In October 2020, Nigeria witnessed one of the largest youth-led protests in its history, known as the #EndSARS movement.

Sparked by years of frustration and anger over police brutality, particularly perpetrated by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), young Nigerians took to the streets demanding an end to police harassment, extrajudicial killings, and the complete disbandment of the notorious unit.

What began as peaceful protests quickly gained momentum and spread to different cities across Nigeria and even garnered international attention and support.

The protesters, consisting mainly of young Nigerians, chanted slogans such as “EndSARS,” “SARSMustEnd,” and “Enough is Enough,” as they marched on the streets with banners and placards, demanding immediate action from the government.

However, the events of October 20, 2020, marked a turning point in the #EndSARS movement.

On that fateful day, a group of peaceful protesters had gathered at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos, which had become a symbolic centre for the demonstrations.

As night fell, security forces reportedly opened fire on the protesters, leading to several fatalities and injuries. The incident, now widely referred to as the “Lekki Massacre,” sent shockwaves through Nigeria and the world, drawing international condemnation.

In the aftermath of the tragic events, the Nigerian government announced the disbandment of SARS, a move that was met with scepticism by protesters who demanded broader police reforms and accountability for the alleged abuses committed by SARS officers.

Fast forward to the present, and the wounds inflicted during those tumultuous days are far from healed. The recent announcement by the Lagos State Government regarding a mass burial for the 103 casualties of the #EndSARS protests has reignited the pain and memories of the tragic events of 2020.

While the government has clarified that these casualties are not victims of the Lekki toll gate shooting, it serves as a sombre reminder of the heavy toll the protests took on human lives and the urgency of addressing the issues that spurred the movement in the first place.

The Background

Numerous reports of unlawful arrests, extortion, torture, and extrajudicial killings by SARS officers had flooded social media, capturing the attention of the Nigerian public. These incidents, often accompanied by viral videos and graphic images, sparked outrage among the tech-savvy youth who felt the urgent need to address the issue.

It was on those premises that thousands of Nigerians nationwide took to the streets to protest police brutality in October 2020. They demanded far-reaching reforms, particularly concerning the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, SARS, of the police.

The weeks-long protest attracted international attention, culminating in the controversial shooting of protesters at the popular Lekki Tollgate in Lagos, one of the rallying points for those who partook in the demonstrations.

The origin of SARS could be traced to the early 1990s when the Nigerian government established the Special Anti-Robbery Squad with the primary aim of combating violent crimes such as armed robbery, kidnapping, and carjacking.

Initially, SARS successfully reduced violent crime cases, but the unit was alleged to have “turned into banditry”.

Over the years, SARS morphed into a feared and ruthless unit, widely accused of gross human rights violations and abuses of power.

Initially, it successfully reduced violent crime cases, but the unit was alleged to have “turned into a cash cow and agent of human rights abuse”.

In June 2020, Amnesty International released a report documenting at least 82 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extrajudicial execution by SARS between January 2017 and May 2020.

Amid the protest, the then Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Adamu, announced the disbandment of the Squad in the country.

Judicial Panel of Inquiry

The Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry on Restitution for Victims of SARS-related Abuses and Other Matters submitted its report on November 15, 2021, after which Sanwo-Olu set up a White Paper committee.

The Justice Doris Okuwobi-led panel, in a 309-page report titled, ‘Report of Lekki Incident Investigation Of October 20 2020’, concluded that there were “killings” at the Lekki tollgate on October 20, 2020.

The panel also claimed that at least 48 protesters were either killed, injured, or assaulted by soldiers and police.

However, the State Government’s White Paper on the report by the EndSARS panel faulted the panel’s report that nine persons were killed at the toll gate.

In the White Paper, the government described the panel’s claim that nine persons were shot dead as “assumptions and speculations”.

Burial of 103 Victims

Three years later, the leaked memo on the proposed burial of some victims has re-opened the wounds of the EndSARS.

The leaked memo addressed to the Lagos State Ministry of Health claimed that the State Government had approved N61,285,000 for the mass burial of 103 persons identified as 2020 EndSARS victims.

DAILY POST reports that the document, which went viral online, surfaced almost three years after the government had denied brutal killing of unarmed protesters waving the Nigerian flag and chanting the national anthem when the military allegedly opened fire on them at the Lekki toll gate.

The five-paragraph leaked memo sighted by DAILY POST captured steps for the processing of funds after approval by the Governor in addition to the Ministerial Tenders’ Board Meeting over the recommendations of the Procurement Planning Committee.

Reacting to the development, a former lawmaker, Shehu Sani, claimed the spirits of the murdered EndSARS protesters and the members of the Islamic Movement in 2015 would continue to hunt the nation and hang over its skies until justice is done.

In a statement via his verified Twitter handle on Monday, Sani claimed that killing 103 EndSARS protesters in Lagos was one of the hidden atrocities of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s era.

Also, a former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili, in her reaction, demanded an urgent response from the Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

In a series of tweets on Sunday via her verified Twitter handle, the former Minister questioned if the Governor knew the State had a record of 103 dead bodies from the EndSARS shootings.

Ezekwesili further claimed that the nation’s public leaders have reduced the dignity of human life to zero, describing it as the wickedest thing they have done to the citizens.

Mischief makers at work

However, in its response, the Lagos State Government maintained that the victims to be buried were not from the Lekki Tollgate shooting, insisting that the details were misconstrued.

According to a statement by the Permanent Secretary of the State Ministry of Health, Dr Olusegun Ogboye, the victims were from incidents of violence that occurred in the aftermath of the EndSARS protests.

Ogboye said the Lagos State Environmental Health Unit (SEHMU) picked up bodies after #EndSARS violence and community clashes.

He cited areas of Lagos State where dead bodies were picked to include Ajegunle, Abule-Egba, Fagba, Ketu, Ikorodu, Isolo, Ajah, Orile, Ikeja, Ojota, Ekoro, Ogba, adding that there was also a jailbreak at Ikoyi Prison.

“It is public knowledge that the year 2020 #EndSARS crisis that snowballed into violence in many parts of Lagos recorded casualties in different areas of the State and NOT from the Lekki Toll Gate as being inferred in the mischievous publications.

“The 103 casualties mentioned in the document were from these incidents and NOT from Lekki Tollgate as being alleged. For the avoidance of doubt, nobody was retrieved from the Lekki Toll Gate incident,” part of the statement read.

Reactions

DAILY POST spoke to Anngu Orngu, Co-convener of the Free Nigeria Movement.

Orngu lamented that nobody had been prosecuted or arrested for what happened at the Lekki tollgate even though a commission of inquiry was set up to probe the incident.

He expressed sadness over the allegation that the army was unleashed on Nigerians who were genuinely calling on the government to reform the police.

Orngu also called on young and vibrant Nigerians to get involved in the political process.

He said, “It is quite unfortunate that October 20 happened, and we are here again today after so much denial, even when a commission of inquiry was set up. I don’t know what they have done with the findings of that commission.

“Nobody has been prosecuted or arrested for what happened at the Lekki tollgate that fateful night. It is unfortunate.

“At this point, I am even dumbfounded to speak on the issues that relate to our dear country. But it shows that Lekki actually happened, and someone should be held responsible for what happened on that day.

“Over a hundred and five people, or thereabouts, are to be buried, and nobody has taken responsibility for it, or nobody has been arrested? Somebody should be facing prosecution for what happened.

“But here we are as a country. Is it that Nigeria is becoming a rogue country? Is it that there are no laws? Where is our humanity? Have we all lost it? What are we telling the next generation? Because these are armless Nigerians crying out for the rights of others against police brutality.

“And not that these Nigerians were only out there for themselves; they were also calling on the Nigerian government to improve police service and the welfare of police officers. And maybe because of economic gains, you unleashed the army on them.

“A lot of conspiracy theories came up that the protesters were sponsored to overthrow Buhari’s government and all of that. But these were people that did not even have a smoke gun with them. First, you unleashed street urchins on them. We saw some of the faces of these people, ‘agberos’, but those people were still moving freely on the streets of Nigeria and Lagos in particular.

“So, what is becoming of this country for me? I am dumbfounded; head or tail, you don’t even know where to start from. Is it the subsidy removal issue? Is it the tax issues? Where do you start from? Is it the skyrocketing price of foodstuff? Maybe at the end of the day, we will resort to God – the divinity to intervene in the case of our country.

“The youths are not helpless, but we are watching. My watchword has always been that we have to organise and don’t agonise. We are watching keenly; we are following the events of this country as they unravel. And at the appropriate time, some of us will come out to speak, to take action because our actions have always been to prick the conscience of people, to prick the conscience of our leaders that Nigerians deserve better. Our countrymen and women deserve better than they have given them.

“The way out, as I said, I believe in the power of God. We have seen several interventions in our country. We have seen Nigeria go through a very dire situation and more difficult times. As young men, we saw it happen; we saw at times nature takes its cause; death even takes place. So, there is hope. And hope is not a strategy; nobody should tell you that hope is a strategy.

“My call is for young Nigerians who really want to effect change, not those who are shouting and by the end of the day, when they get themselves into government, they behave and perform worse. We have some of our brother activists; as soon as they could get their hands on some deals and a few naira or dollars could line in their pockets or accounts, they stopped speaking for the people.

“I am using this opportunity to call on young, vibrant Nigerians to get involved in the process, go out there and contest elections. Kogi State is having an election, so also Imo and Bayelsa. Go out, put your foot out there and see how we can change this system.

”Nigeria is redeemable. Nobody should tell you that Nigeria is irredeemable. There is still hope for this country. There is still hope for Nigeria. There is still hope that we can build a nation that we would be proud of and that works for all.”

On his part, the President of the African Emancipation Movement for Good Governance, Honourable Lucky Obiyan told DAILY POST in an interview that the leaked document was living proof that a massacre was recorded during the EndSARS protest.

Obiyan believes that police brutality has worsened from what it was then to what is currently on the ground. According to him, police brutality still rages on in different forms.

He recalled some of the challenges he experienced during the protest.

He said, “It is not far-fetched. It is living proof that we actually had a massacre recorded during the EndSARS protest.

“The Lagos government was being hypocritical in their submissions to the Nigerian people. They never knew the letter was going to leak, and at the end of the day, it leaked and found its way to the public domain.

“And on that premise, today, we are talking about reality. This has gone a long way to attest that people actually died, and there was a massacre at the Lekki Tollgate; the government only tried to cover up.

“We are happy this is coming out, and we believe all those that have been vilified or hunted in one way or the other, the likes of DJ Switch, that had to relocate from her country, will all be vindicated, including CNN and the likes of other media organisations who the government under Lai Mohammed’s Information Ministry tried to debunk and assassinate their characters, I believe they will begin to bury their heads in shame at this point in time.

“The EndSARS represented better things for the police; you could see the government drew out a lot of programmes. Most of the demands by the protesters were acceded to, though some were to be long-term responses while others would be done summarily.

“Well, to be very frank, police brutality has exacerbated from what it was then to what is currently on the ground. The brutality still rages on in different formats, to the extent that you have policemen accompanying victims of their brutality and harassment to ATM stands and withdrawing money without their consent under duress. That has moved from bad to worse. And it is still happening today.

“You can see the hardship that has been meted on the Nigerian people as we speak. Is it the fuel hike, or the hike in the electricity tariff, despite the House of Representatives trying to suspend the electricity hike?

“But the people are already bearing the brunt. A lot of families go to bed hungry, waking up the next morning not knowing where the next meal will come from. Nigeria has never been subjected to the level of deprivation it has found itself.”

“We also had the challenge of the government sponsoring a counter-mob attack in order to give the protest a bad name. You know, when you want to hang a dog, you give it a bad name. They sponsored and infiltrated the ranks of the EndSARS protesters.

“And another thing drawn from that is the fact that there was no leadership, it was a faceless struggle. There is no agitation in the world where you don’t have a representative leadership to negotiate with the people at the top or hierarchy of the government; I think that was one of the mistakes that the organisers of the EndSARS deliberately made,” he added.

[DailyPost]

Condemnation has trailed the conduct of the Department of State Services at the Federal High Court in Lagos on Tuesday during the court appearance of the suspended Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele.

The DSS took Emefiele before the court for arraignment on Tuesday but rearrested and whisked him away despite that the court granted him bail and ordered that he should be remanded at the Ikoyi facility of the Nigerian Correctional Services.

The situation led to a clash between DSS operatives and prison officials.

Emefiele was arraigned on two counts of illegal firearms possession before Justice Nicholas Oweibo.

He was brought before the court in a white Hilux van accompanied by heavily-armed DSS operatives.

On arrival on the court premises on Tuesday morning, Emefiele, who wore a white jalamia and looked frail, was immediately whisked into the courtroom.

When the charges were read to him, Emefiele, however, pleaded not guilty.

The defence lawyer, Joseph Daudu (SAN), who led four other senior advocates, moved an application for Emefiele’s bail.

But the DSS counsel, Mrs Nkiru Jones-Nebo, objected to the bail, saying she had not been served with a copy of the application.

However, Justice Oweibo, in a ruling granted Emefiele bail in the sum of N20m with one surety in like sum.

The judge, however, ordered that he should be remanded in the Ikoyi custodial facility of the Nigeria Correctional Services pending the perfection of the bail conditions.

The judge, subsequently, adjourned till November 14 for trial.

However, heavy drama ensued after the court proceedings, as DSS operatives laid siege outside the courtroom to re-arrest Emefiele.

The situation, which led to a face-off between DSS operatives and men of the Nigerian Correctional Services, saw Emefiele stuck in the courtroom long after the conclusion of court proceedings.

In the ensuing battle for control,  the prison commander was ruffled and his uniform was torn, while he was being dragged towards the DSS van by DSS operatives who swarmed on him.

The situation angered Emefiele’s family members and lawyers, who accused the DSS of acting lawlessly and disrespecting the court.

A man who gave his name as George and introduced himself as Emefiele’s brother described the development as unfortunate in a democratic dispensation.

“Three courts have said release him on bail, he’s not running away for God’s sake. He has served this nation for nine years, where is he going to go to? All his life is in Nigeria here.

“You can imagine a situation where two military federal government apparatus are fighting themselves, manhandling the commander of the prison commission, it is a disgrace to this nation, it is a complete disgrace,” George said.

Condemning the development in an interview with The PUNCH, human rights lawyer, Ebun Olu-Adegoruwa (SAN), said, “I believe that the President is aware of the actions of the DSS; it is giving a bad image to this administration, where security agencies are engaging in a physical scuffle in open court to the extent of tearing their uniforms, which is a symbol of authority of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and desecrating the hallowed chambers of the court without respect for the judge.

“The videos I saw today was a total contempt of the authority of the judiciary because what we are saying is that once anybody is within the premises of the court, you have to respect the authority.”

Similarly, Prof Sam Erugo (SAN), said the refusal of the DSS to allow the correctional services to take Emefiele into their custody marked another embarrassing day for the Nigerian government.

He said, “It is very obvious that DSS is acting as if there is no rule of law in Nigeria. I think somebody has to tell them that they are going to the extreme.

“I think they should tell them that there is rule of law in Nigeria.”

Another lawyer, Okerechidum Nnamdi, said no institution of government should be above the law.

Nnamdi said, “They can’t be above the law because they are a creation of a piece of  legislation; they can’t be above the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; as they must act in accordance with the law.”

The defendant’s lead counsel,   Daudu, also decried the development.

“He has been brought to court and has been granted bail.  You can see the vehicles of the DSS and that of the Correctional Service. I must tell you that because of the delay in perfecting the bail conditions, the officials of the Ikoyi Prison have legal obligations to take him to Ikoyi Prison.

“Ikoyi Prison is not far from the court and it’s a federal institution. Why they want him in their custody is what beats my imagination. But, what is more, devastating is the fact that the DSS came to court with two counts and the court, in its discretion, granted him bail, but you still want to arrest the person, because the court said to take him to the correctional centre.”

[Punch]

President Bola Tinubu has asked Nigerians in the diaspora to fully commit to the joint task of nation-building.

Tinubu, represented by Femi Gbajabiamila, the chief of staff (CoS), spoke on Tuesday while marking the National Diaspora Day in Abuja.

The event, organised by the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), was themed “Consolidating diaspora engagement for national development”.

The president assured Nigerians abroad that his administration will be friendly and provide an enabling platform for effective policies that would see the diaspora community galvanizing support for the country.

“Our country is on a new dawn to ensure national development, guarantee peace, and promote prosperity for all our nation’s people,” Tinubu said.

“The ambition we have in this regard cannot be fully realised without the support and enthusiastic participation of our brothers and sisters all over the world.

“As such, all deliberate efforts will be made in this administration to ensure that the diaspora community is pertinently involved in designing, implementing, and reviewing public policy.”

Tinubu added that it was gratifying to know that many citizens in the diaspora are uplifting the image of Nigeria in their host countries.

“In 2022, our diaspora home remittances through official channels stood at $21.9 billion, over four times the value of our foreign direct investment (FDI). The Nigerians in the diaspora are also actively investing in our healthcare, agriculture, education, information and communication technology (ICT), housing and real estate, sports, transportation, oil and gas, and other sectors,” he said.

“This, I must say is commendable and in our enlightened self-interest as only Nigerians both at home and abroad can develop Nigeria.”

Abike Dabiri-Erewa, the NiDCOM chairperson, noted that many countries have evidence of accelerated national development courtesy of the contributions from their citizens in the diaspora.

“Such efforts made impacts on capacity and infrastructural developments when properly deployed. Diaspora resources often create positive measurable ripple effects that could mitigate unemployment, leading to the improvement in the quality of life and reduction in poverty,” Dabiri-Erewa said, adding that Nigeria cannot be an exception.

She asked the government to support and conclude the setting up of the Nigeria diaspora investment fund (NDIF) as an investment window and emergency resource for citizens living abroad.

[TheCable]

The power of ideas  in governance came into focus again on Monday when former President Olusegun Obasanjo berated Nigerian leaders as lacking in thoughts  for development. He warned that that with more people pushed into poverty the country was sitting on a keg of gun powder.

Obasanjo spoke virtually  to  the launching  of a book in Abuja by former Minister of Trade Olusegun Aganga. The book is intriguingly entitled “Reclaiming the Jewel of Africa” in reference the nation’s development debacle.

The former president  was unsparing of those in leadership positions.

Among other things in his most uncharitable statement he said: “You will weep for our nation over their level of emptiness as far as development issues are concerned…If you ask why they want to be in the position they are craving for, you will weep for your nation over their level of emptiness as far as development issues are concerned. What do they understand for peace, security, stability, predictability, development, growth and progress to be actualised? I believe that peace, security, democracy and prosperity must be taken together.”

Now to be charitable, both Obasanjo (in his statement) and Aganga (in the book) are only revelling  in the benefits of hindsight in their positions, having had the opportunities to make a difference by putting their own  ideas of development into practice . This luxury will be exposed for what it is  not in a country  when a culture of accountability prevails. It is a clever way of evading responsibility for monumental governance failures. Instead of  the after-thoughts and  pontification, Obasanjo should be telling  the public what ideas of development he  put into practice in his eight years in power to reduce poverty with of a mix of policies. The former president should also state which of his workable ideas that informed policy-making  have been  jettisoned by his successors.  He should be relating the ideas behind policy-making in his administration with the effects on the nation’s development.

Doubtless, the administration of Obasanjo recorded some undeniable achievements. So while critics of Obasanjo should not be uncharitable like him by dismissing his administration as “empty” in development thoughts, the serious governance deficits of his era are also  too glaring to deny. A few of these policy gaps and failures would suffice   for the purpose of this discussion. To start with,  Obasanjo had  no articulated strategy of development until after four years in office when the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) was put together. This happened  after his second election.  Ironically,  among the “groups” to which  the document was sold was his political party at the time, the People’s Democratic Party  (PDP). In a proper setting, the party ought to be mobilising the people on  the basis of the enunciated policies. But a lot of things about governance were upended  under Obasanjo’s leadership.  Obasanjo was too busy fighting endless political wars to embark on rigorous strategy of development.    

This wrong-headed approach to  governance, of which he now accuses others, was to have consequences in policy terms in his years in office. The pivotal energy sector provides an ample illustration. When Obasanjo came to power in 1999, Nigeria was importing fuel because refineries were not working to provide products for domestic consumption. By the time he left power in 2007, Nigeria continued to import fuel. The national shame of a crude oil-exporting country that is importing fuel remains with Nigeria till today.  For eight years,  the administration dished out only slogans about the reforms of the downstream sector of the petroleum industry. The  resultant crisis of fuel price plagued  the administration.  Meanwhile, it should be recalled that within three years, the Obasanjo military administration built three refineries in the 1970s.  In the other segment of the energy sector, electricity supply in Nigeria in 1999 was under 10, 000 megawatts. In the eight years of Obasanjo the supply was never raised to 10, 000 megawatts  for a country branded as the “largest  economy in Africa.” The social sector was not any way better under Obasanjo. Poverty and inequality worsened in the land. In 1999, Nigeria was in the 146th position out of 191  in  the Human Development  Index and by 2007 the country had  slid down  to the 158th position. Tertiary public education, a responsibility of the federal government , virtually collapsed  during those eight years.  A similar situation prevailed in the tertiary health sector. The administration could not boast of any significant infrastructural revamp. In fact, Obasanjo himself in one of his rarely humble moments in 2002, reportedly said  that he was “ashamed” of the deplorable state of Nigerian roads. By the end of the administration in 2007, major highways remained unpassable in many parts of the country.

Well, the ultimate verdict of history is awaited on the Obasanjo era. Future economic historians may have to examine the ideas underlying policy-making or lack of policies in the Obasanjo’s administration in order to make a fair assessment of the governance in the period between 1999 and 2007. While he was a military Head of State from 1976 to 1979, Obasanjo was enamoured with some elements of economic nationalism and the idea of a developmental state. Some development scholars and technocrats  had some influence on the policies made  by the military government. As elected president, however,  Obasanjo fully embraced the  components of the poverty-inducing  Washington  Consensus  – privatisation, liberalisation, deregulation, trade liberalisation, fiscal adjustment, financial reforms etc.  Obasanjo sold everything that could be sold in the campaign for a “private sector- led  economy.”  Some of the privatised organisations have been run down. Instead of the promised in-flow of capital, technology and efficient management, asset-stripping is what is evident in some cases. The underlying philosophy  of Obasanjo administration was that every socio-economic problem had a market solution and government’s intervention in the economy was an economic  sin. He was under the strict  guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

In contrast to Obasanjo’s Nigeria, China under successive leaders in that last 45 years has shown that market can be used as a tool of economic management without surrendering to its so-called invisible forces at the peril of the society. Today  China is an economic giant!

What does the foregoing say about the path to be taken by the administration of President Bola Tinubu and the governments of the 36 state governors?  The luxury of the benefits of hindsight is, of course,  not available to those in power at various  levels today. And  they should never hope for  a day they would luxuriate in after-thoughts as Obasanjo is cynically doing at present.

However, a  lot of lessons in economic management could,  therefore, be learnt from the economic history of Nigeria in the last 24 years including the eight  years  of    Obasanjo. The Obasanjo years were used as   a  sample for this reflection  because the former president now sits in judgment over others without any sense of self-criticism.  The first lesson is that  ideas are hardly separable from economic management because certain ideas inform policy choices even if imperceptible. A  highly influential economist of the last century, John Maynard  Keynes,  made this point in his book, “General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money “ as follows: “The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas.”

Years after Keynes made the foregoing observation, history has, in fact, recorded instances when ideas of well-known economists influenced policies. Hence, Milton Friedman and his colleagues of the Chicago School of Economics influenced the controversial reforms of the government of  th maximum ruler, President Agustino Pinochet,  in Chile. In the United Kingdom, the policies of Prime Minister Margaret  Thatcher  was influenced by Friedrich von Hayek and other right-wing economists.  Even former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank in the United States Alan Greenspan admits in his memoirs the great  influence of the  conservative philosopher and writer, Ayn Rand. Greenspan says her works shaped his views about policies and the society.

Here in Nigeria, when the Structural Adjustment  (SAP) was introduced  in 1986 by the military government of President Ibrahim Babangida, economists in the administration trenchantly articulated policies thereby generating robust debates in the public sphere. Those who did the articulation of SAP included Dr. Kalu Idika Kalu, Chief Olu Falae and the late Dr. Chu Okongwu. The Babangida administration, of course,   later took decisions policy decisions it deemed fit. But the ideas propelling the government’s action were known to policy enthusiasts. They were not denied.  

Rather than downplay the place of ideas, thoughts should be generated on economic management. By the way, these thoughts could flow from professional economists and non-economists alike. Some of those who managed the economies of countries of southeast  Asia  in years of the “miracles”  were lawyers and engineers. 

Policy-makers glibly talk of non-ideological economic management while the consequences of their  action shows that they are not in any way value-free technicians in making policy choices. Ideas are so powerful that they actually drive policy-making  even when  those taking decisions deny the reality. Attention should be paid to the source of the ideas driving policies  and their  consequences on the lives of the people. The underlying philosophy behind a policy is as important as the practical components of it  when making analysis. Policies are not mechanical games played by some ideologically-neutral technocrats.  Hence, there is the need for vigilance against destructive ideas.  The ideas urgently needed in Nigeria are anti-poverty ideas. Nobel Prize Winners in Economics, Abhiji Banrjee and Ester Dufflo explain those ideas in the book, “Good Economic for Hard Times.”  

The second lesson derives from the first. Policies should be effectively articulated by those in  government. It is hoped that when a cabinet is put in place those responsible for different areas of policy in the Tinubu Team  would see articulation of policies as part of their duty. It should be done in the spirit of accountability and responsibility  and the public would be mobilised in the process. 

The third  lesson is that the government should be open to multiplicity  of perspectives so as to have a balanced view of things before taking economic steps with profound  impacts on the lives of the poor. This would enrich the decision-making process. For instance, when economic adjustments are made the enormous social costs should be kept in view. How to underwrite the social costs should be in the policy package.

All told, whatever ideas that will carry the day in policy-making should be informed by the spirit and letters of the constitution of Nigeria which stipulates that the “security and welfare” of the people  shall be the primary purpose of government.

According to a report from Liverpool Echo, Thiago Alcantara is on the radar of Sevilla and Real Sociedad. It was also stated that the Spanish veteran is said to have admirers in Saudi Arabia, although he has firmly declined offers from the Middle Eastern league, stating that he has no intentions to leave Anfield this summer. Moreover, Thiago was linked with a return to Barcelona over the past week, but there have been no further developments in that direction.

Thiago’s Disappointing Season At Liverpool In The Last Campaign

Thiago experienced a disappointing period with Liverpool in the previous campaign, struggling to make a significant impact in the Premier League. The 32-year-old’s productivity for the Merseyside club was hindered by injuries, resulting in him making only 21 appearances across various competitions last season.

Despite the challenges, the Spanish midfielder’s abilities deserve recognition, as he displayed impressive statistics. In the Premier League, he averaged 1.2 dribbles, 0.9 shots, 2.4 tackles, 1.2 interceptions, and 0.7 clearances per 90 minutes. Moreover, Thiago showcased accuracy in distributing possession from midfield, completing 86.5% of his attempted passes in the English top tier, as per stats via whoscored.

Should Klopp Sanction His Exit?

Thiago continues to play a vital role at the Merseyside club, but his age becomes a significant factor when considering the impact of a potential departure. At 32, he is reaching the later stages of his career, raising questions about his ability to perform at the highest level consistently. Losing a player with his wealth of experience and technical skills could create a void in Liverpool’s midfield, as his composure and vision have been valuable assets to the team.

The Spanish veteran faced challenges finding his rhythm due to injuries and disrupted match fitness, limiting his influence on games and preventing him from showcasing his full potential last season. However, it is worth noting that with a fresh start and improved fitness, his performance may be resurgent.

In their efforts to rejuvenate the midfield, Liverpool has made notable additions like Alexis Mac Allister and Dominik Szoboszlai this summer. Nevertheless, Thiago could serve as an excellent mentor and understudy to these young talents, offering valuable guidance and experience as they develop within the team. This is why Jurgen Klopp has agreed to keep him at Anfield, as the benefits of retaining his services outweigh the risk of losing him for free next summer.

[the4thofficial]

West Ham are under threat in their pursuit of Denis Zakaria from Juventus after Fabrizio Romano reported a new bid going in from Monaco.

The Swiss, who spent last season on loan at Chelsea, is one of numerous midfield targets for the Hammers this summer, but had looked to be one of the closest to completion.

It now appears to be a head-to-head choice for the 26-year-old after the Ligue 1 side, managed by his former Borussia Monchengladbach boss Adi Hutter, entered the race with a concrete bid.

Reporting via Twitter on Tuesday evening (25 July) Romano wrote: “EXCL: AS Monaco have submitted first bid to sign Denis Zakaria from Juventus. He’s among priority targets for the club as Adi Hütter knows him well.

“Zakaria will now assess options. Many clubs want him — West Ham also negotiated with Juventus to sign him. Up to the player.”

Competition

This is exactly the risk with playing the transfer market as the Hammers are currently doing, as being moderately advanced on moves with multiple target at once leaves the club open to hijacks.

If Monaco are seen to be acting decisively in the pursuit of Zakaria, likely to replace another player linked with a Hammers move in Youssouf Fofana [L’Equipe, 27 June], then they may look the more attractive option.

And the fact that Hutter has managed the exit-bound Juventus man before in the Bundesliga is another link that might hand Monaco that advantage.

It appears that West Ham are far enough down the line for them to still be a viable option should the Swiss international decide he wants a return to the Premier League.

But, while there is of course potential competition for all targets the longer the door is left open, it looks it has now got very real in the Zakaria race.

The latest development likely leaves West Ham with a choice between making a concerted final effort to convince both player and club that the London Stadium is right for his next move, or to quickly turn their attentions elsewhere.

[westhamzone]

There is no individual or group which commands legitimacy across the country’s fault lines and therefore capable of resolving amicably the conflicts resulting from inter-group interactions. Distrust is very entrenched and quite often just a person’s name makes the person a suspect on which side the person is likely to be in the various contestations in the country. By the time Mandela died on December 5 2013, he had become one of the greatest moral authorities in the world.

JULY 18 of every year, which is Nelson Mandela’s birthday, is celebrated across the world as Mandela Day. It should be recalled that the United Nations General Assembly declared in November 2009 that July 18 of every year should be commemorated as Mandela International Day in recognition of the contributions of the late South African President to the culture of global peace. The Mandela Day was essentially aimed at honouring the late anti-Apartheid activist’s lifelong commitment to social justice, reconciliation, and human rights.

The day also encourages individuals and communities worldwide to engage in acts of service that will make a positive impact in their communities. In December 2015, the UNGA extended the scope of the Mandela Day to also include promoting humane conditions of imprisonment, raising awareness about prisoners being a continuous part of society and valuing the work of prison staff as a social service of particular importance. The UNGA adopted the revised UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners and approved that these should be known as the “Nelson Mandela Rules”.

Born in 1918 in the village of Mvezo, Mandela was given the forename, Rolihlahla, which literally translated means “troublemaker”. Some say he lived up to the name because as an undergraduate at the University of Fort Hare, he was suspended for joining a protest boycott. Mandela later studied law at the University of Witwatersrand and soon became involved in the anti-apartheid movement, African National Congress, ANC, which led to his being arrested several times, culminating to life imprisonment in 1962.

During his years in prison, Mandela was seen as the symbol for the struggle against racial oppression in South Africa and one of the most influential leaders in the anti-apartheid movement. Though he dedicated his life to the struggle for freedom of South Africans, he also had the wisdom to recognise that non-violence and negotiations were the most efficient path in the fight to end apartheid. In 1993, Mandela received the Nobel Peace Prize. As the first Black South African to serve as the country’s president, Mandela spent his years in office (1994 – 1997) promoting the transformation of the country into a rainbow nation founded on the promotion of reconciliation.

As President, he was neither corrupt nor tyrannical. He was rather seen as a symbol of decency and reconciliation. The United Nations General Assembly marked this year’s Mandela Day with an informal plenary meeting. The Speakers were Csaba Kõrösi, President of the77th session of the General Assembly, António Guterres, UN Secretary-General and Andrew Young, a politician, activist, and former Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations.

In his speech during the plenary, Csaba Kõrösi, remarked: “In times of turbulence and uncertainty, there might be little room for idealism. But we need ideals, in both sense of the word. Meaning, on the one hand, standards of perfection and, on the other hand, people we can respect. Role models, if you wish, men and women who influence others by serving as an example. Let us follow Madiba in embracing the power of resistance to oppression, justice over inequality, dignity over humiliation, and forgiveness over hatred.”

In commemorating this year’s Mandela International Day at Asaba, Delta State, Nigeria’s Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, urged Nigerians to strive to be like Mandela rather than just celebrating him. Soyinka who was the special guest of honour at the occasion was quoted as saying that there are “many Mandela among us…. We should do everything to free them and celebrate them wherever they are to save the coming generation.” What can we all learn from the life of Mandela? One, our leaders can learn that the key responsibility for driving a reconciliation process in any polarised and fractious society lies with the leadership of that country.

Since the leader of such a fractious society necessarily belongs to one of the fault lines or contending blocs in such a society, he or she has to make an early choice whether to deliberately transcend the extant fault lines (at the risk of displeasing his or her ‘own people’ in the short term) or politicise those fault lines by cultivating some and alienating others in a bid to entrench himself or herself in power. Mandela chose to embrace all, including the Whites who promoted Apartheid and imprisoned him for 27 years – to the consternation of many Blacks who fought the Apartheid system and itched for revenge.

He eschewed any temptation to privilege his Xhosa ethnic group and instead set out deliberately to support the construction of a rainbow nation. In Nigeria, one of the causes of the anarchic nature of the struggle for power, especially at the federal level, is the fear that the group that wins power will use it to privilege its in-group and disadvantage others. The actions of some of the country’s leaders since 1999, especially the Buhari government, seem to justify those fears.

Two, Mandela was a synonym for reconciliation. Jailed for 27 years for his opposition to apartheid, he came out of prison in 1990 expressing no bitterness towards those who deprived him of 27 years of his life. When he was sworn in as post-apartheid South Africa’s first democratically elected President in 1994, many Black hard liners wanted justice for the sins of apartheid while many White people were apprehensive of their fate under Black majority rule. Mandela opted to champion reconciliation among the country’s fractious population, espousing the principles of nation-building and co-operative governance.

When he set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1995, the emphasis was on reconciliation in sharp contrast to the approach taken by the Nuremberg Trials and other de-Nazification measures. Even before he became President in 1994, Mandela had chosen to be a reconciler. A clear demonstration of this was in 1993 when a White right winger murdered Chris Hani (at the time arguably the ANC’s most popular leader after Mandela).

Many Black South Africans simply wanted war. But Mandela thought otherwise. In one of his most impassioned speeches, Mandela declared: “Tonight I am reaching out to every single South African, Black and White, from the very depths of my being. A White man, full of prejudice and hate, came to our country and committed a deed so foul that our whole nation now teeters on the brink of disaster…. A White woman, of Afrikaner origin, risked her life so that we may know, and bring to justice this assassin.” Mandela promoted ‘politics without bitterness’ – in deeds, not just in rhetoric.

Three, Mandela’s greatest legacy was his uncanny ability to steer South Africa through the crisis of its rebirth. Though South Africa still remains a divided country, it would certainly have been worse without Mandela. By choosing to be a symbol of peace and reconciliation, Mandela became a figure who transcended all the fault lines in South Africa, Africa and even the world. This is the missing link in Nigeria today in its arduous journey to nationhood.

There is no individual or group which commands legitimacy across the country’s fault lines and therefore capable of resolving amicably the conflicts resulting from inter-group interactions. Distrust is very entrenched and quite often just a person’s name makes the person a suspect on which side the person is likely to be in the various contestations in the country. By the time Mandela died on December 5 2013, he had become one of the greatest moral authorities in the world.

Senator Shehu Sani has insinuated that the poor are the worst hit by the current economic hardship, while the rich are insulated from economic woes.

Sani, a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and former lawmaker, made the assertion via his verified Twitter handle on Tuesday.

Sani wrote: “In our country, the rich are in the Noah’s Ark and the poor are in the Titanic.”

DAILY POST recalls that the cost of living in the country soared after the pump price of fuel skyrocketed to N612 per litre last week.

The United States dollar also gained massively against the Nigerian naira in the exchange market recently.

[DailyPost]