Africa’s linguistic landscape is a treasure trove of culture and heritage and African languages are as diverse and colourful as the continent itself. They carry history, culture, and identity, connecting millions of people.

Over 2,000 African languages are spoken across its 54 countries. Among these, several languages stand out for their widespread use, cultural importance, and fascinating histories.

Here are ten of Africa’s most prominent languages and their unique stories.

Swahili is one of the leading African languages, spoken by 100 to 150 million people. It is a Bantu language and the official language in Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Swahili is also spoken in Ethiopia, Sudan, Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia, northern Mozambique, and the Comoros Islands.

Swahili developed along the East African coast through trade, influenced by Arabic due to contact with Arab traders. Today, it is celebrated in music, literature, and education, bringing people together across diverse cultures.

Arabic

Arabic is spoken by over 150 million Africans. It is a key language in North Africa, including Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, and Tunisia. Its many dialects add to its richness.

Arabic is the sacred language of the Quran and is central to Islamic traditions. It has shaped African literature, philosophy, and science, making it a significant cultural force.

French

French, a legacy of colonial history, is spoken by about 90 million Africans. It is the official language in 26 countries, such as Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, and the DRC. French is widely used in business, education, and government.

French has blended with African cultures, creating unique versions like Cameroonian and Ivorian French. This adaptation makes it a vital communication bridge across Africa and the world.

Hausa

Hausa is an Afroasiatic language spoken by over 40 million people. It is widely used in Nigeria, Niger, Ghana, and Cameroon. Hausa serves as a trade and media language across West Africa.

Hausa has a rich oral tradition of storytelling and poetry. It is written in both Arabic (Ajami) and Latin-based script. Hausa is found in radio broadcasts, markets, and daily interactions.

Yoruba

Yoruba is spoken by over 30 million people in Nigeria, Benin, and Togo. It is a Niger-Congo language with more than 15 dialects. Yoruba is deeply connected to the culture and spirituality of its people.

Known for proverbs, folktales, and poetry, Yoruba is also the language of Ifá, a UNESCO-recognised divination system. It continues to inspire art and tradition.

Oromo

Oromo is a Cushitic language spoken by around 30 million people. It is mainly used in Ethiopia and parts of Kenya, Somalia, and Egypt. Oromo is the most widely spoken language in Ethiopia, representing over 40% of the population.

Although once suppressed, Oromo has regained prominence and is now written in a Latin-based script. It embodies the rich history and identity of the Oromo people. 

Igbo

About 20 million people speak Igbo, mainly in Nigeria. It is a Niger-Congo language with over 20 dialects and a tonal structure.

The Igbo people are known for their entrepreneurial spirit. Their language thrives in literature and film. Writers like Chinua Achebe have brought Igbo culture to a global audience.

Amharic

Amharic, spoken by over 32 million people, is Ethiopia’s official language. It is the second most spoken Semitic language after Arabic. Amharic uses the unique Ge’ez script.

Amharic has been central to Ethiopian governance, education, and literature for centuries. It reflects Ethiopia’s resilience and history of resisting colonisation.

Zulu

Zulu is a Bantu language with click sounds, spoken by over 10 million people. It is one of South Africa’s 11 official languages. Zulu’s oral tradition includes praise poetry, folktales, and songs.

Zulu gained international recognition through music and film, thanks to icons like Ladysmith Black Mambazo. It is a language of strength and storytelling.

Shona

Shona is spoken by about 10 million people in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Zambia. It is a Bantu language with a strong tradition of storytelling and song.

Shona shows Zimbabwean culture through proverbs and literature. Its use in modern music and books keeps it vibrant and cherished.

Vanguard News

The Osun state police command has arrested a couple after the husband allegedly stabbed a bishop to death in Osogbo.

BBC News Pidgin reports that Yemisi Opalola, the command’s spokesperson, relayed details of the incident on Thursday.

Shina Olaribigbe, leader of Rapture Empowerment International in Osogbo, was identified as the deceased clergyman.

Reports suggest the couple had been having disagreements which led to them living apart. Olaribigbe had reportedly attempted to resolve the conflict before their separation.

The suspect is alleged to have attacked and killed the clergyman after encountering him at his wife’s residence in the early hours of Thursday.

“We were informed that the pastor was at the woman’s house today (Thursday) when the husband arrived. We were also told that the husband stabbed the pastor,” Opalola said.

The deceased was reportedly on the bed of the aggressor’s wife when the incident occurred.

“The husband stabbed him several times, and he died. It is believed the husband acted on suspicion that the pastor was having an affair with his wife,” the spokesperson added.

It’s a new year, a year that will possibly see to the passage and implementation of the People’s Bill, also known as the Tax Reform Bills. For Nigerian workers, the conversation surrounding this legislation is not just a political or economic issue but a matter of personal and collective empowerment. Following the recent call for its withdrawal by Joe Ajaero, President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), it is imperative to dispel any misconceptions and highlight the truth.

Joe Ajaero’s call for the withdrawal of the Tax Reform Bill raises questions that I believe demand serious scrutiny. Are other Labour members in agreement with his stance, or is this an isolated position? Has there been adequate consultation with unions, economic experts, and the workers who stand to gain the most from this legislation? With breakdowns of the bill consistently shared in the media, I wonder if Ajaero has taken the time to truly study its provisions. Is his opposition rooted in legitimate concerns or a misunderstanding of the bill’s intent and structure? To me, the Tax Reform Bill is not just another policy document; it is an initiative aimed at ensuring a more inclusive and equitable economy for all Nigerians.

Tax Reform Bill is more concerned about the masses, especially Nigerian workers. The Bills bring targeted relief to Nigerians by exempting those earning up to ₦1 million annually from PAYE taxes and reducing rates for salaries below ₦1.7 million monthly. Essentials like food, healthcare, education, and electricity are zero-rated for VAT, transport, rent, and baby products, directly reducing living costs. These measures prioritize affordability and financial relief for low and middle-income earners.

Small businesses, long regarded as the backbone of the Nigerian economy, are set to benefit from an increased tax exemption threshold, now raised from ₦25 million to ₦50 million in annual turnover. This means many small enterprises will enjoy full exemptions from company income tax and withholding tax, thereby reducing operating costs and enabling growth. Simplified tax processes further ease compliance, encouraging formalization and transparency. For larger businesses, the corporate income tax rate has been lowered from 30% to 25%. Additionally, the introduction of the Office of Tax Ombud will ensure swift resolution of disputes and protect taxpayers from arbitrary assessments. These are just a few of the benefits, and the Tax Reform Bill is truly focused on you, the Nigerian people. It ensures that Nigerians, from hardworking workers to small business owners, benefit from a more equitable and supportive tax system.

In addition to the proposed changes, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has also demonstrated a clear intention to modernize the tax administration system. President Tinubu’s moves emphasize simplifying and making the tax process more transparent, while also protecting taxpayers’ rights. The government has been actively engaging with stakeholders, including the private sector, to ensure that the reforms align with the needs of businesses, especially small enterprises. The emphasis on reducing the corporate income tax rate from 30% to 25% is a clear indication of the government’s commitment to attracting both local and foreign investment. This reduction is expected to stimulate job creation, promote business growth, and ultimately enhance the economic environment.

Furthermore, the government has been working to harmonise tax policies across different states, aiming to eliminate overlapping levies that have historically hindered business operations. The bill now gives 60% of VAT revenue to the states where goods and services are consumed. This means states with more consumption will receive more funds, helping them improve services like roads, schools, and healthcare. With the bills, states will rely less on federal funding and have more control over their finances, allowing them to better meet the needs of their people and grow their economies. These actions underline the government’s dedication to creating a more investor-friendly economy.

In conclusion, Nigerian workers should be aware that the Tax Reform Bill will bring relief through reduced company income taxes, unlimited VAT input claims, and other reforms that will lower tax burdens and business costs. These changes will make businesses more profitable, enabling them to retain existing workers and create new jobs, driving expansion and promoting a more robust economy.

The Tax Reform Bill is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reshape Nigeria’s economic sector in favour of its people. Nigerian workers deserve nothing less than the truth, and they deserve to see this bill implemented to realise its full potential.

Arabinrin Atoyebi is the technical assistant, broadcast media to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS).

“I find it interesting that everybody defines me as being Nigerian. I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity [Yoruba]. That’s what I really am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, Boko Haram, where Islamism is. Those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people”

“My point is that the only authentic identity for the African is the tribe… I am Nigerian because the white man created Nigeria and gave me that identity. I am black because the white man constructed black to be as different as possible from his white. But I was Igbo before the white man came.”-Chimamanda Adibie

In regard of the first excerpt above Badenoch is guilty of generalisation and lack of empathy for the cause of promoting Nigerian  national integration and little else. In which case, she belongs to the camp of the majority of Nigerians who are similarly alienated from contemporary Nigeria. Her real offence boils down to Marshall McLuhan’s concept of the “medium is the message”

‘The medium is the message” is a phrase created by Marshall McLuhan which sums up that the medium through which we choose to communicate holds as much, if not more, value than the message itself; that the form of a medium embeds itself in the message’. If, therefore, Badenoch is not a potential Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, UK, I doubt she would have provoked the current agitation of Nigerian commentators. 

Similarly, conflating the entire Islamic North with the precolonial Sokoto caliphate is a category mistake to which we are all prone and care less about. It is reflected in such Yoruba local parlance as Gambari pa Fulani, ko le jo nnu (that a Gambari kills a Fulani is of no concern or consequence, they are understood as six and half a dozen). A ponle ni malla, Hausa ni Hausa jé (calling Hausa a malla is superfluous, Hausa is Hausa).

In his typical diabolical humour, Olubadan Asanike once issued a warrant of arrest on Audu Sokoto. Search parties reported they could not found Audu Sokoto but found another Audu called Audu Kano. Asanike promptly ordered the arrest of the latter as a good enough.

Any agitation beyond this amounts to scapegoating the top British politician

for the ugly political reality of Nigeria. Badenoch’s outburst is the symptom of a deeper underlying malaise with a deep tap root in colonial and precolonial Nigeria. As Anthony Kirk Green, soberly reflected, “The tragedy of 1967 is that many of its seeds were not, as is often claimed, sown in October or even July 1966, but in the 1950s or, as some see it, in 1914 or maybe in 1900 itself.

Nigeria has gotten this nasty habit of provoking the worst instinct from her citizens and then turn around to blame them for commensurate behaviour. Among Badenock’s critics are worse culprits including certified felons and nation wreckers who have stolen Nigeria blind; the oil subsidy scandal rogues and thieves, government spokesmen who openly propagated genocidal hatred against the Igbos; those who would deliberately lacerate Nigeria’s cleavages with unconscionable Muslim/Muslim Presidential ticket.

Amongst them are those who follow the Buhari precedent to institute Yoruba parochial and discriminatory overcompensation; who arrogantly fostered apartheid rule over Kaduna state. Among them would number those who support the institutionalisation of Almajiranchi; who employed political sharia to subvert a president who does not share their ethno-religious identity. Not to talk of a rogue Judiciary.

They bury their heads deep in the sand like the ostrich, and choose to break the mirror for projecting their ugly but correct image back to them. With or without Badenoch, isn’t the most popular refrain in the country today is Nigeria is more divided now than at any time of post civil war Nigeria?

I’m not a fan of right wing politics, let alone the neo Trumpian extreme right radicalism posturing. They generally tend towards bigotry; the pseudo ideologues, the demagogues and sundry political mercenaries who without real ideological convictions merely employ the platform as a tool for political gain.

I had earlier taken the position to refrain from joining the fray until we started seeing a trend of gross and chauvinistic demonisation of Badenoch complete with a left handed salute to her esteemed parentage

For those who thrive on dealing with the symptom while ignoring the underlying disease,let us provide authoritative retrospective context to the fulminations of Mrs Badenoch.

In a typically honest appraisal of the ugly Nigerian reality, His Eminence, Sultan Saad Abubakar, on the 29th of January 2021, said “We are not saying Fulanis are not part of the kidnappings as mentioned by the Secretary of Miyetti Allah, seven to eight kidnappers arrested are Fulanis, but that doesn’t mean every Fulani is a criminal, no they are not”. I wholeheartedly agree with him.

On May 19th 2019, Mr Nigeria himself former President Olusegun Obasanjo lamented what has become of Nigeria  “It is no longer an issue of lack of education and lack of employment for our youths in Nigeria which it began as.“It is now West African Fulanisation, African Islamisation”.

On the 24th March 2018, the man who should know, Theophilus Danjuma fingered the Nigerian state as complicit in the genocidal atrocities being perpetrated on the Middle Belt Christian community “If you wait for the armed forces to stop the killing, you all die one-by-one,”

“The ethnic cleansing must stop in Taraba State and other parts of Nigeria. otherwise, Somalia will be a child’s place. I urge all of you to be at alert and defend your country. defend your territory, defend your state,”

On June 5th 2022, two days preceding the attack on the Owo Catholic church, the chairman of the Miyetti Allah, Bello Bodejo, “addressed a mammoth crowd of Fulani pastoralists from across Nigeria and beyond and “rained curses on some state governors whom, he claimed, chased Fulani pastoralists away from their states assuring them that peace will continue to elude them until they reverse their decisions “We know our friends and enemies and we will act at the right time,”

On the 11th of June 2022, Professor Wole Soyinka responded “He (Governor Rotimi Akeredolu) was targeted and there is no question about that. It was not an accident and it passed a message to the rest of us. That is why I’m here. I want the governor to know that we have received the message”.

“We understand it and we came to sympathise with him that he was selected as a medium of that message”

On the 27th July 2018 ‘a major actor in the 1967-70 Nigerian civil war, Gen.Alani Akinrinade(rtd) took a cursory look at what Nigeria has become 39 years after its end and declared “I regret fighting in that war” which he says “could have been avoided if the Aburi Accord (reached in Ghana) was not unilaterally jettisoned by General (Yakubu) Gowon”.

“it was useless fighting that war” and regrets his participation in it. On the Buhari charge that Nigerian national unity is not negotiable, Akinrinade remarked that: “Anything that’s not negotiable cannot make progress.”

On 7th August 2021 Obasanjo asked the Beninoise authorities to grant Sunday Igboho asylum, and not to return him to Nigeria.

On the 1st of May 2022 ‘Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka met with Yoruba Nation campaigner, Sunday Adeyemo also known as Sunday Ighoho.

Also at the meeting was Professor Banji Akintoye”.

Is it a coincidence that all these personalities are Yoruba save the Sultan? All these in a situation in which Buhari was playing Sinn Fein to the IRA of the Fulani militia.

Further back in time was the corrosive and subversive contribution of the British colonialists who nurtured a relationship of hatred and enmity as the legacy of colonial rule to Nigeria. Testimonies abound:

“Lugard pledged to the Sultan of Sokoto the commitment of the British administrators to protect the Muslims of the north from Christian proselytization. Sir Theodore Adams went as far as to say, in 1941, that the emirs considered the Northern provinces as a separate country and that enforced cooperation with the South would lead to a demand for ‘Pakistan”

In its 1958 editorial, the Time magazine captured the scene at the London conference on the independence of Nigeria in 1957 with a sense of foreboding, “Under the great chandeliers of the Lancaster House music room, the Premiers (Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello and Obafemi Awolowo) bickered, shot insults back and forth like poisoned darts.”

According to Ruth First “a frequently heard quip was that if all the Africans were to leave Nigeria, the Southern and Northern administrations could go to war”

“In administration, in land policy, in a dozen different fields of colonial government, the administration reinforced not the unity of the colony, but the differences between North and South”

In her day, Lady Lugard had contrasted “the higher types of the Northern States” with the “cannibal pagans” of the South. “The nearer to the coast, the worse was the native type… Sorcerers, idolaters, robbers and drunkards, they were indeed no better than their country” pined Flora Shaw”

‘Aided by his wife, Lugard’s fabrications still colour Whitehall’s attitudes to Nigeria, which can be summed up as pale-skinned Moslem North good, black-skinned Christian South bad’

Fast forward to contemporary Nigeria and the siege laid to the South-West by preponderantly Fulani marauders and what you get is a sense of dejavu

Dr Olufemi Adegoke died in the thick of another Yoruba nationalist resistance politics in 2021 against the degrading invasion of a Fulani herdsmen militia.

For people who were not resident in the South West at the material time, it may prove difficult to appreciate the provocative sense of degradation and helplessness.

Victims are seldom constrained to view their perceived tormentors with detached objectivity. Who feels it, knows it.

It begs the question: historically, how should the Yoruba characterise the caliphate seizure of Ilorin and their instrumentality to the collapse of the Oyo empire especially as the theme keeps recurring in subsequent history of the Yoruba?

Reminiscing on the tragedy of Ilorin, Samuel Johnson noted: “Ilorin now passed into the hands of foreigners, the Fulanis, who had been invited as friends and allies”.

In sum, this was the socialisation Badenoch received on Nigeria at the time of her father’s death.

•Postscript: For the attention of American Abroad whose brain power belongs in the category of his idol, Benjamin Osuntokun. Your friend was actually the mischief maker!

With just five months to hit his midterm, Gov. Umo Eno has announced that he would be holding 10 town hall meetings and three summits in 2025 to obtain feedbacks and generate new ideas to reset his policy thrusts. The town halls will hold in the 10 federal constituencies of the state while the summits will hold in Uyo with focus on power generation; tourism and business development. At each town hall, the people would be expected to summit a memo to the government detailing the important areas of needs in their communities. These would be collated and incorporated into the 2026 budget. This is a typical bottom-up approach in management decision and leadership process. By involving local communities, individuals or village organizations and grassroots initiatives, the government wants ordinary people to be involved in decision-making, choose what best serve their needs and take ownership of government’s programs. In other words, the governor wants the ‘R’ in his ARISE agenda to originate from the people.

Sociologists and development economists believe that bottom-up approach, unlike top-down approach, prioritizes local needs and context; endears government to the people, enhances community and rural development and minimizes inter-communal rifts. Even before the first town hall meeting holds in February, I can almost guess correctly what the litany of requests would consist of: good roads; water; healthcare; more teachers for community schools; subsidizing farm inputs and such stuffs. Town halls are very widely used in the western democracies to provide a platform for exchange of ideas between the citizens and their leaders. This would be the first time an administration in the state has adopted this approach is fashioning out its policies.

 But we’ve always had summits. Gov. Udom Emmanuel held education summit towards the end of his administration. Obong Victor Attah had economic summit in 2002. Umo Eno’s three summits will bring together experts and professionals in power generation and tourism specifically to generate ideas on how to develop the sectors. The governor wants the state to have a 24-hour electricity supply in 2026. Akwa Ibom State has an independent power plant built over 20 years ago, but unfortunately, it has not achieved its objectives. It has been mismanaged and I understand that the place is a haven of corruption, so much so that it is hugely indebted to its gas supplier. Recently, the government instituted an audit into its finances and assets; and two months ago, its chief executive was fired for incompetence and dereliction of duty. Part of the problem was the inhibitive regulatory framework of the electricity sector which barred states from generating and distributing their own electricity. Now that the law has been amended and state governments can now generate and distribute their own electricity to their people, the power summit should bring together egg heads in that sector, from across the country and beyond, to sit together and develop a step-by-step guide on how to achieve a stable power supply for the state.

Tourism is also another priority area for the state. With its own airline, two five- star hotels, an 18-hole golf course, a long beautiful white-sand beach, a world-class football stadium and three smaller ones, Akwa Ibom State is easily Nigeria’s tourist destination for leisure and business. A recreation centre comprising a nine-hole par three golf course and a 10,000-capacity conference facility are in the works in the heart of the city. With these facilities, the government believes that tourism should be developed into a viable industry and the expectation is that the summit will develop a roadmap on how best to achieve this. Akwa Ibom has six months of dry season beginning from late October and lasting through April. This means a tourism calendar that consists of golf tournaments; football matches; beach football and volley ball and cultural festivals could be developed to attract visitors to the state. The third summit the government intends to hold this year would be with Akwa Ibom people who have reached the peak of their careers in different areas – finance; oil & gas; aviation; medicine; media; the professions; military; etc. These persons would be constituted into a network to serve many purposes, chief among which is a think tank to government and mentors to the younger generations.

I’m particularly fascinated by the governor’s mentorship development plan for Akwa Ibom youths, most of whom have had no role models in their lives. In the absence of good role models and mentors, these youngsters only have social media influencers; politicians and political thugs to look up to, and the result has been emergence of decadent and deviant behaviours in them. For them, election rigging and electoral violence is the only sure means to attain political power and politics is the only way to make a living or make big money. But a good mentorship program helps in instilling increased confidence in the mentees, in addition to offering career guidance, skill development; problem-solving skills; networking opportunities; fresh perspectives to life and leaving a lasting legacy, among other benefits. In addition, I ask the government to bring back Boys’ Scout; Girls Guide and Man o’ War to our schools. These organizations helped to mould our character when we grew up, and there’s no reason why our youths should not benefit from them. This year should be very hectic for the governor. I wish him the best.

A section of the media often perceived as critical of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his administration, and his political party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), has taken an unexpected and commendable decision.

ThisDay Newspaper, through its Board of Editors, has named President Tinubu its Man of the Year 2024. In their statement, the editors noted: “In the face of mounting challenges and hardships, the President has remained determined and unfazed, marching on with audacious reforms to transform Nigeria.” They concluded that no individual, on a fair balance of scales, could challenge the President’s impact in 2024.

This decision is a laudable demonstration of journalistic integrity. It speaks to the critical role of the media in promoting a fair and egalitarian society. When viewed in the context of public perception, particularly of ThisDay and its sister outlet, Arise News, this recognition is even more significant. Owned by Prince Nduka Obaigbena, both platforms have been regarded as highly critical of the Tinubu administration, a perception that has fueled skepticism in certain quarters.

This honor on President Tinubu as Man of the Year, tells of how ThisDay challenges this narrative and reinforces the media’s commitment to recognizing merit and leadership beyond biases.

In their evaluation of President Tinubu, the editors wrote: “From merely providing leadership to introducing very unpopular but promising reforms, Tinubu has proven to be a daring and gritty leader, driven by conviction rather than sentiment.”

They mentioned key reforms, including the removal of the petroleum subsidy, floating of the Naira, fighting for local government autonomy, proposed tax reforms among others. 

They, however, acknowledged missteps in Mr. President’s early days, but ThisDay noted that Tinubu has remained focused on his goals, undeterred by external noise and criticism.

Unfortunately, some public officials avoid platforms like ThisDay or Arise News, labeling them as “oppositional” media. This mindset creates undue pressure on media houses to align with political narratives instead of maintaining their role as independent truth tellers.

Despite these challenges, ThisDay and Arise News have built formidable reputations, sparking national conversations and holding leaders accountable. Their willingness to critique and, at the same time, recognize the administration’s achievements, all these tells of their professionalism.

The decision to honor President Tinubu after rigorous scrutiny is simply telling us that criticism and recognition can coexist in responsible journalism. It also encourages leaders to strive for excellence, knowing their efforts will be acknowledged regardless of past criticisms.

What ThisDay’s choice brings to fore is that the media has no role to cheerlead the government or act as an unrelenting adversary. Instead, it is to critically evaluate leadership and promoting societal progress through balanced reporting.

As I congratulate President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for this recognition, I must commend ThisDay Newspaper and its Board of Editors for this bold and professional decision. It challenges stereotypes, reinforces the media’s role as an unbiased observer, and sends a powerful message: leadership and achievements should be recognized, regardless of perceived alliances.

On a final note, as citizens, we must support and protect the independence of our media for the collective good of society. Thank you, ThisDay Newspapers, thank you, Prince Nduka Obaigbena, for reminding us that the media has an unmistaken role in shaping a better Nigeria.

One bright afternoon, some years ago, I decided to make a quick stop at my favourite shoes-and-bags shop on Allen Avenue, Ikeja, Lagos. As I approached the shop, I noticed an armed guard at the entrance. He was carrying a familiar gun – the intimidating but innocent-looking big thing only a certain agency in Nigeria bears. Oh, a DSS (Department of State Services) personnel was on the premises. A DSS guy shopping for his lady or a DSS lady taking time off to buy high heels and a nice clutch? I stepped in and lo and behold, testing a nice blue pair of eye-popper heels was a DSS lady of note and record. Go on, guess all you want. I ain’t helping or telling.

Is this a story about high-heeled shoes? Nah. It’s a story about DSS, DSS guns, DSS and the Nigerian media and their tough marriage. 

So at this year’s conference of the International Press Institute, Nigeria chapter, I was looking forward to seeing dozens of the DSS ‘designer guns on display. Maybe I’d even get to touch one, I thought. And why not? The DSS chief, yeah, the Director-General of the DSS, Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, was going to deliver a paper and I was on the panel that would discuss that paper. So I got to the venue early. Didn’t want those hard poker-faced-dudes getting there before me. But there was no gun in sight. What the heck? Was he standing us up, sending a rep? He came himself and when he did, the guns were still missing. Nobody was wearing a black shirt or an overall with bold DSS inscribed on it. What’s going on here?

When Mr. Ajayi finally got on the podium (he, himself, looking like a bank CEO), he explained why the guns were out of sight. It was a long counselling session, the kind a wife gets even when she’s the one who woke the husband up with: “Honey, we need to talk.” His topic was: “Dissecting the frosty relationship between the Nigerian Media and Security Agencies.” He read from no notes, speaking directly from his heart. His message was clear, delivered in stern terms and tone.

There’s no frosty relationship (I added “Honey” in my head). The DSS is the DSS. It’s a security agency. It’s a secret police.

DSS protects its information

The media looks for information

Breaking news can break security

The choice of words the media uses can damage things

The media throw ‘it’ out there. 

The DSS keeps it away from getting out.

So, how do these two people who are brought up differently, trained differently to live lovingly in their federally and nationally arranged marriage? even the Bible says two cannot work together except they agree. Wait, maybe that’s the key to the resolution. Agreement. For this marriage to work, the Media and DSS will have to agree on their differences and how to live with them.

Even if the DSS Chief insisted that there is no such thing as a frosty relationship between the newsroom and security, this couple still needed to sit down and agree on the knotty issues. If a wife says it is not well and the husband says it is well, then we need to find out what’s in the well. If a husband says it is full and the wife says it is empty, we need to check the cup and look at why the two are seeing different things.

First, can the DSS be more open, and ….em… em perhaps un-scrap the scrapped office of the DSS spokesperson. Wha-a-t? Tosin Ajayi almost blew something. A secret police with a spokesperson? How does that add up? The DSS is like a sacred masquerade or ‘Oro’. It does not talk anyhow everywhere. The DSS is like a circumspect Yoruba Oba, he must not eat in public. Ok, those are my words, my understanding of the seriousness of the situation. The media want answers, voices in their stories, operating within deadlines that must be met. How do we deliver our stories when DSS doesn’t want to be seen? Tosin Ajayi said all of that can be arranged without the office of the spokesman of DSS. Seriously? What changed? Well, I learnt that this new Sheriff is a thoroughbred secret cop who rose through the ranks, not a politician or political appointee who got lucky. No, Ajayi started as a rookie, and after three decades-plus of service, he’s here determined to restore the dignity of the service. The  mask must stay on and the masquerade must stay in the grove unless there is reason for it to visit the people.

Do you see why this relationship is rocky, if not frosty? Journalists are excited by  masks. They want to know who is behind the mask. What’s the mask made of and indeed what goes on in the grove? Why does the masquerade speak in a guttural voice? Does it have a cold or it just wants to confuse the populace? Secrets and secret hunters can hardly ever be on the same page. That is why the innocent-looking DSS guns are out of sight and the bold DSS labels are now covered by long cloaks. Tosin Ajayi doesn’t want his men in our faces even when they are all over us. A masquerade who goes to the village market every day will soon lose his mask to little boys who would think he’s one of them and not a spirit.

That was why they were all dressed like bankers at the IPI Conference. But we, yes editors, knew they were not one of us. I know they also knew we were not one of them. They did their thing and we did ours. Come to think of it: Wasn’t that what the new DSS Chief’s presentation was about?

Seriously, the media and the DSS both want the same thing, a safe environment, safe nation. The two just use different routes to the market.

Different training, different ways of life for two different professionals expected to work together. Tough but doable.

The boss at the Yellow House comes across as a man who came into this job prepared. He knew the service he joined more than 30 years ago and he didn’t like the turn it took somewhere along the way. He’s a man on a mission, determined to keep the Secret in the State Service while maintaining a smart and smooth relationship with the newsroom.

The only way for this marriage to stay on the happily-ever-after lane is mutual respect and understanding of what each party brings to the table. I can still see the D-G, DSS in his impeccable suit as he told us to stop shaking the table. We’ll try, sir, but shaking the table is what we do. We’ll just try to do it within the ambits of the law, respect the space of the sacred grove and the New Sheriff’s masquerade.

. Egbemode is a former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors.

A devastating incident has shaken the community in Rivers State, Nigeria, where a woman named Jessica has been arrested for allegedly assaulting a teenager. The victim’s mother alleges that Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, had previously raped the teenager, and in a twisted turn of events, Jessica accused the teenager of sleeping with her husband.

The brutality of the assault is shocking, with reports indicating that Jessica stripped the teenager, inserted pepper into her private parts, and beat her up. The victim’s mother promptly reported the incident to the police, leading to Jessica’s arrest. A rights group, Centre for Basic Rights Protection And Accountability Campaign, has condemned the alleged torture and demanded a thorough investigation.

The police spokesperson has promised to look into the matter, and efforts are currently underway to locate Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, for further investigation. This incident should spark a broader conversation about domestic and child abuse, highlighting the need for education, awareness, and accountability.

Where Is the Minister of Women’s Affairs in This Case?

The Minister of Women’s Affairs, Imaan Suleiman-Ibrahim, has a crucial role to play in addressing the allegations of assault in Rivers State. As the head of the Ministry, she is expected to advocate for systemic reforms to address the lack of urgency in handling domestic and child abuse cases. This includes pushing for stricter oversight of law enforcement agencies and mechanisms to ensure swift and fair adjudication of such matters.

The Minister should take immediate action to condemn the assault and express solidarity with the teenage victim. She should demand justice and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Furthermore, Suleiman-Ibrahim should ensure that the victim receives necessary medical, psychological, and legal support. This would involve collaborating with relevant agencies and organizations to provide the necessary assistance.

To address the root causes of domestic and child abuse, the Minister should advocate for systemic reforms. This includes continuously pushing for stricter laws and penalties for perpetrators of domestic and child abuse. Additionally, she should launch sensitization and awareness campaigns to educate the public about the importance of reporting domestic and child abuse cases.

The Minister’s role is not limited to advocacy and reform. Collaboration and partnerships are crucial in addressing domestic and child abuse cases. Suleiman-Ibrahim should work with the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. She should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, she should partner with civil society organizations that specialize in supporting victims of domestic and child abuse.

Suleiman-Ibrahim should emulate the bold and aggressive approach of her predecessor, Uju-Ken Ohanenye, who was known for her uncompromising stance on women’s rights and social development issues. The Minister should be vocal and unrelenting in her pursuit of justice for the teenage victim and demand accountability from law enforcement agencies and the judiciary.

This is not the time for family begging or settlement outside the court. The case must be taken to court as soon as possible, and the perpetrators must be held accountable for their actions. The Minister should ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the trial.

To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative to put huge pressure on the police to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. The Minister should demand regular updates from the police and ensure that they are taking concrete actions to address the case. Suleiman-Ibrahim should also mobilize the public to demand justice for the teenage victim and ensure that the case is not swept under the rug.

Where is the Governor?

The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has a critical role to play in ensuring that justice is served in this case. As the chief executive of the state, he has the power to put more weight on the actions of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. The Governor should take immediate action to condemn the assault and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. The delay in the police response and the systemic challenges in handling cases like this have raised serious concerns. The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, as the chief executive of the state, must take immediate action to ensure this case does not fade into obscurity. Public trust in law enforcement and the judiciary has often been eroded by reports of compromise, such as police allegedly pressuring families to drop cases or courts failing to push aggressively for justice.

Governor Fubara’s involvement could help ensure transparency and accountability, compelling law enforcement to act decisively and ensuring that the judicial process remains focused and unbiased. His intervention would send a strong message that the state prioritizes justice for victims of abuse and will not tolerate negligence or compromise.

Governor Fubara should work closely with the Minister of Women’s Affairs to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. He should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, he should provide the necessary resources and support to ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary assistance throughout the trial.

Where is the Police? How Far?

Arresting the accused is only the first step; ensuring justice for the teenage victim requires a comprehensive approach. There is need for forensic evidence, such as a medical examination using a sexual assault evidence kit. This process is essential to document physical evidence, establish facts, and strengthen the case against the alleged perpetrators in court. Without these critical steps, the case risks being undermined by insufficient evidence.

The Rivers State Police Command has a responsibility to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. However, the police have been slow to act, and their response has been inadequate. The police should provide regular updates on the progress of the investigation and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice.

The police should also ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary protection and support throughout the trial. This includes providing security and ensuring that the victim is not intimidated or harassed by the perpetrators or their associates. 

The Rivers State Police Command’s delay in providing updates must cease, as it underscores the pressing need for institutional accountability. Both the Minister of Women’s Affairs and the Rivers State Governor have critical roles to play in addressing these lapses. Their leadership should focus on holding law enforcement agencies accountable, ensuring timely and transparent communication, and driving reforms that enable justice systems to operate efficiently and effectively in protecting the rights of vulnerable individuals.

Where is the Court?

Nigerian courts, often criticized for being lax on cases of domestic violence, child abuse, and female assaults, must change this narrative. The judiciary has a critical role to play in ensuring justice is served in such cases. Courts must act swiftly to hear cases, hold perpetrators accountable, and set a precedent that these offenses will not be tolerated. Additionally, the judiciary must guarantee that trials are fair and transparent, while ensuring the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the legal process. This shift is essential to restore public confidence and protect the rights of vulnerable individuals.

Where is the Medical Support?

Medical support is crucial in aiding the police and courts to ensure justice in abuse cases. Trained nurses and doctors must conduct thorough forensic examinations, utilizing sexual assault kits to preserve critical evidence such as DNA and physical injuries. This evidence is vital for building a strong case against perpetrators and ensuring accountability.

Hospitals and medical facilities have a responsibility to provide immediate medical attention to victims, ensuring they receive necessary treatment and care. Beyond physical health, the medical community must offer counseling and psychological support to victims and their families to address the trauma associated with abuse.

Collaboration between medical professionals, law enforcement, and the judiciary is essential. Medical teams must provide detailed documentation, expert testimony, and other evidence to strengthen the prosecution’s case. This partnership ensures the courts have the tools needed to deliver justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Strengthening this cooperative framework is key to safeguarding victims and ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for their actions.

No Leniency for Serious Crimes

To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative that perpetrators of domestic and child abuse are held accountable for their actions. Convicts must not be given fines as a replacement for prison sentences, as this can be seen as a lenient punishment for serious crimes. Instead, perpetrators must face the full force of the law and receive punishments that reflect the severity of their crimes.

Rehabilitation Through Counseling

Perpetrators must be provided with counseling and rehabilitation programs while they are in prison and after their release, to address impulsive acts and prevent reoffending. This is crucial in helping perpetrators to understand the impact of their actions and to develop healthy relationships and behaviors. Counseling and rehabilitation programs can also help to reduce the risk of reoffending and create safer communities.

Addressing Female Perpetrators

This is particularly important for female perpetrators, such as the woman who used pepper in the Rivers State assault case, who must be punished accordingly and receive counseling in anger management to address their behavior. Female perpetrators must be held to the same standards as male perpetrators and receive the same level of accountability and rehabilitation. By doing so, we can create a society that values justice and equality for all.

Support and Protection for the Victim and Her Mother

The Rivers State Government must ensure that the female teenager, a victim of alleged rape and brutal assault, and her mother, who has also been traumatized by the incident, receive comprehensive support and protection. This includes providing trauma counseling, supportive services, protective measures, and safe shelter to enable them to heal and rebuild their lives.

The teenager and her mother have been through a horrific ordeal, and it is essential that they receive the necessary care and support to recover from their physical and emotional trauma. The government must take immediate action to provide them with the resources they need to rebuild their lives and ensure their safety and well-being.

Creating a Safer Society

By holding perpetrators accountable and providing them with the necessary support and rehabilitation, we can create a safer and more just society for all. This requires a collaborative effort from law enforcement, the judiciary, social services, and community organizations to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable and that victims receive the necessary support and protection. Together, we can create a society that values justice, equality, and the well-being of all individuals.

Educating, Protecting, and Seeking Justice for Our Communities

The Rivers State assault case highlights the urgent need to safeguard women and children from domestic and child abuse. Education is key: we must inform ourselves, families, and communities about reporting domestic and child abuse cases.

To foster a culture prioritizing safety and well-being, collective effort is necessary. This includes educating children and adults about healthy relationships and boundaries, encouraging victims to speak out and seek help, providing support and resources for victims, holding perpetrators accountable, and advocating for systemic reforms.

For far too long, the police and the courts have failed to take cases of domestic and child abuse seriously, allowing perpetrators to go unpunished and victims to suffer in silence. It is time for a change. Families must stop accepting begging and apologies from offenders, and instead, demand justice and accountability.

The culture of settling cases out of court or accepting compromises must end. Traditional chiefs and community leaders must stop telling families to “forget” or “move on” and instead, support victims in seeking justice. The police must avoid compromises and instead, thoroughly investigate cases and bring perpetrators to justice.

It’s Never the Child’s Fault: we must stop blaming the female child, especially female teens, for cases of domestic and child abuse.

Ultimately, we must break the cycle of silence and impunity by working together. We owe it to ourselves, our families, and our communities to take action and demand justice for victims of domestic and child abuse. It is our collective responsibility to create a safer and more just society for all.

A Culture of Forgetting Cases Must End

In Nigeria, societal tendencies to beg families to “forget” abuse cases or settle disputes outside the legal system often derail justice. This cultural practice, combined with reports of compromised law enforcement and judicial processes, further marginalizes victims. For this case to stand as a turning point, decisive action must be taken to prevent it from being swept under the rug.

A Call for Justice and Systemic Transformation

This case serves as a critical reminder of the need for comprehensive reforms in how abuse cases are handled. The combined efforts of the state governor, the Minister of Women’s Affairs, law enforcement, and the judiciary are essential to ensure justice for the teenage victim.

Governor Fubara’s immediate involvement, alongside proactive leadership from Suleiman-Ibrahim, could set a precedent for handling such cases with urgency and fairness. Advocacy groups and the public will continue to monitor the situation, pushing for systemic changes that prioritize justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Only through such collective action can trust in the justice system be restored and societal attitudes toward abuse cases be transformed.

Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria’s most influential leaders, famously described Nigeria as “a mere geographical expression” in his seminal book Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947). By this, Awolowo highlighted the artificial nature of the Nigerian state, created by colonial Britain in 1914 through the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates. His observation pointed to the lack of a unifying national identity among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and cultural groups, which makes most Nigerians more disposed towards their ethnic groups ahead of the Nigerian nation.

Several other Nigerian leaders, through their actions and words, keep echoing this perspective, making it a reference point in discussions about Nigeria’s unity, governance, and the challenges of nation-building. Our leaders, rather than seek the higher ideals of building a more united Nigeria by nurturing a shared identity and common purpose among Nigerians, they mindlessly tread the path of ethnic glorification. Over the decades, up until the present administration led by President Bola Tinubu, their words and actions have the effect of predisposing the people to their tribes ahead of the country. Sadly, the nation’s political and social landscape was, and remains, fragmented by social, religious, cultural and political differences.

So, when recently Kemi Badenoch, the UK’s Conservative Party leader, in her altercations with Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima over her negative references to Nigeria, echoed this perspective to the effect that she identifies more with her Yoruba ethnic group than with a broader Nigerian heritage, nearly everyone came down on her. Like many Nigerians, Shettima viewed her usual reference to her experiences in Nigeria to depict corruption and bad governance, as denigrating her country of birth. He even suggested that if she was not proud of her Nigerian heritage, she could “remove the Kemi from her name.” That was the beginning of a new perspective in the altercation that led Badenoch, who was born in the United Kingdom to Nigerian parents, to explain that her cultural identity is deeply rooted in her Yoruba ancestry. “While I acknowledge my Nigerian heritage, my primary identity is Yoruba. That’s where my sense of belonging lies,” she stated.

Her remarks had ignited controversy, drawing both praise and criticism from Nigerians at home and in the diaspora. Most others were dumbfounded, mainly because it is largely a fact of our national life.The question is: was Badenoch really undermining efforts to promote national unity in Nigeria, a country already grappling with significant ethnic and regional divides, or was she simply stating the obvious facts of our national life? Was her prioritization of ethnic identities over a collective national consciousness, a denigration for Nigerians.

Several decades since Awolowo’s statement, many Nigerian leaders, through their words and actions, have affirmed that characterization that Nigeria’s political reality remains shaped by regional and ethnic loyalties. While Badenoch’s comments were personal, they bring to light a troubling reality—that the actions of Nigerian leaders often reinforce ethnic divisions and undermine the sense of a unified national identity. This anomaly is fueled by the tendency of Nigerian leaders to prioritize their ethnic groups in appointments, resource allocation, and project locations. Such favoritism sends a message that ethnic identity matters more than national identity, leaving citizens to see themselves through the lens of ethnicity rather than as Nigerians.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration provides a contemporary example of this phenomenon. Since assuming office in May 2023, Tinubu has faced criticism for his appointments, which many argue, reflect a bias toward his Yoruba ethnic group and the South-West geopolitical zone.

While some of these appointments can be justified based on competence, the overwhelming dominance of Yoruba figures in key government positions has sparked allegations of favoritism. This pattern is not unique to Tinubu’s administration but is a recurring feature of Nigerian leadership. Past presidents have also been accused of favoring their ethnic or regional groups in appointments, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and alienation among the country’s over 250 ethnic groups. By appearing to prioritize ethnic loyalty over national unity, Nigerian leaders inadvertently encourage citizens to align more closely with their ethnic identities.

Beyond appointments, the location of developmental projects also reflects ethnic favoritism. Under Tinubu, there has been an increased focus on the South-West region, to the detriment of other areas. This imbalance is a continuation of a trend seen in previous administrations, where leaders prioritize their regions in the distribution of resources and infrastructure, thereby deepening perceptions of exclusion and marginalization, particularly in regions like the South-East and the Niger Delta, which have long felt sidelined in national development.

When leaders use their positions to benefit their ethnic groups disproportionately, they reinforce the notion that Nigeria is not a truly united nation. This fuels a fragmented identity, where individuals, like Badenoch, see themselves first as Yoruba, Igbo, or Hausa before identifying as Nigerians.

While Kemi Badenoch’s preference for her Yoruba identity may reflect her personal journey, it is actually a fact of our national life. The actions of leaders who prioritize ethnicity over national unity have normalized divided loyalties, eroding the collective sense of being Nigerian. So, Nigerian who love to live in denial, have largely been hypocritical in criticising Badenoch and her statement. If, indeed, Nigeria is to move forward as a united and prosperous nation, its leaders must rise above ethnic biases and govern with fairness, equity, and a true commitment to national unity. Only then can the anomaly of divided identities be addressed, and the dream of a united Nigeria realized. After all, Chief Awolowo’s statement did not foreclose the possibility that the ethnic nationalities cannot find common grounds beyond their cultural, political and religious differences.

Sheddy Ozoene is the Editor-In-Chief of People & Politics.