Admin

Admin

 
 
Nigerians are understandably startled by the story published by Bloomberg newspaper last week that Seyi Tinubu, eldest son of the President-elect, had in 2017 bought a property in London for $11 million. Tucked away in the tony neighbourhood of North London, the property was formerly owned by another Nigerian, Kola Aluko, who had earlier been declared wanted by the EFCC for money laundering. Aluko and another Lagos businessman, Jide Omokore, have been under investigations for their business transactions with former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke. Bloomberg describes the property as a private three-floor residence in St. John Wood, with an eight-car driveway, two gardens, electric gates and a gym. The report says that Seyi used an offshore shell company, Aranda Overseas Corporation, to pay for the purchase which was facilitated through Deutsche Bank.
 
Many Nigerians have been investing heavily in the London property market for many decades, and every year, millions of pounds are transferred from Nigeria to UK banks to pay for the mortgage and taxes on these assets. This exerts much pressure on our foreign reserves and the exchange rate of the Naira. Payments of school fees for children in foreign schools and servicing of mortgage for their properties abroad constitute major sources of capital exportation by Nigerians. At a time, it was a matter of social status for a Nigerian to boast that he has a flat in West London. I recall that bragging about his father’s flat in London was my university roommate’s favourite pastime. There’s nothing I have not seen in this country!
 
It is all the more distressing that many of the Nigerian owners of these London properties are politically exposed persons (PEPs) whose sources of wealth are dubious. Seyi’s father is a PEP, which in financial regulation refers to an individual that occupies a prominent political, high profile or public office. In financial regulation and according to Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on money laundering, a close relative of a PEP is also regarded as a PEP. In this case, Seyi Tinubu is a politically exposed person. A PEP generally presents a higher risk for potential involvement in bribery, corruption and money laundering by virtue of his or her position and the influence that the person may hold. Every banker knows that a PEP is a potential compliance risk, and so every of their transactions, including requirements for account opening, must undergo stricter scrutiny and controls. Screening for PEPs is usually performed at the beginning of account opening, called standard due diligence or Know Your Customer (KYC). I can only hope that Deutsch Bank which facilitated the payment for Seyi’s house had done all the necessary KYC checks.
 
The Nigerian government has done a few things to fight corruption, one of which is the enactment of the Money Laundering Act. This is a very robust piece of legislation that imposes heavy penalty on any individual or corporate organization that engages in this crime. Section 15(2) of the Act prescribes that any person or body corporate, in or outside Nigeria, who directly or indirectly conceals or disguises the origin of; converts or transfers; removes from jurisdiction; or acquires, uses, retains or takes possession or control of; any fund or property, knowingly or reasonably ought to have known that such fund or property is, or forms part of the proceeds of an unlawful act; commits an offence of money laundering under the Act. This law also places heavy responsibility on the banks to assist in fighting money laundering.
 
Banks are also expected to train their officers on how to detect and report cases of money laundering, and the rule of thumb is that whenever a PEP spends so much to buy a house or car or any luxury item, an alarm bell should be sounding in the banker’s ears. Bankers are particularly well trained on how to detect suspicious transactions and make Suspicious Activity Report (SAR) and Suspicious Transaction Report (STR) under the laws designed to fight money laundering. As a banker, I attended so many courses on money laundering, and in one of them, the facilitator shouted out at us, ‘’as a banker, you can actually go to jail for doing little or nothing if your team is derelict in performing its due diligence.’’ This statement readily came to mind two years ago when I read a memoire by Lawson Omokhodion, the chief executive of the defunct Liberty Bank, detailing how he was tried and was almost convicted for simply signing off on a new account opened for Gov. Joshua Dariye. The bank account was subsequently used for some dubious transactions for which Dariye himself was jailed. Omokhodion’s account of his ordeal with the EFCC is quite riveting and instructive. I hope that the EFCC will also relentlessly look into the conduct of the banks that participated in this London property deal.
 
Another reason Seyi’s transaction has caused so much anxiety is that he bought the property when he was only 30 years old. For me, that is a loud alarm! I mean, he shelled out N7 billion to buy a property in a high-end area of London when he was just 30. Wao! What kind of business does Seyi do and when did he start doing business? If he is that rich just because his father was governor for eight years, how wealthy would he get when the father becomes President in a few days? One cheeky fellow I was discussing this matter with the other day quipped, ‘’the young man will seek to buy Buckingham Palace by the time his father spends only two years in office as President’’.  
 
Across the globe, family members of heads of state take steps to keep away from scandalous businesses that would tarnish the reputation of the leader. In the US, the House of Representatives is pushing to investigate the business dealings of Hunter Biden, the President’s son, in Ukraine and China. Although nothing illegal had been established against Hunter, the House just wants to determine whether his business transactions had influenced the father’s foreign policy. That is the standards to which others hold their governments. In 1978 and early 1979, Billy Carter, the younger brother of President Jimmy Carter, created a major headache for the administration through his dealings with Muammar Ghadaffi of Libya. Billy was said to have been paid S2 million for his services as a foreign agent of Libya. This led to a Senate hearing on the matter then known as billygate. As a young boy just leaving secondary school, this story fascinated me a great deal when I read it in TIME magazine. During the Abacha military regime, his sons were said to have their fingers in every lucrative deal in Abuja.
 
This is why Nigerians want to know how Seyi Tinubu, at only 30, acquired so much wealth. Will he outperform Abacha’s children?

We have a measurement problem eloquently illustrated in a Yoruba tale about a Mecca has-been. The fellow in this tale had just returned from a pilgrimage to Mecca, apparently the first to do so in his community. Upon his return, folks were understandably curious and wanted to know about the Holy Land.

Thinking of what would best illustrate the majestic splendour of Mecca, the sojourner decided to use a native fowl as an example.

“You all know our native fowl?,” he began. 

“Of course!,” his curious, attentive listeners chorused.

“The fowl in Mecca is as big as a cow, if not bigger!,” he told them.

“Oh no!,” one rather incredulous listener said, amidst the rapturous gasps of h-e-n-e-n-h-e! “Big as a cow or big as a goat?”

“Ok,” the sojourner replied, “Let’s say it’s as big as a goat!”

“Oh no!,” the incredulous interlocutor reposed again. “Big as a goat or as big as a rabbit?”

This encounter continued until the sojourner, lowering his hand each time he was challenged, grudgingly lowered it until the point where nearly everyone finally concluded that the size of the fowl of Mecca was not significantly different from the size of the local one.

The tale of the fowl of Mecca is a metaphor of our census dilemma. We have spent nearly 60 years counting ourselves and yet, the answer to Nigeria’s census question is: it depends on whose hand is at play.

The Nigerian Population Commission (NPC) estimates that Nigeria is 218 million; the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) puts the figure at “over 200 million”; while the UNFPA and the World Bank estimate Nigeria’s population at between 216 million and 218 million, or thereabouts. 

Former President Goodluck Jonathan even said at a recent event that Nigeria is not 200m. “Far from it,” he reportedly said on April 14. “We should be about 150m.”

As things stand, Nigeria is in the company of Afghanistan, DR Congo, Uzbekistan, Madagascar, Eritrea and Lebanon as countries without a census population. The only thing certain about the Lebanese population, for example, is that there are more Lebanese in the Diaspora than at home!

The recent attempt to have another count in Nigeria, 

already overdue by 17 years, has been postponed indefinitely. After a hasty meeting on Friday night between President Muhammadu Buhari and the Chairman of NPC, Nasir Isa Kwarra, the Federal Government announced that it had decided to let the incoming administration handle the census. 

The postponement did not surprise me. After years of doing nothing, the Board of 36 commissioners and a relatively unknown chairman have become so used to pay and prestige without work that getting any serious census off the ground was always going to be a tough job. 

Ten years ago, former Managing Director of Nigerian Breweries Plc and Chairman of NPC, Festus Odimegwu, was forced to resign his position because he said Nigeria could not have a meaningful census except certain fundamental changes were made. 

He said at the time, “If the current laws are not amended, the planned 2016 census will not succeed.” By that, of course, he meant laws that make the population of states a basis for the sharing of oil revenues and political representation. 

His comment ruffled feathers. President Jonathan who already had his back to the wall sacked Odimegwu to appease deeply offended interests in the North who thought the NPC chairman could not be trusted to conduct a credible census.

It turned out, however, that Jonathan’s sacrifice was neither enough to secure him Northern sympathy in the 2015 election nor did the census hold as planned in 2016. His successor, Muhammadu Buhari, after promising to hold the census in May 2023 has now kicked the can down the road, with no shortage of excuses.

The most obvious one was the shift in the date of the governorship and state house of assembly elections. The NPC said the shift in state elections from March 11 to 18 complicated its original plans to have the census between March 29 and April 2. 

That is potentially true, but mainly false. The shift by one week may have momentarily affected NPC’s planning and execution, but only momentarily. The Commission was not ready, simple. Apart from those in its glass-panelled offices in Abuja and a few staff in the states, NPC has been very busy talking to itself.

It was not the shift in election dates by a week that complicated NPC’s problem. Its unseriousness was worsened by widespread complaints about the failure of the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) bimodal verification system. NPC was deeply worried by the prospects of a flawed count piling on the unresolved BVAS mess.

Another sign of unpreparedness was the questionnaire – the basic instrument for the 2023 census. On April 14, the NPC Director of Public Affairs, Dr. Isiaka Yahaya, was quoted to have said in Kano that the Commission would not ask questions about religion and ethnicity in the census!

Why not? What is it about respondents’ religion and ethnicity that NPC is so afraid of that it desperately wants to expunge from the questionnaire? 

If there was anything that needed a review, it is the often-weaponised “state of origin” which could have been replaced with “state of residence,” for example. But to pretend that it’s OK to strike out religion/non-religion and ethnicity and make us a bunch of aliens is, well, largely alien to population census. I don’t know where this idea is coming from or what NPC hopes to achieve. 

But none of the countries I have searched turned up this demographic insanity. Not India, the world’s largest multi-ethnic democracy, where everything from caste to mother-tongue and migration status is required; not South Africa or Kenya; and certainly not Ghana, Nigeria’s neighbour.

Yet, what these countries have in common, but which Nigeria lacks, is significant degree of reliability in primary data on births, deaths, school enrolments, migrations and so on, managed in secure systems and regularly updated. Without reliable primary data, any census conducted — whether every five, seven or ten years — is a waste of time. And without this data also, no reliable planning or forecast is likely.

It would seem that the real elephant in the room, though, is that the NPC knows the Bola Ahmed Tinubu government would reject the outcome of a census rammed down the country’s throat with only days before President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration leaves. 

They’re dealing with a familiar customer. It was Lagos State, under Tinubu, that dragged the Federal Government to the tribunal over the 2006 census, on grounds that the state’s population had been underreported by nearly half its size. 

The current Lagos Deputy Governor, Femi Hamzat, who was the Commissioner for Science and Technology at the time, produced a book on behalf of the state, entitled, “Errors, Miscalculations and Omissions: The Falsification of Lagos Census Figures,” which essentially said that instead of the 9.1 million which the NPC had awarded the state, its own shadow census showed the state actually had a population of 17.6 million.

Nothing much came out of the legal challenge, but Odimegwu’s complaint seven years later re-echoed the sentiments of Lagos and significantly explains the scramble, this time, to nick the census before May 29.

If Kwarra and his commissioners are deceiving themselves, Buhari knows that Tinubu’s government will not accept any census result under the current circumstances. That is why the census was postponed.

Yet, given the current structure of the country, especially the conservatively dominated National Assembly, it would be difficult to have a credible census, even under Tinubu, without a review of the law that makes population the basis of sharing oil money. 

Under the “horizontal sharing” formula of 26.72 percent of revenue in the federation account, for example, population accounts for 30 percent. This figure could be cut to 10 percent; while internal revenue which currently gets 10 percent could be increased to 30 percent.

Appeals not to politicise the census is empty, self-serving noise. Politicians will not relent, unless there is also a countervailing legislation that ties the extent and scope of Federal intervention in states to the taxes or royalties collected from the states and, fundamentally, to how much wealth the states themselves create.

Nothing short of a drastic action will cut the politics of our census fowl to its true size.

Isn't it amazing that the light of our President-elect is shining all over the planet today and his glory resonates throughout the world?

By the power of God and against all odds he did the impossible by taking on, not just a very taxing, aggressive, strong and effective opposition, but also the Nigerian Deep State and emerged unscathed and victorious.
 
Today, like Louis XIV, the 'Sun King' and greatest of all the French monarchs, he is the "sun around whom everything and everyone revolves" and it gives me immense joy and pride to say so.
 
Today, just as the planets revolve around the sun, mortals revolve around him and his star shines brightly. 
 
It is undoubtedly his moment and he has certainly worked hard for it and earned it.
 
Most importantly God has granted him His grace and mercy, clothed him with favour, honored him with power and given him the crown. 
 
This is the doing of the Lord and it is marvellous in our sight.
 
Despite all he has been put through during, before and after the election and all the malicious lies that have been told about him, he has come out of it with a kind, forgiving, charitable and compassionate heart.
 
He is not only magnanimous in victory but he has also reached out to even his most virulent critics, detractors and enemies by publicly urging and appealing to them to join hands with him to move the nation forward. 
 
This is the stuff of which real leaders and great men are made.
 
It takes courage, strength, honor and fortitude to be forgiving and to seek to tread the path of love, unity and peace.
 
After May 29th he will be the President of ALL Nigerians, both friend a foe, and what a great, wise and mighty leader he will be.
 
A new chapter will be open in the book of our nation and a refreshing and productive era will begin.
 
Like the Biblical King Cyprus, Bola Tinubu will build the broken walls of our country and establish a new and strong foundation of peace, love, unity, prosperity, honor and glory.
 
It will be the first time in our history that a true progressive and reformer with a clear and in-depth understanding of what needs to be done will hold and control the levers of power in our nation and, after a few months, I have no doubt that the difference will be clear and he will make an extraordinary impact.
 
What I have learnt from his example is never to give up or to be deterred no matter what stands in your way and no matter how deep the conspiracy to undermine you and shatter your aspirations and dreams may be.
 
When the story about the obstacles that were put in his way, even by those close to him, is told it will shock and amaze many.
 
Yet that story is for another day and perhaps may never be shared until after he has completed his 8 years in office. 
 
For now it is suffice to say that we followed this great leader and warrior into battle blindly and came out victorious and unscathed.
 
He led us with courage and strength and never faltered even in the darkest hour.
 
At every turn and point his faith in himself, his team, his God and the Nigerian people kept us going and inspired us. 
 
What a great man this is and what a great difference he will make to the fortunes of our nation and people.
 
Thanks be to God.
 
Glory to Nigeria!
 
 
(FFK)

The United States government spends millions of taxpayer dollars promoting and supporting the practice of Democracy in many parts of the world, including Africa. This must mean that Democry matters. But election after election in Africa the impression is often left that the Western World’s most powerful democracies seem to favor order, rather than Democracy in the classic Abraham Lincoln view of a government of the people by the people, for the people.
 The recently concluded, disputed, and contested elections in Nigeria, the World’s third most populous democracy and Africa’s biggest economy, again draws attention to the question: Does democracy really matter?
 
If democracy matters, how should countries that pour significant public monies and civil society resources into promoting the vote, respond to elections in emerging democracies? Even more importantly, does the disposition in favour of order, at the expense of democracy, achieve the goal of preventing violent conflict.
Perspectives abound that suggest the bullying by Western diplomats of opposition politicians in Africa to accept rigged elections, and evident voter suppression, brings quiet, not peace, and beyond the peace of the graveyard, may encourage the bullies down the path of incipient fascism that ultimately results in more violent revolt.
 
In the run-up to the Nigerian elections, I accompanied one of the presidential candidates, Peter Obi, to a visit with the US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Molly Phee.. At the meeting I raised these concerns which come from cumulative evidence from 1999 when I asked former US President Jimmy Carter what he thought of the elections the night of the elections that marked the end of military rule in Nigeria. President Cater had in his company, on the Observer Mission General Collin Powell and others. To my question, the saintly statesman was tongue tied, until help came from an old friend of mine former US Ambasdador to Nigeria Princeton Lyman who pulled me aside and regaled me with their witness to history.  
 
In 2007 when I was candidate for President, I found former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was not so restrained in her upset at the conduct of the elections. At an interaction with her delegation and that of a former Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin the woman who was first of her gender to serve as Secretary of State did not hide her disgust with manipulation of the elections. 
 
Ms Phee offered assurances that President Biden was interested in free and fair elections and had encouraged more diligent effort. 
Weeks later, in the face of egregious abuse in which the electoral umpire, INEC failed to keep its own promise of electronic transmission of results, which had given a boost to voter confidence. Traditional relegation of free and fair democratic elections and stampede towards order and quiet by Western embassies was under way until a second round of voting saw abuses that moved Nigeria close to the Gates of Hotel Rwanda, with ethnic profiling and voter suppression caused both the US and British Diplomatic missions to release critical statements. 
 
Are those statements adequate to assuage those who think Washington and London do not act as if Democracy matters when it is in Africa.
Many doubt that among the anxieties that fan doubts about sincere commitment to Democracy by some Western powers is the widespread evidence the stance of these governments take on election outcome unwittingly encourage the will to completely dominate others by some powerful local politicians who are usually not people of character and service; waning interest in
 
Democracy by the citizens, and ; a persistent crisis of legitimacy for governments that emerge from disputed elections which make economic growth and human progress problematic. 
Like many critics of the pollicies from US on election outcomes I had pointed to these troubling events in a book I wrote four years ago which had the long tittle Why Not - Citizenship, State Capture, Creeping Fascism and the Criminal Hijack of Poltics in Nigeria.
 
The consequences of not having a functional democracy in extant Nigerian reality include today's seson of terrorist attacks and general insecurity, weakening economic performance, and emigration of some of the most talented from Nigeria 
 
The prolonged fragile state status, which comes from bullies getting away with frustrating democracy invariably increases poverty, human misery, and distrust of the West.
Even if the United States has limited interest in being engaged in Africa beyond containing China's growing influence it needs to be guided by ŵhat led it to the current spending on elections support on the continent of Africa. 
 
Superpower proxy wars in Africa during Cold War years, and and resource conflicts had given By the continent political leaders of the type Robert Klitgaard the Economist and Development adviser referred to as "tropical gangsters." 
 
Their stewardship resulted in resource and ethnic conflicts, the age of Afropessimism.
Democracy and the Washington consensus Structural Adjustment programmes were prescribed to save the continent. 
 
The youth of that young continent, where the median age in Nigeria is just over 18 years and who have been exposed by global media and social media to how the rest of the world makes orogress seeks change to catch up with their formerly poorer Asian counterparts but finds a minority old guard using undemocratic means to hold them down.
 
In Nigeria, that generation found a candidate they embraced as their way forward. That candidate, Peter Obi, favoured a view of the public sphere that Jurgen Habermas would welcome as the abode of democracy and modernity, rational public conversation. Focusing on issues and not the usual cult of personality with the trading of insults that elections were known for the Labour Party set a new track for campaigning. 
 
The old guard at first dismissed it as social media distraction, as the establishment did in similar situations in Kenya, Malawi, and elsewhere in Africa where the new thrust for change is birthing surprise Presidents. 
 
Tracking the polls that favored the trend in Africa the old guard panicked and rolled out the old tricks that pushed the emotions. 
 
Reducing Ciitizens to tribesmen and people who think only of self, idiots, in the old Greek ranking of men, by playing on fears, stereotypes and cleavages of religious and Xenophobic nature, and stoking ethnic hatred against market dominant minorities. They deeply injured a country that a few weeks before seemed so united around the Labour party mantra: to unite and secure Nigeria , only three weeks before.
 
The Nigerian Diaspora is understandably disconcerted by these developments in Nigeria. Yhis Diaspora which supplies 70 percent of the black Doctors in the US and perhaps the most highly educated migrant nationality group in North America should be the link to a more purposeful engagement by the United States that can show democracy really matters.
As poster child of Democracy on our planet in desperate search for role models, the United States needs to signal with urgency that democracy matters in Africa and that getting Nigeria right is where to start. 
 
The ultimate truth is that Democracy matters and that sustainable peace and progress can only come from the sunlight of democracy and quality leaders. This truth as Winston Churchill says is incontrovertible: malice may attack it, ignorance deride but in the end there it is.
 
Patrick Utomi is a Professor at the Lagos Business School and a Le ader of the Labour Party in Nigeria

The latest in a series of some partisan editorials by some of this country’s newspapers seeking to rewrite recent history was published by the Punch newspaper paper this weekend, painting a bleak, pessimistic and frequently inaccurate picture of the state of our nation and outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari’s leadership.

In this post-election period of heightened tension and disinformation, we see it fit to set the record straight.

 

First let’s start with the one thing the editorial gets right: that President Buhari inherited an economy in disarray. Corruption ran rampant, oil-prices were nose-diving and – astoundingly – an international terror cell, the Boko Haram controlled territory the size of Belgium within our country’s borders.

That so-called country, the Caliphate is unrecognizable from today’s Nigeria.

Today, corruption is thrust out in the open by Buhari’s landmark whistleblowing policy, empowering Nigerians to report it without fear and seeing the repatriation of hundreds of millions of dollars stolen by corrupt politicians and stashed in banks abroad.

Terrorists no longer hold any territory in Nigeria whatsoever, and their leaders have been neutralised by our security forces.

Economy has witnessed growth. External reserves have maintained a healthy growth throughout these eight years.

Within two years of the Buhari administration, exports more than doubled from the 2015 records. Agriculture exports grew 180.7% by 2017 above the value in 2015.

Raw material exports grew 154.2% in the same period; solid minerals grew 565% and exports of manufactured goods 26.8%.

The Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP), the Federal Government’s medium-term Economic Plan, launched by President Buhari in April 2017, successfully ushered in a macroeconomic environment and helped the country to achieve food security.

 

The editorial begrudgingly credits President Buhari for the “massive success” of pushing through the Petroleum Industry Bill – a staggering achievement attempted but failed by myriad previous administrations – as well as the vast improvements to national infrastructure that have set our country on course for sustainable and equitable growth.

The reality of President Buhari and his legacy is a far cry indeed from what the editorial describes as a leader who “failed to demonstrate any real grasp of modern economic ideas, and lacked the presence of mind or leadership acumen required to turn the ailing economy around”. Goodness!

Which economic miracle worker in Punch newspaper can turn round an economy which suffers from collapse of oil prices, COVID-19 lockdown and associated supply chain crisis and the Russia-Ukraine war?

 

Look around the world and see how practically every country struggles from these disasters.

But President Buhari is not a North Korean dictator. He would be scornful of any world leader who claimed a perfect record and would be the last person to make such claims for himself.

He had his strengths and his weaknesses, and applied the former and mitigated against the latter to achieve his overarching goal: to leave Nigeria a better place than he found it. In that he succeeded.

 

He presided over the most turbulent period in modern Nigerian history, helping our nation navigate through global shocks such as volatile oil prices, the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the global cost of living crisis.

He kept the ship steady, and paved the way for his successor, President-elect Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to take the reins at the end of this month and build upon what he has already achieved.

 

The editorial states that Buhari will not be missed. We shall see. But, countless Nigerians whose futures he has improved, will fondly remember him for good.

Among these, to take just one aspect or two- the two million poor and vulnerable Nigerian households that are currently benefiting from the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) program, which pays a bimonthly stipend of N10,000 per household; the 355,000 vulnerable persons have received a special one-off grant of N20,000 each in the 36 states and the FCT; the beneficiaries of Nigeria’s Micro-Pension Scheme which allows self-employed persons and persons working in organisations with less than 3 employees to save for the provision of pension at retirement or incapacitation.

Punch possibly doesn’t have a record of the government’s Survival Fund, the National Youth Investment Fund, and National Special Public Works Program (774,000 beneficiaries across 774 LGAs nationwide), and the Central Bank’s COVID-19 N300 billion Targeted Credit Facility (TCF) to support millions of small businesses, households, and young people, with federal grants, loans, and stipends.

This Survival Fund has provided grants (Payroll Support, Artisan and Transport Sector grants, and General MSME grants) to more than 1.2 million beneficiaries, since the last quarter of 2020. It has also provided free business registration to 250,000 MSMEs across the country.

Nor will he be forgotten by the owners of the new 40 plus fertilizer companies and the thousands of people they employ, producing locally to service the more than 12 million new rice growers who in turn provide six million tons of paddy processed by more 100 new rice mills with Kano alone having 62, and others spreading far and wide to Ebonyi, Lagos, Ekiti, Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe, Kaduna, Katsina and others.

No, Punch should stop living in denial. These ones and their kith and kin making up the 200 million plus citizens of our country, the teachers whose backlog of unpaid salaries were paid and the pensioners from years yore, denied payment and treated with contempt now smiling their way to the banks will remember positively that Muhammadu Buhari came, saw and he conquered.

Garba Shehu is the Senior Special Assistant to the President (Media & Publicity)

President Buhari has come to judgment. After exercising presidential power, judgment follows. Pricked by pangs of conscience on the last Sallah Day, Buhari realized that he committed many injustices against numerous Nigerians during his 8-year misrule. Consequently, he apologized to Nigerians and begged for their pardon. “God gave me an incredible opportunity to serve the country. We are all human, and if I have hurt some people along the line of my service to the country, I ask that they pardon me… All those whom I have hurt, I ask that they pardon me,” said a seemingly remorseful Buhari.

President Buhari has destroyed the lives of countless Nigerians during his 8-year misrule. Therefore, it is not surprising that he is now sitting in judgment with his conscience. A man reaps whatever he sows. The obligation to avoid inflicting physical or psychological harm on others is a primary ethical teaching of Prophet Mohammed (blessings and peace of Allah be upon him). “He who causes harm will be harmed by Allah, and he who acts in a hostile manner will be treated in a hostile manner by Allah” (Jami’al-Tirmidhi, No. 1306). Unfortunately, the Buhari administration has caused tremendous harm to many Nigerians. As we speak, many Nigerians, young and old, are leaving the country in search of the so-called greener pastures abroad. And if the mass exodus of Nigerian medical doctors from Nigeria to Europe and America is not arrested now, there will be fewer or no medical doctors available in Nigeria by 2030. Writhing under the pains of suffocating Buhari’s policies, many multinationals shut down their operations in Nigeria, while others simply fired their staff. From 2016-2018, for example, 9.3 million Nigerians lost their jobs. From 2015-2018, poverty in Nigeria tremendously increased. Nigeria has now taken over from India as the poverty capital of the world. According to the African Development Bank (ADB) Nigeria Economic Outlook, about 152 million Nigerians live on less than $2 a day, representing approximately 80% of the country’s estimated population of 190 million.

The United States Department of State has issued a damning assessment of Buhari’s government. In the 48-page Human Rights Violation Report, it stated that impunity remained widespread at all levels of government in Nigeria during Buhari’s reign. It notes that the Buhari government lacks transparency. The report also indicted the Buhari government for not adequately investigating or holding police or military personnel accountable for many extrajudicial killings. The Buhari government came to power on the mantra of fighting corruption. But tragically, the Buhari government is now defined by corruption. For example, the United States Human Rights Report has scored President Buhari’s government low for corruption. The Report states, among other things, “Although the law provides criminal penalties for conviction of official corruption, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Massive, widespread, and pervasive corruption affected all levels of government and the security services.”

Buhari’s currency redesign policy is still inflicting pain on Nigerians. Imagine having money in your bank account and not being able to access it because of a badly-conceived currency redesign policy. Imagine bank customers endlessly queuing up under the sun to access their own money in the bank. I gather that many hospitalized sick Nigerians have died simply because their relatives were unable to withdraw money from the banks to purchase drugs for the deceased. Is this not a sin that cries to heaven for vengeance?

At the twilight of the 2023 Election, Buhari promised Nigeria and the international community that he would leave a legacy of a free and fair 2023 election in his 8-year tenure. Now, it is no longer news that INEC organized the most rigged election in the history of elections in Nigeria. Why has President Buhari not queried or sacked the INEC chair Prof Mahmood Yakubu for organizing the most scandalous election in Nigeria?

The foregoing attests that President Buhari has failed in office. Buhari’s suffocating policies have led to the deaths of many Nigerians. This is why the man is laboring in vain to pacify his conscience, which has adjudged him a failure. A guilty person might escape human justice wrought in the court of law; they might take flight from their guilt through ingenious rationalization, but they cannot escape from the ultimate justice in the recesses of their conscience. The natural law is written in the heart of every rational person. Therefore, every rational person, whether they are Christian, Muslim, Buddhist, atheist, Marxist, internet free-thinker, juju worshipper, agnostic, animist, or otherwise, is under the judgment of the natural law written in their heart. For example, in one of the tragedies of Sophocles, the woman Antigone sought permission from the King to give her dead brother a burial befitting a human being. But the King refused because the dead brother was adjudged an enemy of the State. However, Antigone approached the King and told him that there was another law (natural law) higher than the King’s law, which obliged the King to give her brother a proper burial. Antigone was neither a Christian nor a Muslim. She had never read the Bible or the Koran, yet she recognized a higher law, the law of conscience, which obliged the King to give her brother a befitting burial. When we commit an injustice, our consciences continue to torture us until we make amends.

There is this anecdote of some Japanese ladies who had committed several abortions in their youthful days. Pricked by their consciences, they went and molded some effigies that actually looked like the babies they had murdered, placed them one by one on a platform, and started bowing before these effigies, asking them for forgiveness for the murders they had committed. This is natural law at work. In Dostoevsky’s epic work, Crime and Punishment, Raskolnikov tried to erase his crime from his heart by ingenious rationalization, but upon discovering the inescapable basis for ultimate justice in his heart, he went to Siberia and served an eight-year prison term to appease his conscience.

Therefore, if Buhari really wants to appease his conscience and have a restful and peaceful retirement in Daura or Niger Republic, he should make amends or reparations for the many injustices he committed against Nigerians. Allah will treat him the way he treats others. Allah will not have mercy on him unless he has mercy on others. Therefore, President Buhari should treat people well in the remaining days of his tenure. He should show mercy to others to enjoy mercy and peace in Daura. He should show kindness. Allah loves those who are kind. Therefore, President Buhari should order the release of all prisoners unjustly detained in Nigerian correctional centers, including Nnamdi Kanu, who, in actual fact, has been discharged and acquitted by the court but is deliberately left to languish in prison. Buhari should also ensure that his government obeys all pending court orders served on it.

Ninety percent of President Buhari’s key political appointees are from his part of the country, and he refused to alter this imbalance in conformity with the pluralistic and multi-ethnic nature of Nigerian society and the Federal Character principle as enshrined in section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution. Now, as he is quitting office, how would Allah judge him for this act of injustice? The Golden Rule states, “Honesty is the best policy.” Allah, the Exalted and Glorious, says, “stand firm for justice…even if it be against yourselves, your parents, and your relatives.” Therefore, Buhari should stand firm for justice and correct the lopsided political appointments in his government before he leaves office to avoid his conscience torturing him when he retires to Daura. He should also order for the arrest and prosecution of INEC chair Prof Mahmoud Yakubu for squandering a gargantuan sum of N3O5 Billion in organizing the most chaotic and rigged election in Nigeria. There is no doubt that Prof. Yakubu is a big disgrace to Nigeria. Therefore, justice demands that Buhari should fire Prof. Yakubu before he (Buhari) leaves office.

Ethical conduct is the anchor of the Islamic personality of a Muslim. There is an obligation on Muslims to improve and enhance the welfare of others, including care for the sick. But President Buhari cares no hoot about the welfare of the sick. Rather than improve and re-equip the existing public hospitals in Nigeria so that many sick Nigerians could go there for medical treatment, Buhari prefers going for medical tourism in London to cater for his own health. Therefore, in his remaining days in office, Buhari should show mercy to sick Nigerians. He should visit the hospitals and console the sick patients there. If President Buhari wants peace in his retirement, he should ensure that the daughter of Zion and conscience of Nigeria, Leah Sharibu, regains her freedom. Otherwise, the bad prayer of this girl will never allow Buhari to enjoy peace in his retirement. President Buhari has not only over-borrowed money but also misused the borrowed money in inanities. In fact, Nigeria’s rising debt profile spells doom for the incoming government.

Therefore, if Buhari wants peace in his retirement, he should team up with the incoming government to rein in Nigeria’s debt. Buhari is very conscious of his place in history. He is afraid that history will judge him harshly and negatively. But he should not forget that he has repeatedly promised to end insecurity in Nigeria. Even in March 2023, the President reiterated his government’s commitment to winning the war against terrorism and other forms of insecurity. The truth of the matter however is that insecurity in Nigeria has worsened despite Buhari’s assurances that he will defeat insecurity before leaving office. As Buhari leaves office without fulfilling his aforesaid promise, it is doubtful whether he will enjoy peace in his retirement.

On 29th August 2015, just three months after he was sworn-in, President Muhammadu Buhari disowned two ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign documents containing promises of the achievements he would make during his first 100 days in office. A statement from Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mallam Garba Shehu said Buhari had no knowledge of most of the promises being ascribed to him which he said emanated from the party’s “many centres of public communication which, for whatever reason, were on the loose.”

However, Garba Shehu also added that even within three months, Nigerians could see the difference between Buhari and predecessors. “In the area of economic management, Nigerians are already seeing things happen that they thought were not possible in so short a time”, Shehu stated. “He didn’t put a Kobo to finance the power sector. Yet, reading his body language alone and knowing that there are things you cannot do and get away with under Buhari, electricity supply all over the country has risen to unprecedented heights.” 

After highlighting the administration’s achievements in less than 100 days at the time, Garba Shehu concluded: “President Buhari will turn out to be a leader in the tradition of Lee Kuan Yew and India’s current reform-minded Prime Minister Modi with strong and clear emphasis on detail and execution. He may, however, differ with them by not micro-managing things.” 

With just about 25 days to the end of his tenure, it is left to be seen whether the president will be remembered like the late Singaporean leader. Incidentally, there were indeed many promises ascribed to Buhari before he came to power in 2015. We were for instance told that Buhari would conjure a Naira to command the same value as a dollar, sell all the aircraft in the presidential fleet, ban public officials from seeking medical treatment abroad, publicly declare his assets etc. Of course, none of that happened. 

As Nigerians reflect on what has transpired in the past eight years, the president has also been doing his own introspection. Receiving visitors on what would be his last Eid-el-Fitr ceremony as president two weeks ago, Buhari thanked Nigerians for the honour to serve them for two terms between 2015 and 2023. He also sought forgiveness from those he might have offended while discharging his duties. “I can’t wait to go home to Daura,” said Buhari in the remark that has since drawn flak. “If they make any noise to disturb me in Daura, I will leave for the Niger Republic. I deliberately arranged to be as far away as possible. I got what I wanted and will quietly retire to my hometown.” 

There can be no doubt that the president has got all he ever wanted out of Nigeria. The question is whether Nigerians have fulfilled their aspirations under his leadership. If one gauges responses to Buhari’s ‘apology plea’, the conclusion would be that the president has failed on his campaign promises to the country. But I beg to disagree with that. Since presidential handlers told us from the outset that most of the pre-election promises in 2015 were “audio” to borrow a famous slang, we can only hold Buhari accountable for the promises he made personally. And in that regard, there is no better place to look than his inaugural speech. 

While the president may have made several promises at his inauguration on 29th May 2015, one stands out, even though it was plagiarized from a 1958 speech of the late Charles de Gaulle of France without taking account of the context: “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” 

That famous line has been the guiding philosophy of the Buhari administration in the past eight years. For instance, three key areas that Buhari promised to focus on are: fighting corruption; revamping the economy; and tackling insecurity. A lot has been done by this administration, especially in infrastructure. I am sure fair-minded Nigerians will agree with some of the achievements listed in the 90-page ‘factsheet’ released by the presidential media team. But not a few will also remember that in a rare interview in 2014, a year before he came to power, Buhari dismissed the subsidy regime in the downstream sector of the Petroleum industry as a scam. ‘Who is subsidising who?’ he had asked.  

In January, Reuters reported that Nigeria spent $9.7 billion (N4.39 trillion at official rate) on fuel subsidy in 2022. If we extrapolate from that, we can imagine how many trillions of Naira we have wasted on subsidy in the past eight years. Buhari of course has signed off on its removal. But that is scheduled to happen two days after he must have left office and relocated to Daura! That’s the hallmark of a man who is for everybody and for nobody. The same can be said regarding the management of other critical sectors, which explains the crisis of mission dogging Buhari’s administration. Meanwhile, a leader that is for everybody and nobody is basically telling us that he is only for himself!

In my 19th April 2018 column, ‘A National Security Endangered’, I summed up the indifference of Buhari when it comes to dealing with the security sector. Because the tragic fallouts of that episode remain unresolved, I crave the indulgence of readers to rehash parts of what I wrote five years ago so we can see how being for everybody and for nobody accounts for the insecurity that defines our country today.  

Inter-agency frictions have long been apparent under the current dispensation, especially following what transpired in the Senate during the confirmation hearing of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFFC) Acting Chairman, Mr Ibrahim Magu. The Directorate of State Security (DSS) wrote a damning report, depicting Magu unworthy of the office for which he was nominated by the president.  

Last weekend, there were reports in some online media quoting both the DSS Director General, Mr Lawal Daura, and the National Security Adviser (NSA), Major General Babagana M. Monguno (rtd), as trading damaging allegations. The media stories were based on the Senate ‘Report of the Ad Hoc committee on investigation of the arrest episodes of Tuesday 21st November 2017 among officers of EFCC, NIA and DSSS’, a copy of which I obtained yesterday.  

Since President Buhari came to power with the promise to restore the economy, fight corruption and tackle general insecurity in the country, it is hard to believe that those who head the agencies expected to deliver on two of those main planks are not only bitter enemies but are fighting openly to subvert one another, and in the process, the system. That is the only conclusion to draw from the Senate report which then explains why the country has practically been reduced to a killing field where entrepreneurs of violence ply their nefarious trade everywhere, almost unchallenged by the state.  

The story started on 22nd November 2017 when the attention of the Senate was drawn to a botched arrest drama involving EFCC officials and operatives of the Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA) and DSS. After taking both oral and written testimonies from all the principal actors, the Senate concluded that the acrimonious relationship between and among those manning our security agencies “was noticed from the outset of the investigation, leading the committee to conduct the hearings in camera as well as holding separate meetings with the security agencies. This lack of cooperation and cohesion is reflected at a secondary level with the EFCC and the NSA belonging to one group and the NIA and DSS belonging to another group.”    

When he appeared before the Senate committee, Magu submitted a memorandum and gave oral testimony. According to the report, the highlights of his submissions were that the EFCC operatives were on a legitimate mission before they were obstructed by heavily armed operatives from the two security agencies: DSS and NIA. “Upon arrival at the aforementioned address, the Commission’s operatives met heavily armed personnel of the DSS numbering about thirty (30) with three (3) operational vehicles. In a bid to carry out our legitimate duty, the (EFCC) operatives approached the DSS personnel at the gate, introduced themselves and requested to see the former Director-General, Mr. Ita E. Ekpenyong. Their response to the operatives was ‘No’. Upon further inquiry and presentation of Warrant of Arrest, they responded as follows: ‘We are under instruction from the Headquarters’.” A similar situation, according to Magu, occurred at the residence of Oke whose official residence was also defended by heavily armed NIA officials.  

Meanwhile, Daura, who also submitted a memorandum and appeared before the committee contradicted the claims by Magu. He traced the standoff between the agencies to the events that occurred in July 2016, “in the aftermath of the inauguration of the probe panel set up by the NSA, upon the approval of the President to investigate Defence procurement from 2014 to 2015.” According to Daura, shortly after the commencement of investigation, “operatives of the DSS serving on the panel were removed by the NSA, leaving members from the Military, NIA and EFCC to continue the investigation. Thereafter, the DSS acting on intelligence discovered that some Ad-Hoc members were brought in by the NSA to serve on the committee. These Ad-Hoc members were later found to be involved in some shady deals, which bordered on corrupt practices. The Service subsequently arrested Mohammed Umar (Air Commodore/Rtd), the arrowhead of the members involved in extorting money from suspects under investigation to give them soft landing. At the end of investigation, he (Umar) was arraigned in court and is presently being prosecuted at the Federal High Court, Abuja.”  

Daura argued that because both Monguno and Magu were unhappy about the arrest and prosecution of Umar, “they decided to embark on a vendetta to investigate the Service on some trumped-up charges, including corrupt practices. The starting point of this was the invitation sent to Ita Ekpenyong and Kunle Kadiri, former Director-General State Services (DGSS) and Head of Account of the DSS, respectively.”  

The investigation, Daura contends “was actually a voyage of discovery to fish out incriminating evidence against the Service with a view to depict it and the Management as being corrupt…The Service discovered that this effort by the Commission was part of a clandestine investigation of DSS accounts by a team set up by the NSA in collaboration with the EFCC Acting Chairman in complete violation of extant laws pertaining to financial regulations of the Service.”

Daura quoted the extant laws which he said forbid what Monguno and Magu were trying to do except with the express permission of the president or the EFCC Board (of which he is statutorily a member along with the CBN Governor, Attorney General of the Federation and 15 other stakeholders). He then declared: “The method (brawn instead of brain) deployed by the current EFCC under Magu is a Gestapo style that belongs to dictatorial regimes. The Acting Chairman runs the agency based on public rumours, maneouvers, gossips, political interferences from certain quarters and Marabouts.”  

In his written and oral testimonies, the then Acting NIA Director General, Ambassador Mohammed Dauda (who has since been replaced) said there was no official communication to the agency from the EFCC on the exact mission of its operatives to the official residence of his predecessor, Oke and that he got wind of it only from the media. “It was the expectation of the DG NIA that a prior notice would be served on the Agency by the EFCC, particularly against the backdrop of the fact that the former DG NIA was still resident in the Command House (official residence of a serving DGNIA), while in the process of handing-over in line with extant practice. By virtue of its status, the Command House is a critical National Security Asset with sensitive documents and equipment. Accordingly, the attempt to storm the Command House to effect an arrest had far-reaching national security implications”, according to the report.  

The report added: “Resistance against the EFCC by operatives of the NIA consequently served a larger national interest, to maintain the sanctity of the Agency, its operatives and sensitive security assets in the Flag House. The NIA is a Secret Service, whose operations are clandestine and highly classified. Accordingly, it is imperative to shield the Agency from further negative publicity. He regretted that the EFCC under Magu has been hostile to and uncooperative with the NIA leading to the massive withdrawal of NIA operatives from the services of the EFCC.”  

The last to give evidence was Monguno who admitted knowledge of the letter submitted to his office by Daura but disregarded it because “it was written in a distasteful and impolite tone.” Monguno, according to the report, traced the “ongoing investigation by the EFCC as an outcome of the Vice-President’s Panel which discovered the misappropriation of $289 Million Intervention which was released by the CBN to some Security Agencies around 2015”, although he also added that “he was not aware of the EFCC Chairman’s plan to arrest any of the persons until after the media frenzy and that the resistance made by the Security Agencies during the arrest episode cast some aspersions.” 

Monguno expressed concerns about the apparent lack of unity and cooperation which has led to the current state of disharmony amongst the sister agencies. “He said that this resulted due to the National Security Agencies Decree 1986 which has stripped the NSA of the power to check the other security agencies that have now become independent of his office due to their now ‘easy’ access to the President. Thus, there is a desperate need to streamline the Agencies and make them answerable to the NSA.” 

The most critical part of the report is the claim that Monguno “informed the Senators during the meeting that the President is evidence of the state of things as he has informed him of the situation and also presented evidences of some instances in which his duties were usurped due to the lack of discipline exhibited by the Security Agencies…He harped on the fact that failure to arrest this situation would have transnational implications as the hierarchical structure for command has been compromised.”

What is baffling to most observers is how President Buhari has allowed the institutions of national security to be freely carved up into clashing and competing private fiefdoms of ambitious and lawless chieftains who have carried their fights into the public arena. Tragically, it is this dysfunction between the security agencies and the unhealthy rivalry among their heads that has led to the current state of general insecurity in the country.  

ENDNOTE: 

In 2016, two years before I wrote the foregoing, Special Adviser to the president on Media and Publicity, Mr Femi Adesina authored a controversial piece, ‘President Muhammadu Buhari and the descendants of Shimei’, where he likened his principal to King David, easily one of the most important Bible characters; and his critics to “descendants of Shimei’’, a member of the family of the displaced King Saul who once publicly humiliated King David. In response a few months later, I wrote ‘Of President Buhari and King David’. The conclusion I drew more than five years ago is still as apt today as it was then: Ordinarily, the president of a republic sees himself in the least of his citizens; their joy is his uplift; their sorrow is his personal anguish. In times of travail, he goes to places where people are hurting and empathises with them. His visit is not ceremonial; it is in the line of active duty. In a monarchy, the leader is king. He is above the people and sees gestures of empathy even in dire circumstances as condescension. The fracture in the polity is somehow traceable to this very disconnect. 

In case the president and his handlers have forgotten, let me remind them. Even though he proposed no set of values beyond a ‘body language’ that, on the face of recent developments, might have been wrongly interpreted by many Nigerians, Buhari was elected president to serve as a moral compass—a leader who would need no prompting before choosing between right and wrong in the conduct of public affairs. Unfortunately, that is not what has transpired under his stewardship. And since moral authority, according to Ken Robinson, is intertwined with legitimacy, “once the confidence and trust in a leader’s moral authority is seriously questioned, once it becomes obvious that their moral compass is off, their ability to lead is undermined and challenged.” 

In 25 days, President Buhari will be out of office. In a way, he has already written the epitaph for his administration. He promised to be for everybody and for nobody. Against the background of what has happened in Nigeria in the past eight years, it will be difficult to argue that Buhari has not fulfilled that promise. And one final point: In case President Buhari feels offended by this column or any that I have written in the past eight years about him or his administration, I also seek his forgiveness!

 

Nigerian universities come up in the news these days to announce either the inauguration of new dress codes or the revival of dormant rules. Fixating on appearance is not new in Nigeria, but the frequency—especially by academic institutions—in the past months is head-scratching. Hardly a month passes these days without some university or polytechnic issuing a sartorial decree.

One can trace this mania to several factors. First, we are a culture that insistently regulates every sphere of life, and we cannot but extend that attitude to other people’s virtues. The orientation stems from our political history when our consciousness was militarised to the point that we are now a country of few producers but many regulators. You can detect the dictatorial bent in the language of the university bulletins where they announce they are “banning” certain sartorial items “with immediate effect.” Second, the rise of faith-based universities, similarly preoccupied with squeezing out virtue from students by any means necessary, puts some pressure on public universities to join in and play a lead role in this unfolding morality play.

 

Third is the painful fact that our tertiary institutions are just not busy enough. Industrialisation potentials in Nigeria have whittled due to serial poor leadership, and universities do not have research and development goals set for them. When an academic institution thus cannot produce knowledge for society, its energies get recalibrated towards administration and not much else. Chasing after students over their appearance or, in some cases, inaugurating a task force to do so gives these schools a sense of motion and mission. Since they cannot impact their immediate world meaningfully through their research and maybe even teaching, they turn to the Hisbah. The result of their preoccupation is that hardly a month goes by without one or more of these schools, in the bid to outdo each other in this ostentatious expression of their moral bona fides, announce which adornment they would be banning.

Time and space will not allow me to catalogue all the examples, but I will share enough to demonstrate the ridiculous extent these schools have gone to prove their virtues. Niger Delta University Vice Chancellor, Samuel Edoumiekumo, announced that students would wear uniforms. For a sum ranging between N20,000 and N30,000, the school would, of course, supply the uniforms. Students protested the directive and the university backed down. The compromise was to “ban” indecent dressing and enforce dress codes. Rivers State University similarly “banned” students from “wearing miniskirts, ankle chains (anklets or ankle bracelets), false eyelashes, tattoos, and any item of clothing that might be considered indecent.” The Vice-chancellor of Godfrey Okoye University, Christian Anieke, similarly “banned” indecent dressing for staff and students. Anieke lamented that most students and staff wear t-shirts with “unauthorised” inscriptions and “ordered” male students to comb or shave their hair properly.

Lagos State University did not stop at proclaiming a ban on “indecent” clothing such as miniskirts, face caps, rolled sleeves, etc., the Vice Chancellor, Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, also asked lecturers to deny students that flout the rules access to lecture halls. So, as a LASU lecturer, you are not only to teach and research, but your range of skills must also include leering at female students wearing clothes “revealing sensitive parts of the body” to chase them out of class. Before teaching students, you must take some time to spot the ones with “lousy, unkempt, extremely bogus hair or coloured artificial hair, brightly tinted hair/eyelashes/brown, fixing of long eyelashes, nails and artificial dreadlock” to deny classroom access. If a male student wears jewellery, plaits his hair, they cannot possibly learn and must be chased out of class too. The LASU circular also noted a ban on “tattered,” “tight fighting clothes,” and “unkempt hair.” That makes you wonder if those who write these rules give a thought to their classism. What if some students wear tattered/tight clothes or unkempt hair simply because they are poor?

The University of Ilorin has a Dress Code Committee and Ahmadu Bello University’s dress codes even extend to the university staff and visitors. The Polytechnic Ibadan  did not stop at hounding “indecent” dressers, certain acts such as hugging a fellow student, wearing nose rings (or an additional earring) and wearing face caps “unconventionally” (?) are all major sins that will attract a semester suspension. I could keep going on relating the absurd obsession with regulating appearance by giving examples from schools such as Kwara State University; the University of Maiduguri; Federal Polytechnic, Anambra; University of Calabar; Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University; University of Ibadan; Abia State University, and many others, but you already get the point by now.

This hyperfocus on the dress by Nigerian public universities trying too hard to reform moral decline is not limited to the administrative cadre. On Google scholar, there are several articles written by academics in these schools to support one “ban” or the other on appearance. These allegedly academic articles first pontificate about the “moral crisis” engendered in society through the loss of cultural values and now being heightened by dressing. Some of these pieces even round off their poorly conceived thoughts with clichés such as “the way you are dressed is the way you are addressed.” Addressing people merely based on their dress is an error of judgment. It means those who lack virtue but can afford to dress well deserve more reverence than their less privileged counterparts who might be truly virtuous. If what people wear determines their morality, does that mean that the pre-modern societies where people did not wear clothes lacked virtue? If clothes are truly a mark of one’s morality, does that mean that the virtues of the Nigerian political class—almost always resplendently dressed in massive agbadas—is given?

The thing is, when a society is going through a phase where there is such anxiety about values and emphasis on regulating conduct (especially of its younger generation) such as this, at least two things are likely to be ongoing: first is that the crisis of morality that people are sensing and reacting to by instituting codes of conduct must be real. Those people might not be able to put their finger on it, but their intuition is correct that something is very rotten in the state. You only need to look at our society to agree that their sense of moral crisis is accurate. So, yes, people are justifiably disgusted by the putrefying odour wafting through their nostrils and sincerely anxious to trace its source.

Second, it is also likely that those who try their hardest to find out where things are wrong embody that rottenness. Traditionally, institutions like universities are a moral force within society because they are spaces where ideas of its value systems are formed and reformed. Through the power of thought, the university informs and impresses a culture of conscience to advance society’s understanding of itself. Their responsibility of moral preparation goes in tandem with similar institutions such as the family, religious and social organisations, and even the media. Wherever the values these institutions jointly uphold are strong, the society gains commensurate ethical strength. When they are weak, the rot is palpable.

Students’ dressing “indecently” to school is therefore not the evidence of moral decline as those making and enforcing dress codes imagine. No, the rottenness is symbolised in a university that no longer represents a space of intellectual and moral learning. Rather than reckon with the ethical decline within society and the overall institutional degradation that stymies serious ideological responses to these issues, university administrators respond in the most superficial ways by banning the least of all culprits – dress.

 
Last Monday was Workers’ Day or Labour Day as some call it. Here in Nigeria, it is usually a public holiday declared by both the Federal and State governments and keyed into by even the private sector employers of labour. It is a day when workers gather in stadiums and sundry other open or public spaces to march, with their leaders making fiery speeches in which they lampoon and lambast the government and other employers of labour and make demands that speak to the grievances of workers and what they expect government and other employers of labour to do to address them. The day is celebrated to also raise awareness about the rights of the working class as well as protect workers from exploitation. It serves as a reminder of the importance of workers in any society. On May 1st of every year, workers proudly identify themselves as such for, as they say, there is dignity in labour and no worker should, thus, be ashamed of his or her station in life, especially where their political consciousness of the immense powers that they wield has been raised to the point of their understanding the rallying cry of the Communist manifesto as encapsulated in “Workers of all countries, unite!” They have nothing but their chains to lose!
 
As a greenhorn at the then Ibadan-based Sketch newspapers, one of the earliest beats that I covered was Labour. Those were the days when the Nigeria Labour Congress headquarters was at Yaba, not far from the popular Tejuoso market. Comrade Hassan Sunmonu, whom I regard as the last authentic NLC president, held sway while easy-going Lasisi Osunde was the scribe. Some of the colleagues with whom I covered the beat were Owei Lakemfa, Kayode Komolafe, Funmi Jolaoso, Nurudeen Alao, Muyiwa Adekeye, among others. It was a mixture of fun and boisterous ideological engagements in those days; what with the radicals and ideologues recruited fresh from the university by the NLC leadership; the likes of John Odah, Christ Uyot, Issa Aremu, Femi Aborishade, Salisu Mohammed,to mention but a few. Those were the days when an NLC leader sneezed and the military dictators caught cold. No more!
 
The story is told of one Workers Day ceremony attended in person by the then military dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (IBB). Workers were angry with the government and showed it in the placards they carried and the songs they sang while marching past. When it was time for the NLC president, Comrade Paschal Bafyau, to climb the rostrum and make his speech, he reportedly leaned towards IBB and said, “Your Excellency, permission to yab you small!” And IBB responded, “Permission granted!” Comrade Paschal mounted the rostrum and delivered a fiery speech that would make the country’s iconoclast and Labour Leader Number One, Michael Imoudu, green with envy in his grave. Of course, the whole stadium cheered and cheered. Done, Paschal marched majestically back to his seat, leaned towards IBB again and said, “Thank you, Your Excellency. You can see that they are happy!”
 
The story is also told of another NLC leader during the tenure of former President Olusegun Obasanjo who would lead workers on protests against fuel price increase in the daytime but retreat to Aso Villa in the cover of the night for settlement and tete-a-tete with the president. Little wonder, then, that nothing much was gained by the workers despite repeated protests. The days of dedicated and honest Labour leaders committed to the protection and advancement of the interest of workers are far gone. May the good old days return! Nigerian workers need it! Leadership deficiency apart - and benefitting from that is the lackadaisical attitude of government to issues concerning workers’ welfare – but the greatest danger that workers will confront head-on in the years to come is technology; ChatGTP to be precise. Only an illiterate and self-destructive government treats its workforce shabbily but turns round to expect quality service from it. As you make your bed, so will you lie on it! But technology has no such inhibitions. I wouldn't know if Labour leaders are already thinking about the loss of jobs that the new ChatGTP technology will unleash on their rank and file and the massive loss of check-off dues that this will entail. As robots take the place of workers in factories, offices, workplaces and even in homes, what does the future hold for workers and their bourgeois leaders? How many wives, for example, will lose their home to Madam Robot?   
 
Last Monday, I wasn't marching with Labour but the day met me at the YMCA campground at Ibeshe, opposite Dangote refinery. I and my team had been invited by an officer of the Association, Comrade Mike Onilude. It was fun as there was a lot to eat and drink. YMCA chapters came from all over Lagos – Yaba, Festac, Amuwo-Odofin, Oshodi, Lagos Island, Agege, Alimosho, name it. Table tennis and novelty football matches kept the picnickers entertained even as music blared from the loudspeakers. The traditional ruler of Ibeshe was represented by three of his chiefs. Medals were presented to those who participated in the novelty match, which ended in a one-one draw. Some officials were recognised and awarded medals for their contributions to the Association. Funds were raised and children, the young and the young-at-heart enjoyed themselves to the hilt. The rains – a downpour in the real sense of the word – brought proceedings to an abrupt end after a few hours and when proceedings were already coasting home to their final destination. Pledges were made to make next year’s event more entertaining.
 
According to reports, “The first Young Men Christian Association (YMCA) organized group in Nigeria was formed in the city of Kano in 1925 but that local church-based group soon faded away until 1944 when the Lagos YMCA Central Club, which later developed into the Lagos YMCA, was formed. Taking a cue from Lagos, YMCA groups sprang up in other cities and towns. YMCA work in Nigeria was further advanced by YMCA movements in the UK (1958), International Committee of the YMCAs of the USA and Canada (1963) and German YMCA (1964). In 1962, the National Council of YMCAs of Nigeria was formed as an umbrella body of autonomous local associations.
 
However, it was through the formation of the National Council that the YMCAs of Nigeria applied and were registered with the World Council of YMCAs at the meeting in Tosanzo, Japan in 1964 under the founding National President, the late Chief Timothy Oluwole Oyesina. It was through this registration and affiliation that the franchise of the international YMCA family was brought to the National Council and subsequently to the local associations. YMCA work suffered a serious setback during the three-year civil war period of 1967 – 1970. Subsequently, the days of fraternal secretaries were over in April 2000 when the last from Germany left the services of the Northern Zone YMCAs. However technical personnel for VTCs (Vocational Training Centre) and other special projects are still being recruited from Germany.
 
The YMCA of Nigeria adapted the Paris Basis and Kampala Principles to suit local conditions until 1994 when a National Strategic Development Plan Workshop was held at the University of Lagos. One of the highlights of that workshop was the adoption of a Mission Statement which runs thus:
 
‘‘We provide relevant community-based programmes and services that develop the mind, spirit and body of the youths and the less-privileged on the basis of equality and justice and in accordance with the Christian mandate”
 
That statement was considered relevant to the past, present and future aspirations of YMCA which, initially, focused on Youth Development Programmes, Leadership Training, Formal and Informal Education and Vocational Training. While these original thrusts are still relevant today, the statement is equally germane to new challenges arising from such phenomena as HIV/AIDS ethnic/religious conflicts, political violence and gender inequality. YMCA’s main programmes centre on Youth Empowerment, Gender Sensitivity, Poverty Alleviation, Leadership Development, Political and Civic Education, and Capacity-building towards self-reliance. It organises youth camps at local, national and international levels. Through leadership programmes, young people are trained to develop the capacity to assume leadership roles in the affairs of the YMCA and their communities.
 
At its 34th Annual General Meeting and Conference held in July 2000 in Yola, Adamawa State, the National Council reaffirmed and implemented the policy of 30% youth representation on the National Executive Committee and directed Local YMCA boards to follow suit. YMCA has also organized leadership courses for various categories of its lay and professional members. It has Vocational Training Centres in different parts of the country for printers, carpenters, fitters, farmers, fashion designers and native cloth weavers. Gender issues occupy the front burner to promote the participation and leadership of women in YMCA affairs. YMCA is also involved in the Adolescent Reproductive Health Project in collaboration with the USA YMCA and Packard Foundation. The objective of the project is to enlighten the youth on the prevention of HIV/AIDS, among others, so that they can make wise choices for healthy reproductive lives. Another area of concern to YMCA is the promotion of peace and justice”.
 
From the above, we can see that the YMCA Nigeria has an rich history, an illustrious pedigree, a long list of great achievements and an intimidating array of VIPs that will make any organisation green with envy. As it prepares to celebrate its 80th anniversary, we will hear more from this not-for-profit organisation devoted to the uplifting of the society, especially its youths, the down-trodden and less privileged classes.   

Let me begin with the testimony of Martin Luther King Jr. an American Baptist minister and activist who was one of the most prominent leaders in the civil rights movement from 1955 until his assassination in 1968. MLK posited: "The minute I knew I was coming to Ghana I had a very deep emotional feeling. A new nation was being born. It symbolized the fact that a new order was coming into being and an old order was passing away. So I was deeply concerned about it. I wanted to be involved in it, be a part of it, and notice the birth of this new nation with my own eyes."
 
For decades, there had been a cry of distress in our beloved country Nigeria. Interestingly, It has been the cry for change, the cry for justice, the cry for righteousness, the cry for a new Nigeria and national re-birth. In anguish, fear, and humiliation had his love been born, but the birth-pangs had been as brief as they were intense. Nigeria is at the cusp of a political transition. Millions of our compatriots home and abroad who chafe and suffer under the weight of excruciating pains and multidimensional poverty caused by our political leaders’ maladministration, want a change for the better.
 
Our dear country Nigeria continues to confront numerous issues such as; security, economic, political, and social challenges. More than ever witnessed in many homes, the present situation is bleak and many cannot celebrate. Hence, the issue of national re-birth. Regardless of the present situation; there is hope for a brighter future and the promise that this new era, the presidency of Tinubu's 'Unity-Trinity', will provide a good turning point for our country and its people. We should all look forward to the bright side of life with the hope that Nigeria's so much-talked-about vast potential will soon turn into reality.
 
Undoubtedly, May '29, 2023 shall mark the beginning of a great revolutionary change for the better in all ramifications in Nigeria. This is what I termed "Deconstructive or disruptive permutations". Its dynamism is positivism, stirring up insatiability in the new frontiers in attitude, behavior, character, culture, creed, knowledge, and most humanely, our humanity. "A challenge to all and sundry or simply put, a paradigm shift in panache". Expectedly, there will be the issue of push-back to contend with.
 
Sadly, our beloved country Nigeria is messed up because the majority is in selective amnesia. To refresh our minds, find below the examples of some of the reasons why we have not made progress on the issue of Nation-building: 
 
1. One of the instances of  Nigeria's dilemma was exposed when Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio, the minister of Niger Delta, revealed that NDDC contracts were given to federal legislators, The chairman of the probe panel practically begged him not to spill the beans. This was reflected in the infamous "Is okay, off the mic, is okay" consistent interruption. In the meantime, Godswill Obot Akpabio who is now "controversially" a returning senator, refused to honor the invitation from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) severally feigning illness, making him a fugitive of the law.
 
2. There is the case of a former General Officer Commanding (GOC), 8 Division of the Nigerian Army, Sokoto, Major-General Hakeem Otiki. Otiki had in July 2019 sent five soldiers to transport a large sum of money from Sokoto to Kaduna by road where it would be taken to Abuja, part of the money meant for fighting insurgency.  The money was reportedly stolen by soldiers conveying the cash. After the trial by the military court, Otiki was found guilty of N400 million theft and was demoted and dismissed. This is one of the examples of the Army of Fortune benefiting from corrupt activities that made fighting insurgency unachievable. Other atrocities include oil thefts.
 
3. The rot in the police establishment is exemplified by (DCP) Abba Kyari (who was the toast of many, particularly the unsuspecting gullible fellows excited about magic and heroes). He was regarded in Nigeria as a super cop, and he is always there when there is a need to unravel or bust a kidnap gang. His prowess in crime fighting is unrivaled. He is the nation’s pride of what a police officer should be. But now he seems to have been catapulted from the pinnacle of success down the abyss of failure and corruption. Ultimately, Kyari turned out to be a case of supercriminal.
 
4. What is more, people who confidently pad their expense returns on official trips; renew driver’s licenses without showing their faces at the premises of the FRSC; bribe NYSC officials to change National service postings of their relatives to choose ‘lucrative’ companies in Lagos, Abuja or Port Harcourt; pay huge sums to “people at the top” to get jobs for their mentees in the Customs, NPA and other lucrative MDAs; adjust their electricity billing meters (if they can); brag about their connections that enable their relatives to leapfrog higher scoring but not connected candidates and get into those highly sought after courses in the Universities of their choice; under-report their incomes in order to pay lower taxes and cheat on their spouses and partners with impunity; have suddenly become pious preachers of probity, accountability, and integrity.
 
In conclusion, the significance of national re-birth, reorientation, ethics, and mind restructuring cannot be overemphasized. Therefore, as we usher in a new era much is expected from the new administration with the hope of a new dawn.