The Police Service Commission (PSC) has approved the dismissal of seven police officers over misconduct and abuse of office.

PSC spokesperson, Ikechukwu Ani, disclosed this in a statement on Sunday, saying the decision was taken at the 21st plenary of the commission which was presided over by Justice Clara Ogunbiyi on behalf of the PSC Chairman, Solomon Arase.

Besides the dismissal of the cops, nine other officers were reduced in rank, including a Commissioner of Police, Ani said.

“The Police Service Commission has approved the dismissal of three senior Police officers over cases of misconduct and abuse of office. Nine other officers were reduced in rank including a Commissioner of Police,” the statement read.

“The Commission also approved the punishment of severe reprimand on 16 officers and reprimand for another 18. It directed that letters of warning should be given to two other Officers.

“The Commission had earlier approved the appeal for adjustment on the date of promotion to the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police of ACP Woke Iheanyi Kingsley and reinstatement of CSP Anaele Samuel Onuoha in compliance with a court judgment.”

During the meeting, the PSC also approved the compulsory retirement of an Assistant Commissioner and directed a refund of all entitlements wrongly paid to him.

It approved the posthumous promotion of late Inspector Ifeanyi Oroke to the next rank of ASP II for acts of gallantry and reinstated one dismissed Inspector Augustina Oko to take effect from the date she was dismissed.

The commission is expected to reconvene on Tuesday, July 11 for its 21st plenary meeting.

[Channels TV]

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office on May 29, we have seen courageous leadership in action and hard decisions are being taken which were expected, except we want to deceive ourselves. Our economy is in bad shape and there are no easy answers on the way forward. There will be short-term pains but the long-term gains will be beneficial to everyone.

We have witnessed quick hits resulting in small and big wins as a deliberate strategy – what is now famously called “Tinubunomics.” However, what is important is the sincerity of the Tinubu administration to turn things around and bring about a new lease of life. So far, we can see that the president is on the right track. But the task of nation building is for all Nigerians – we must have a sense of shared ownership in problem solving and take responsibility for our individual decisions and actions.

These are still early days in the life of the Tinubu presidency but in rallying support for the president to succeed and finish well, we must not overlook the civil service where comprehensive reforms are long overdue.

When we say the cost of governance is high, it is not limited only to the civil service but civil servants behave like Lords of the Manor and it is disgusting. Each time political appointees share their experiences in the various ministries, departments and agencies, you will feel sorry for them.

They are seen as outsiders (accidental public servants) and their ideas to uplift standards and enhance efficiency and effectiveness in the MDAs are often resisted or sabotaged. What follows is frustration, and pray not to step on banana peels.

The decadent and inefficient cash-and-carry civil service culture is the product of an over-bloated and opaque bureaucracy that is corrupt. Civil servants are permanent employees who retire after 35 years on the job or when they attain 60 years of age – whichever comes first.

These civil servants, it has been alleged, award contract to themselves and they have a way of ring-fencing others. They are so rich that they can point to fat bank accounts and choice real estate in different parts of the world as benefits even before retirement.

Can civil servants honestly explain the source of their wealth?

The budget for every MDA is an open secret and it is controlled by the rank and file of each ministry and agency. Sometimes, a permanent secretary and his colleagues in the ministry would award contracts and make payments without the supervising minister having a clue of what has happened.

With 42 ministers based on the current structure where some ministries have two ministers, there are too many parastatals, commissions and agencies under each ministry. What are we doing with as many as 20 parastatals or more under a ministry if it is not just another way of throwing money away?

A few years back, it was rumoured that the director of finance (DFA) in one of the ministries lodged over N4 billion in a single bank account. This discovery was made only after he died. I am sure there are several other rogue civil servants who compromise their positions and steal our money.

The civil service has been turned into one huge bazaar where civil servants just “share” money among themselves and they believe it is their birth right to do so. This is clearly an egregious sense of entitlement that is on full display because they know there are no consequences for their bad behaviour.

The tragedy of our country is that a pervasive culture of impunity exists which encourages people to do whatever they like and get away with it. The craze for money has debased the values of a decent society and there is nothing like “ethical standards” anymore.

We live in a world where might is right and if you cannot beat them, it is better to join them. Now, when the treasury is looted the way we have seen it over the years, what is the moral justification to ask tax payers to continue to pay taxes?

Where there’s no accountability, the tax payer will be reluctant to perform a basic statutory obligation. What they need is the assurance that every kobo paid as tax will be properly accounted for. This is why the recent announcement that President Tinubu approved the establishment of a Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms is salutary.

The committee’s primary objective, according to a statement issued by Dele Alake, presidential spokesman, is to “enhance revenue collection efficiency, ensue transparent reporting, and promote the efficient utilization of tax and other revenues to boost citizens’ morale, foster a healthy tax culture and drive voluntary compliance.”

Apart from the minister, perm sec, directors, deputy directors and other senior officers in each ministry, parastatals/agencies under the ministry also have their own set of directors-general and directors.

These DGs have personal assistants and when they travel overseas, they fly business class fully paid for by the government and sign for estacodes as part of their statutory entitlements. They also have two drivers for an SUV and a backup car in Abuja and one driver with a standby car in Lagos. Some DGs have one car in Abuja and one in Lagos.

A director in each agency has an official car with aides amongst other benefits. No doubt, the perks of office are attractive and, truth be told, I do not have a problem with benefits that are statutory. But what are we doing with over 540 parastatals, commissions and agencies when we are owing over N49 trillion in public debt?

I am fully persuaded that the Tinubu administration will have the courage and political will to carry out the necessary reforms based on the Stephen Oronsaye Report that has been ignored since 2012 and trim the civil service to a manageable size.

It was former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan that set up the Presidential Committee on Restructuring and Rationalisation of Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies on August 18, 2011. It was headed by Stephen Oronsaye, a former head of the civil service of the federation.

The aim was to reduce the size of the bureaucracy and enhance the efficiency of the civil service. Eight months later (April 16, 2012), the Oronsaye Committee submitted its 800-page report with wide-ranging recommendations.

The committee identified 541 parastatals, commissions and agencies – statutory and non-statutory – and recommended a reduction in the number of statutory agencies from 263 to 161; 38 agencies were recommended for abolition, 52 for merger (most agencies and parastatals have duplicated roles/functions) and 14 to revert to departments in existing ministries.

What happened next? A White Paper Drafting Committee headed by Mohammed Bello Adoke, attorney-general and minister of justice, was set up to review the Oronsaye Report. When the government is not ready to act in the public interest, it creates smokescreens in the name of committees that go on a wild goose chase and deflect the main issue.

By the time a Government White Paper was released in March 2014, the Jonathan administration still had one full year to act on the report but it did not. As you would expect, the white paper rejected most of the recommendations, confirming that Nigeria is a “hesitant” reformer.

The Buhari administration (from 2015 – 2023) also refused to implement any part of the Oronsaye Report and save us billions of Naira. It was not surprising. The failure to act on the report could be attributed to lack of political will, and politicians love playing to the gallery just to satisfy narrow and selfish interests.

Why do our leaders fail to take tough decisions in the public interest when it is absolutely necessary to do so? It is evident that the cost of governance must come down and I have no doubt President Tinubu and his team will act on the Oronsaye Report.

The budgets of all the 774 local councils, 36 states, the FCT and, of course, the presidency and national assembly must also be reduced because the country is flat broke. All inefficiencies have to be uprooted and “leakages” blocked.

Do we still have ghost workers in the civil service? Technology (data capture, biometrics, etc.) can be used to address the problem.

Besides the Oronsaye Report, I agree with Eric Teniola, a retired director at the presidency and public affairs commentator, that the Tinubu administration should act on two other reports: the 1999 Ahmed Joda’s Report on Streamlining and Rationalisation of Poverty Alleviation Institutions and Agencies, and the 2014 National Conference Report.

According to Teniola, the Ahmed Joda Report identified ministries and 18 institutions/agencies that have a mandate directly on poverty alleviation. The story on eradicating poverty in Nigeria did not start today but when panels are set up, their recommendations are never implemented.

The National Conference on the other hand, was broken into 20 committees and I can testify that they produced excellent reports. Prominent among the committees were devolution of power, political restructuring and forms of government, national security, public finance and revenue generation, public service, electoral matters, and trade and investment.

The Ahmed Joda Panel was set up in June 1999 by former President Olusegun Obasanjo while former President Goodluck Jonathan inaugurated the National Conference on March 14, 2014 in Abuja. It was headed by Chief Justice Legbo Kutigi who passed away on October 21, 2018. Ahmed Joda has also passed on; he died on August 13, 2021.

These great Nigerians served their country with grace, humility, courage and integrity; we should not allow them to die in vain. We can honour their memory by recognising their work and implementing the recommendations contained in their reports.

President Tinubu’s administration should review these reports – which are, by the way, low-hanging fruits – and act on them as quickly as possible.

There’s no need to re-invent the will.

Braimah is a global public relations and marketing strategist. He is also the publisher/editor-in-chief of Naija Times (https://ntm.ng) and Lagos Post (https://lagospost.ng), and he can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

On July 3, 2023, Senegal’s president, Macky Sall, in power since 2012, publicly renounced his aspiration for a constitutionally prohibited third term, sparking a synchronised outbreak of ostentatious back-slapping. Nigeria’s former president, Goodluck Jonathan, convener of the impressively-named West African Elders Forum (WAEF), fired off a letter describing Macky Sall as a paragon of “sacrificial leadership”. Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, Moussa Faki Mahamat, was full of “admiration for statesmanship which privileged Senegal’s interests”.

Describing President Sall’s announcement as an act of “courage, humility, and deep faith in Senegalese democracy”, executive director of UNAIDS, Winnie Byanyima, claimed that he had told her in confidence two years ago that “he was not going to run for a third term but that he would announce this towards the end of his term”.

Byanyima did not say whether President Sall had also told her that he would wait for enough Senegalese to die on the altar of his presidential vanities before renouncing them. Her testimony had a tiresome Pentecostal whiff to it.

In announcing the renunciation of his ambitions, Macky Sall claimed that Senegal’s constitution, whose text is explicit to the contrary, would have permitted his violation of it. He sounded deflated and he was. President Sall’s hitherto undisguised ambitions had already killed “dozens” in popular resistance and protests. The latest, at the beginning of June 2023, led to the killing of between 16 to 30 protesters.

In the end, the people forced him to blink. In his campaign to succeed himself, Macky Sall’s party had procured paid demonstrations in support of his ill-fated ambition. But, ahead of his announcement, opposition leader, Ousmane Sonko, whom Sall seeks to preclude from next year’s ballot, had called out the country to mass action.

Senegal’s citizens were determined to make the price of Sall’s self-succession ambition impermissibly prohibitive. The Council on Foreign Relations rightly described Sall’s disavowal of his ambition as rather “belated”.

Macky Sall’s self-succession put Senegal’s proud record of democratic exceptionalism in West Africa to the test and is a rare instance of failure in Africa’s new brand of constitutional coups. In retrospect, events in Dakar this past week show that while the optics of the region’s democratic landscape may appear different, the narcissism of political power remains durable.

On May 28, 1975, the rulers of 15 countries in West Africa concluded a summit in Lagos, then the capital of Nigeria, with the adoption of the Treaty of the Economic Community of West African States, (ECOWAS). It established a regional economic community among the 15 countries, with an undertaking to shrink the zone of sovereign prerogative that they could claim at a time when relations among Africa’s rulers were defined by mutual suspicion and mutual trade in accusations of interference or subversion.

For proof of this then-existing trend, you only had to look at the composition of the rulers who established ECOWAS. Their host was Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s then head of state, a dashing four-star general since the age of 34, who was barely 40. Basking in the after-glow of the accomplishment that the establishment of ECOWAS clearly was, General Gowon travelled to Kampala, Uganda, two months later in July 1975 for the 12th summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). It was his last. Gowon’s host in Kampala was Idi Amin Dada, another soldier and Uganda’s then ruler, who had chosen to go one better than Gowon by gratifying his vanities with the epaulettes of a Field Marshall.

While he was in Kampala, soldiers back home in Nigeria, led by Murtala Mohammed, then a Brigadier-General in the Nigerian Army, decided to relieve Gowon of his command and overthrow him. Nanven Joseph Garba, the army colonel who announced the coup, was Gowon’s kinsman who also commanded the Brigade of Guards responsible for the protection of the head of state.

Yakubu Gowon was not the only soldier at the creation of ECOWAS in 1975 nor was he the only one overthrown by them. Six others among the 15 original signatories to the treaty were soldiers including Lt-Col Mathieu Kérékou (Benin); Gen. Ignatius Acheampong (Ghana, represented by Lt-Col RJA Falli, Minister for Economic Planning); Col. Moussa Traoré (Mali, represented by Major Baba Diarra, Vice-Chairman of the Military Committee of National Liberation); Lt-Col. Seyni Kountché (Niger); Gen. Gnassingbe Eyadema (Togo), and Gen. Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana (Upper Volta, now Burkina Faso)
Of the remaining eight, Presidents Dawda Jawara (Gambia); Sekou Toure (Guinea); Luiz Cabral (Guinea Bissau); William Tolbert (Liberia); Moktar Ould Daddah (Mauritania); and Siaka Stevens (Sierra Leone) were all succeeded by soldiers. President Felix Houphöuet-Boigny of Côte d’Ivoire was the only president as such among the original signatories who was neither a soldier nor directly succeeded by one. Abdou Diouf who represented Senegal at the adoption of the treaty was then prime minister to President Leopold Senghor, whom he later succeeded as president on April 1, 1981.

Looking back at that era from the vantage of nearly five decades later, the appearance of progress in the optics of government in West Africa looks assured. Mauritania is no longer part of ECOWAS but Cape Verde, which joined in 1976, ensures that the regional bloc remains comprised of 15 members. In the half-century to 2004, West African countries witnessed “169 military interventions of some sort”. The only countries spared this scourge were Cape Verde and Senegal.

Today, in 12 countries out of 15 among the member states of ECOWAS the head of state, by whatever name called, enjoys democratic legitimacy. The only countries that are presently exempt from this trend are Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Mali, where the military installed itself in power using coups organised within the past three years.

Impressive as this picture may look, it flatters the region in many ways. First, soldiers in military fatigues may no longer be fashionable in seats of power, but soldiers in many countries in the region are not far from power. Umaro Sissoco Embaló, the current president of Guinea Bissau and Julius Maada Bio, his peer in Sierra Leone, are both former army generals. Muhammadu Buhari, another general who led the military to overthrow Nigeria’s elected government on December 31, 1983, only recently completed another tour of duty on May 29, 2023, as head of state of his country. They may have shed their fatigues, but soldiers continue in many African countries to enjoy historical advantages in the contest for political and economic power.

Second, coups are no longer the monopoly of soldiers. Civilians or incumbents with the appearance of electoral legitimacy now also implement what has been called constitutional coups by manipulating constitutions, courts, and election management bodies to destroy constitutional guardrails and keep themselves in power for as long as they please. In West Africa, the rulers of Côte d’Ivoire and Togo, for instance, have changed their constitutions in this way. In Guinea, soldiers found their excuse to launch a bid for power in fatigues after Alpha Conde, a civilian president, overthrew the constitution in a bloody exercise in 2021 to extend his tenure as president.

Third, these efforts to subvert constitutional rule in the region, whether by the military or civilians, are often accompanied by foreign support. Around Africa, Russia is a rising new force for autocracy and coups. In West Africa, Russia’s footprint has been active in the overthrow of constitutional governments in Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Mali. Beyond the region, its friendly presence has also been reported in Burundi, Central African Republic, Comoros, Sudan, and Zimbabwe, among others.

In Senegal, Macky Sall’s ambitions stalled in the face of many factors. He could not rely on the army, he had no overwhelming foreign backers and Senegal’s fragility was becoming evident in the face of stout popular resistance. In the end, the people forced him to back down. The plaudits here clearly belong to the people of Senegal. For Macky Sall, he will spend the remainder of his presidency seeking post-presidential immunity. He will need it.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Stanbic IBTC Holdings PLC, an end-to-end financial services provider in Nigeria and member of Standard Bank Group recently announced various Board appointments across the Group.

Mrs. Ndidi Nwuneli, a businesswoman and social entrepreneur, was appointed Independent Non-Executive Director of Stanbic IBTC Holdings PLC.

Mr. Yinka Sanni also joined the Board of the Holding Company as a Non-Executive Director, and will serve as a Non-Executive Director of Stanbic IBTC Bank.

Mrs. Funeka Montjane was appointed Non-Executive Director of Stanbic IBTC Bank PLC.

Mr. Efe Omoduemuke joined the Board of Stanbic IBTC Asset Management as an Executive Director.

other appointments were Mrs. Joyce Dimpka who was appointed Non-Executive Director of Stanbic IBTC Insurance Brokers, and Mrs. Temitope Popoola who also joins Stanbic IBTC Insurance Brokers Limited as an Executive Director.

Mr. Oladele Sotubo was appointed as Executive Director on the Board of Stanbic IBTC Capital Limited, while Mrs. Titi Ogungbesan was appointed as the Chief Executive of Stanbic IBTC Ventures.

A statement from the company noted that these appointments ware a reflection of the Group’s commitment to strengthening its leadership teams and driving continued growth and innovation in the financial services sector.

The Chief Executive of Stanbic IBTC Holdings, Dr. Demola Sogunle, said: “These appointments represent a significant milestone in the flight plan of Stanbic IBTC as we continue to position ourselves as a leader in the Nigerian financial services industry. The newly appointed directors bring a wealth of multi-dimensional experience, diverse perspectives, and a deep commitment to driving excellence and innovation.”

“We are delighted to welcome these esteemed professionals to our Board of Directors. As we navigate the evolving financial landscape and continue to deliver exceptional value to our shareholders, clients, and communities, we recognize that people are the driving force behind any company’s growth. Hence, we prioritize people over profits at Stanbic IBTC,” Demola said.

He encouraged the new appointees to make a meaningful impact in their roles while expressing confidence that their collective experience and skills would further strengthen the organization’s corporate governance.

[Ripples Nigeria]

Chelsea forward Romelu Lukaku has been tipped to leave Stamford Bridge for a cut price, despite the club placing a €45m asking price on his head.

The Belgian forward is expected to leave this summer, although clubs from around Europe are reluctant to meet Chelsea’s asking price.

According to Ben Jacobs, Chelsea will demand a fee of around €45m to sell the 30-year-old this summer.

Inter Milan had toyed with the idea of signing Lukaku on loan again but with the obligation to buy included in the deal.

Chelsea rejected this bid and now the two clubs are back to the drawing board. Along with Inter, Juventus and Al-Hilal are also interested.

While Lukaku wasn’t keen on the idea of a move to Saudi to begin with, he is now said to be considering the move.

Gabby Agbonlahor has had his say on the situation and he believes that Chelsea and Inter will eventually come to an agreement.

“Negotiations could be tricky between Chelsea and Inter for Lukaku,” the pundit told Football Insider.

“Inter Milan knows they want to offload Lukaku, so they will not need to offer what the Blues are demanding.

“Both parties will offer their best deal and Inter could say either take or leave it, with Chelsea not wanting to be stuck with a player who won’t be used.

“When it gets closer to August and a deal still hasn’t been accepted, they are going to have to eventually accept Inter’s offer.”

The Belgian forward had his fair share of injury problems last season, but he still managed to score 14 goals across all competitions.

Chelsea aren’t likely to receive anywhere near the £97.5m they spent on Lukaku back in 2021, but they are keen to recoup some of their original investment.

With Juventus and Al-Hilal now in the race to sign Lukaku, time will tell if Chelsea do receive the €45m they are looking for.

He is contracted with the club until 2026, although Mauricio Pochettino will be keen to iron out his situation as soon as possible.

Along with Lukaku, Chelsea also hope to sell the likes of Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang, Hakim Ziyech and Christian Pulisic in the next few weeks.

The summer rebuild is already well underway at Stamford Bridge, but there is still plenty of work to be done.

[football365]

Morocco made history on Saturday night as they clinched their first TotalEnergies U-23 Africa Cup of Nations title with a thrilling 2-1 win against ten-man Egypt at the Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat, requiring extra time to settle the match.

Egypt took an early lead when Mahmoud Saber unleashed a brilliant curler into the top corner, giving his team an advantage after just nine minutes of play.

However, Saber's night quickly turned sour as he received a red card eight minutes later for a reckless challenge on Abdessamad Ezzalzouli.

Despite being reduced to ten men, Egypt managed to hold their ground for the remaining minutes of regular time. However, their defence faltered in the 37th minute, allowing Yanis Begraoui to score the equalizer for the host nation.

The first and second halves concluded without any additional goals, leading the match into extra time. It was during the first half of extra time that Morocco seized the lead, putting Egypt behind for the first time in the competition.

Substitute Oussamna Targhalline capitalized on a free kick from Ezzalzouli, delivering a powerful strike that eluded the Egyptian goalkeeper, making it 2-1 in favor of Morocco.

Efforts from Egypt to secure a late equalizer proved fruitless, as Morocco held on to claim victory and secure their first TotalEnergies U-23 AFCON trophy.

Both Morocco and Egypt have earned their spots in next year's Olympic Games, set to take place in Paris, alongside Mali, who secured their qualification after defeating Guinea in the third-place playoff game on Saturday.

Guinea can stil secure a place as the fourth African side at the Olympic Games in Paris but they have to win a playoff against a yet-to-be-decided Asian opponent.

New Chelsea manager Mauricio Pochettino underlined the challenges that engulfed Enzo Fernandez, Mykhailo Mudryk and Raheem Sterling in the last season but said he will help the trio reach their full potential with the help of a customised training regime.

Chelsea hired the 51-year-old former Tottenham Hotspur and Paris St Germain boss in May after finishing 12th in the Premier League following a tumultuous campaign, which saw Thomas Tuchel, Graham Potter and Frank Lampard take charge at Stamford Bridge.

"Different players arrived in different circumstances but of course now is an opportunity," Pochettino told Chelsea's website, outlining his plans for the team ahead of the pre-season.

Chelsea begin their preparations for the new campaign in the United States with a game against National League champions Wrexham on July 19th.

"I hope we can help them to achieve their best level, a higher level, and try to perform for Chelsea in the way that people expect," he said.

"Now is a new start, a fresh start, and I think they need to show their real quality. But we need to create this platform for them to feel comfortable and breathing space for them to perform and improve."

Pochettino said former Benfica midfielder Fernandez, who was named the best youngster at last year's World Cup after helping Argentina clinch the title, needed rest after a gruelling schedule.

"The Premier League is a really tough competition and he changes everything – culture, language, everything – and it is always difficult to adapt," Pochettino said.

Pochettino added that Mudryk's "mindset and everything is different" than Fernandez's, which is why he intends to spend more time with the 22-year-old Ukrainian winger.

The 28-year-old Sterling is one of the more experienced players in the squad but is yet to replicate the performances that made him a crucial part of Manchester City, with whom he won 10 major trophies, having scored just nine goals in 38 appearances for Chelsea.

"It's not always to blame the player... We need to see us and see what is going on and why they are not performing in the way that we expect and then, of course, when all is clear, we cannot give excuses to them to not perform." Pochettino added.

[reuters]

Arsenal has been dominating the headlines at the start of the summer transfer window.

Not content with finishing second to Manchester City last season, Mikel Arteta has reinforced his side with some of the biggest transfers of the summer. Kai Havertz is already through the door and Declan Rice and Ajax defender Jurrien Timber are expected to be announced in the coming days.

These signings, once confirmed mean that Arsenal now have eight of the twenty most valuable players in the Premier League.

This is based on CIES Football Observatory’s list of transfer values, adjusted to assume three or more years of a player’s contract remaining. The list is made by the International Centre for Sports Studies in Switzerland, and takes into account factors such as age, ability, nationality and the team they play for.

Manchester City has five players in the top twenty, including the most expensive player in the league. Erling Haaland. Liverpool has three players, Manchester United two, and Chelsea and Tottenham one each.

Only two of Arsenal’s players, Bukayo Saka and Gabriel Martinelli, are in the top ten, but the Gunners have six players in the 11-20 most valuable Premier League players including new signings Kai Havertz (11th) and Declan Rice (17th).

Declan Rice’s $135 million move from West Ham United will make him one of the most expensive British players ever, but CIES only values him at just over $85 million. He’s valued at less than Kai Havertz, who cost Arsenal up to $83 million from Chelsea.

Another recent list by CIES at the start of June took contract length into account. Arsenal currently has six of the twenty most valuable Premier League players based on that list, one ahead of Manchester City and Liverpool with five each.

But with players like RB Leipzig defender Josko Gvardiol, Internazionale’s Nicolo Barella and Benfica’s Goncalo Ramos linked to Arsenal’s Premier League rivals, other sides could soon have a larger representation of the Premier League’s most valuable players.

Arsenal’s new signings are part of a $750 million rebuild under Mikel Arteta. That spending includes five of those eight most valuable players, as well as Gabriel, who is the 23rd most valuable player in the league. This might fuel expectations that Arsenal can compete for the title with Manchester City this season, or even give ammunition to fans of rival sides.

But a large part of player value is based on age, and all the Arsenal players in the top 25 were born in 1997 or later so are likely to have not yet hit their peak.

Those three new signings will give Arsenal that depth in quality that is needed to compete with Manchester City though.

Arsenal striker Gabriel Jesus said last season’s title challenge fell apart when William Saliba got injured. Jurrien Timber, valued at more than $65 million by CIES, gives Arsenal another top level center-back, possibly at a cheaper price than expected due to Ajax failing to reach the Champions League.

Having a great first eleven isn’t enough to win the Premier League these days, as Manchester City can bring world class players off the bench, which is why City can go on unstoppable runs of wins toward the end of the season when other teams are feeling the impact of injuries and fatigue.

Mikel Arteta’s summer spending isn’t over yet, but Arsenal’s early signings suggest the north London club realizes what’s needed to build on last season’s title push.

[Forbes]