its interest in the country’s abundant natural resources, such as uranium and other minerals. These resources are vital for various sectors, including energy production and defense. Russia’s pursuit of resource extraction and trade partnerships raises eyebrows in the international community, as it could potentially upset Western dominance in these regions. Africa’s vast natural resources, including minerals, oil, and gas reserves, undoubtedly provide attractive economic opportunities for Russia. In light of Western sanctions imposed on Russia following its actions in Ukraine, Moscow seeks alternative avenues for economic growth. Expanding its presence in Africa enables Russia to tap into these resources and develop trade partnerships outside the Western sphere of influence. Furthermore, Russia’s increasing influence in Africa allows it to indirectly pressure the West. For instance, Niger’s coup took place only a week ago, yet the leaders of the coup in Niger announced the suspension of uranium exports to France, which is a significant blow to the country, which relies on uranium to a large extent for electricity generation. Niger’s uranium covers about 17 percent of French needs, and its nuclear plants generate more than 70 percent of the country’s electricity. Ongoing developments in Niger not only invite anti-Western nations like Russia to exercise influence in west Africa but also allow NATO member states that have opposing views to France to take advantage. For example, Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyib Erdogan, has recently indicated that Niger’s suspension of uranium exports to France is a response to years of France’s oppression. In the same vein, amid tensions between France and Italy over migrant policy, in a 2019 interview with right-wing politician Giorgia Meloni, now Italy’s Prime Minister, slammed France for using “colonial currency” to exploit Africa’s valuable resources.

The coup in Niger, accompanied by the regional instability it brings, also jeopardizes Nigeria’s plans for the development of a 13 billion USD gas pipeline that would allow for the export of gas from Nigeria to the EU. Provided the project is successful, the EU would benefit from a decreased reliance on Russian gas, thus clearly indicating why it is in the best interest of Russia that such a project does not reach fruition. In addition to economic factors, Russia’s involvement in West African nations will allow it to build a rapidly moving security force block in the region. Even though most African nations signed military agreements with Russia, Russia’s Wagner group already maintains a strong and active presence in the Central African Republic, Sudan, Libya, and Mali, all of which are in close geographical proximity to Niger. Therefore, allowing Russia to effectively enter the battlefield in Niger via the Wagner Group. That said, the political chaos in Niger only erupted a week ago, and Niger’s military junta is actively seeking help from Wagner Group in facing the threat of military intervention from neighboring countries supported by the international community. More interesting is that Mali, where Wagner Group has a strong foothold, has voiced its full support for Niger’s rebels. Similarly, Burkina Faso has joined voices with Mali and claimed that any intervention in Niger would be a declaration of war on Mali and Burkina Faso. In light of Russia’s increasing influence in west Africa, it is worth noting that Burkina Faso itself had a coup in January 2022 and since then has requested France to fully withdraw its troops while hailing Russia as a strategic ally, thus increasing speculations about Russian presence and influence. In the same vein, Algeria, known for its strong loyalty to Russia, announced its opposition to any intervention in Niger.

Regardless of the Wagner Group’s short-term motives to support Niger’s rebels, the long-term gain for Russia would be the full and active presence of a proxy military force in Niger, allowing Russia to maintain an almost full west-to-east African presence and thus challenging the US-EU strategic interests in Africa. The group mainly operates as a mercenary force, deploying highly trained and well-equipped individuals to support Russian geopolitical interests. Their main activities include combat operations, training local forces, and securing economic assets for Russia’s interests. However, unlike regular military forces, private military contractors like the Wagner Group enjoy limited accountability. Such a lack of oversight can escalate conflicts and human rights abuses, further destabilizing fragile states while at the same time allowing Russia to reach its regional objective faster compared to the use of official military force. This was very noticeable in the Wagner Group’s advances in Russia’s war on Ukraine as well as the group’s tactical movements in African countries.

Despite Russia’s geopolitical interests in Niger and how the coup may empower Russia’s position in west Africa, the situation presents the international community with a set of security risks, including terrorism, ethnic conflicts, and a struggling economy that will likely have a spillover effect on the Sahel region. Yet the involvement of the Wagner Group in Niger could exacerbate these issues, posing a substantial threat to African nations’ regional stability, which may hence be part of the tactics employed to diminish the US and EU security roles in the region. Niger serves as a crucial player in the fight against terrorist organizations such as Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa. The presence of the Wagner Group could complicate regional dynamics, potentially drawing the country into proxy conflicts, increasing the risk of violence, and posing a significant challenge to ongoing counterterrorism efforts. In addition to France’s military withdrawal from Mali and Burkina Faso, international alliances and collaborations forged to combat terrorism, including the US counterterrorism efforts in Africa, may be disrupted or suspended, leading to a decline in military and intelligence support. This scenario creates an opportunity for extremist and terrorist groups to consolidate their presence in Niger and launch cross-border attacks on neighboring countries, further exacerbating regional security concerns. Furthermore, should Wagner Group become effectively involved in Niger, this will undoubtedly have severe security implications affecting both the nation and the wider region. The Group’s involvement in Niger could lead to increased arms trafficking, rendering the region vulnerable to enhanced violence, instability, and arms proliferation by extremist groups that may operate across Africa or even cross-continental. The latter possibly explains why the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has decided to send military vehicles and security equipment to Chad to support counterterrorism efforts in light of the ongoing escalations in Niger.

Furthermore, the geopolitical stance of Iran with regards to Niger remains a subject of careful consideration. In this regard, it is highly probable that Iran will seek to exploit the prevailing political unrest in West Africa, aligning itself with anti-US and anti-Western factions and militias operating within the region. Reports show that there is an ongoing row between France’s presidency and the country’s intelligence agency on accusations related to the failure to predict the coup. Despite all that said, what is more surprising is that earlier this year, in an attempt to counter the Russian and Chinese influence in Africa, France pledged to reduce its military presence in Africa and transform French bases into partnerships with African soldiers. Yet, it appears that France’s strategy yielded the full opposite and served to trigger Russia’s power plays in Africa rather than counter them.

Although it may be premature to assert that Russia is shifting its conflict with the United States and the European Union from Ukraine to Africa, the situation in Niger undeniably presents a compelling rationale. In light of Africa’s growing significance in the global arena, it is crucial for international stakeholders to closely observe Russia’s endeavors and actively participate in constructive discourse to safeguard stability in Africa. Russia’s strategic endeavors in Africa extend beyond the mere objective of supplanting the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Instead, it exemplifies a comprehensive approach to pursuing economic opportunities, securing access to valuable natural resources, and augmenting geopolitical influence. Its involvement in Africa transcends the mere displacement of tensions from one region to another. The deployment of the Wagner Group as a proxy in Niger presents an enormous risk for the stability and security of the region, potentially resulting in the re-emergence of terrorist organizations. Regarding this matter, the coup and subsequent destabilization in Niger will undeniably have substantial spillover ramifications, affecting not solely Niger but also the entire Sahel region. The ramifications encompass a wide spectrum of political consequences, spanning from compromised national security to economic setbacks, a humanitarian crisis, and strained regional relations that are likely to escalate into armed conflicts on multiple fronts. Although very complex, it is imperative for international actors and African countries to try to engage in constructive dialogue and restore stability in West Africa.

[geopoliticalmonitor.com]

Real Madrid Eyes Goalkeeper Transfer to Mitigate Courtois’s Absence

Real Madrid, one of the most iconic football clubs in the world, is gearing up to make a significant move in the transfer market as they seek to bolster their squad by bringing in a new goalkeeper. The Spanish giants are strategically looking to cover the anticipated absence of their star shot-stopper, Thibaut Courtois. This development has been confirmed by reliable sources, including renowned football transfer expert Fabrizio Romano.

In-Depth Analysis:

The news of Real Madrid’s intent to secure a new goalkeeper has sent ripples through the football community. Thibaut Courtois, a pivotal figure in the team’s defensive setup, is expected to be sidelined due to various circumstances. To ensure the stability and competitiveness of the squad, Real Madrid’s management has taken a proactive approach to identify and acquire a suitable replacement.

While Courtois’s absence will undoubtedly leave a void, Real Madrid’s determination to maintain their position as a football powerhouse remains unshaken. The club’s track record of success, both domestically and on the international stage, demands that they have a contingency plan in place for such situations.

Strategic Move:

Real Madrid’s pursuit of a new goalkeeper is not merely a reactionary measure but rather a calculated move to sustain their performance levels. The club’s management, known for their astute decision-making, is expected to evaluate potential candidates meticulously before finalizing any deal. The chosen goalkeeper will not only need to possess exceptional skills and reflexes but also integrate seamlessly into the team’s tactical approach.

Source Confirmation:

The credibility of this news is reinforced by the confirmation from Fabrizio Romano, a trusted insider in the football transfer market. Romano’s accurate track record of reporting such developments adds weight to the information. Real Madrid fans and football enthusiasts can rest assured that the pursuit of a new goalkeeper is grounded in authentic sources.

As Real Madrid prepares to enter the transfer market in search of a new goalkeeper, the football world watches with keen interest. The club’s commitment to upholding their legacy and maintaining their competitive edge is evident in their proactive approach to the situation. With Fabrizio Romano’s confirmation lending credence to the news, fans can anticipate an exciting period of speculation and anticipation as Real Madrid works towards securing a capable replacement to cover Courtois’s absence.

[allmedia24]

James was sent off in the last-16 Women’s World Cup tie after stamping on the back of Nigeria forward Michelle Alozie.

The red card meant the 21-year-old was automatically suspended for one game, but that has been increased to two matches.

It means the Chelsea forward would miss the semi-finals if England beat Colombia on Saturday - but she would be back for the final or third-placed play-off.

The news is a huge boost to the Lionesses as James has been one of their best players at this tournament, scoring three goals and laying on the same number of assists.

“All my love and respect to you. I am sorry for what happened,” James tweeted after her red card.

“Also, for our England fans and my team-mates, playing with and for you is my greatest honour and I promise to learn from my experience.”

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Another day, another impressive Yard Sale collab.

This time the slice specialists have teamed up with Chuku’s – the world’s first Nigerian tapas restaurant – to create a limited edition ‘Lagos Heat’ pizza.

The Tottenham restaurant has used classic West African flavours with smoked lamb asun – using the spicy flavours of ginger, garlic, red onion, coriander and scotch bonnet – as well as sweet fried plantain on top of the pizza. That all comes with a jollof stew base combined with Yard Sale’s own house tomato sauce, and then a smattering of fior di latte mozzarella to seal the delicious deal.

We are extremely ready.

Siblings Emeka and Ifeyinwa Frederick opened Chuku’s first bricks-and-mortar restaurant in 2020. ‘We’re always super excited to see the flavours of the much-celebrated jollof stew reach a wider audience,’ said Emeka of the pizza, which is available for takeaway, delivery and dine-in from August 16-30 at Yard Sale’s recently-opened Tottenham and Walthamstow locations only.

‘Coupled with sweet-tasting fried plantain, it is an iconic Nigerian flavour pairing. And our lamb asun adds that more-ish kick. We hope for those familiar with Nigerian food they’ll love our Nigerian spin on a pizza and for those new to Nigerian flavours, we hope that it’ll spark their curiosity to explore the cuisine even further.’

In a lovely turn of events, it transpires that Ifeyinwa used to work for Yard Sale. ‘Back in 2017 when Chuku’s was still a pop-up, I took a job at Yard Sale in 2017 to learn more about the hospitality industry. And I learnt a lot there about what good management looks like and how to create a positive work environment – things that I took forward into Chuku’s. At the time, I would tell my Yard Sale General Manager about the pop-up I was running and the dreams we had of opening our first permanent site.’

It’s been a good summer for Chuku’s, who were recently awarded an £8,000 grant from Beyoncé’s charity foundation BeyGOOD during her run of shows at nearby Tottenham Stadium. 

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