As a precursor to the fixing of judgement date, the Justice Haruna Tsammani-led five-member Presidential Election Petition Court, PEPC, sitting in Abuja has directed all the parties to appear before it on Tuesday to adopt their final briefs of argument.

The court, in a notice it sent to the parties, invited them to adopt their written address with respect to the petition that was lodged against President Bola Tinubu by a former Vice President and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, as well as the one that was filed by candidate of the Labour Party, LP, Mr. Peter Obi.

It will be recalled that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, had on March 1, announced that Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, won the presidential election that was held on February 25, ahead of 17 other candidates that participated in the contest.

It declared that Tinubu scored a total of 8,794,726 votes to defeat the two major contenders, Alhaji Atiku of the PDP, who came second with a total of 6,984,520 votes, and Mr. Obi of the LP, who came third with a total of 6,101,533 votes.

However, dissatisfied with the outcome of the election, both Atiku and Obi approached the court to invalidate it.

The duo, in their separate petitions, claimed that they won the presidential poll, even as they challenged Tinubu’s eligibility to contest the election.

The petitioners, aside from praying the court to declare that President Tinubu did not secure the majority of lawful votes that were cast at the election, are equally seeking the withdrawal of the Certificate of Return that was issued to him by INEC.

Alternatively, they are praying the court to order a fresh presidential election, with the exclusion of President Tinubu whom they argued was ab-initio, not qualified to participate in the Poll.

The court had on July 5, concluded its hearing of both Atiku and Obi’s petitions

While Obi closed his case after he called 13 witnesses that testified and tendered several documentary exhibits, Atiku produced 27 witnesses and equally tendered exhibits before the court.

On their part, both INEC and President Tinubu wrapped up their defence in both cases with one witness each, while the APC failed to produce any witness before the court.

However, all the Respondents, in their respective written addresses, urged the court to dismiss all the petitions for want of merit.

They argued that the petitioners were unable to discharge the burden of proof that was placed on them by the law.

According to the Respondents, whereas the petitioners raised allegations that had elements of crime in them, they, however, failed to prove them beyond reasonable doubt as required by the law.

Though five petitions were initially filed to nullify Tinubu’s election, however, the Action Alliance, AA, on May 8, withdrew its case, even as the Action Peoples Party, APP, followed suit two days later by also discontinuing further proceedings on its own petition.

The Allied Peoples Movement, APM, which refused to withdraw its own petition, had on July 14, adopted its final written address, even as the court reserved its judgement on the petition.

[NationalDaily]

Niger Republic is Nigeria’s next-door neighbour. She is not the best neighbour Nigeria would desire but, as a sovereign nation, we have no control over her. Her economic statistics, population demographics, poverty and security threats – terrorism, insurgency, and inter-communal conflicts – are too much baggage for a neighbour any nation will want to have. However, like all responsible neighbours, a threat to a neighbour is a threat on you. A fire outbreak in your neighbour’s house is a valid threat to your own safety and it is in your enlightened self-interest to ensure peace in the neighbourhood. Only then can you have a measure of peace. Relating this to countries sharing borders, Nigeria needs peace at this crucial time to address her socio-economic and security challenges.

Of recent, the peace of Niger Republic has been threatened and breached. Last week, members of the elite Presidential Guard successfully overthrew the elected government of President Mohammed Bazoum and named General Abdourahomene Tchiani as President of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland. This development has effectively created instability in that country and the West African sub-region. The Nigerien experience makes it the fifth  military coup in the sub-region since 2020 following earlier coup d’etat in Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea,  and Mali. As expected, the UN, USA, EU , UK, ECOWAS, Nigeria, and other world leaders have condemned these constitutional breaches. However, the world is looking to Nigeria to lead the sub-region in fighting against the contagion of coups that are destroying the democratic foundations of the past decades and turning the region into the coups epicentre of the world. The expectation is not misplaced. As the dominant regional power, Nigeria has a moral and diplomatic responsibility for ensuring stability in the neighbourhood.

There is no denying that this coup has destabilized Niger. Or that the aftermath of this destabilisation will have grave consequences on the region and Nigeria in particular. The system has notable chaos and a complete sense of unease in a country already battling with extremism and terrorism attacks from Boko Haram and Islamic State West African Province fighters in addition to exponential economic hardship. The ousted President is known for his unrelenting fight against terrorist groups within his country and the sub-region. His overthrow and the resultant instability may leave room for terrorist groups in Niger to strategize,  and reinforce their actions against States within the sub-region.

Terrorism thrives in failed States with little or no legitimate government. It creates leeway for non-state actors to have a field day and act with impunity. This recent development in Niger will certainly create an additional burden for Nigeria. To be more exact, instability in Niger Republic will affect Nigeria in four significant ways. First, any security vacuum created by this instability will be used by extremist groups, criminal networks and other destabilising elements to upturn all the gains Niger and other Sahel  countries in the sub-region have made over a decade in containing these groups. When these groups thrive in Niger, they attack neighbouring countries with common boundaries with Niger. Nigeria will be the main target, mainly because she shares borders with Niger across Bornu, Yobe, Jigawa, Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto and Kebbi States. That is the longest border Nigeria shares with any country. This poses a significant risk to Nigeria’s fragile internal security. A destabilised Niger Republic will be a free breeding ground for terrorists and provide unrestricted passage to Nigeria for Boko Haram and other terrorist groups through the Diffa region.

Second, Nigeria will most likely bear the brunt of Niger’s refugee crisis. Niger Republic, which already serves as a transit point for migrants and refugees, has a high youth population and the world’s highest birth rate. Any destabilisation of Niger Republic will lead to a massive refugee movement into Nigeria through our seemingly porous borders. Most Nigeriens can trek into Nigeria. Besides, Niger is an agrarian economy. With climate change and conflict, it is only natural for their farmers and herders to migrate to Nigeria. This will compound and exacerbate our now very challenging farmer-pastoral clashes. 

Third, the crisis in Niger will provide a valid threat to the growth and deepening of democracy in the West African sub-region. The ousted President’s election was the first democratic transition of power in a State that has witnessed four military coups since independence from France in 1960. This would be a reversal of all gains made therefore. Already, three countries in the West African sub-region are under military rule. Two others: The Gambia and Guinea Bissau’s democracy are being sustained by Nigeria. A fragile Niger signals susceptibility to unconstitutional rule in other West African (WA) democracies. Militarism and juntas leading many States in the West African sub-region do not inspire confidence and may be seen as retrogressive by other stakeholders. Each successful coup provides some cues or encouragement for subsequent ones. Like insurgencies, coups are rooted in governance failings, population conflicts and the nature of civilian and military relations within the state. The Nigerian State must ensure that such fertile grounds for coups are not in place in countries in the sub-region. Nigeria is working hard for more regional economic and political integration through the instrumentality of the ECOWAS and must work to forestall unsavoury political developments such as we have in Niger since crisis in any member-State sabotages the effort Nigeria is leading and jeopardises regional integration. 

Fourth, the coup in Niger Republic is an affront to Nigeria’s leadership in West Africa. Aside from affecting us directly as a country, it will affect our standing as regional and continental leaders. How Nigeria, as a regional power, engages and interacts with its neighbour determines how we keep our status as a continental power. Our reputation is at stake. The world is watching how Nigeria will successfully deal with this crisis in Niger. Therefore, the world expects the Nigerian State to work unilaterally or within regional and continental institutions such as ECOWAS and AU to solve this crisis. On our part, Africa remains the centrepiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Our nation constitutes the conscience of the world. All these attributes entrusts Nigeria with the responsibility of championing democratic tenets in and for the continent. Failure to accomplish this sacred duty would negatively impact the global perception of Nigeria as a net contributor to global power dynamics. In the execution of her sacred role, Nigeria must send a clear message that not again on her watch will a State on the continent – particularly on the West Coast – fall to the cold hands of military juntas. The world must never perceive Nigeria as a fallen power or a toothless bulldog that barks but cannot bite.

This crisis is a significant challenge for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria who doubles as the leader of ECOWAS. Both roles put him at the fore of dealing with this crisis. Thankfully, he has vowed to show no tolerance for coups in the region. By that proclamation alone, he has started the hard work to re-establish Nigeria’s regional leadership and end the crisis in Niger. He started well by following a clear strategy for dealing with the situation by first condemning the coup in toto and commencing diplomatic engagements to stem the tide.

President Bola Tinubu sent a planeload of his senior officers to press the Niger military to abort the takeover. Although the mission may be unsuccessful at the moment, this kind of leadership from within the region is commendable. The new Nigerian and ECOWAS leader has continued to engage with world leaders such as the US Vice President, the Secretary-General of the UN, Heads of State of countries within the sub-region and other vital stakeholders to fashion out the best multilateral approach of a lasting solution to the problem. He is galvanising the ECOWAS and AU for a collaborative institutional approach. Yesterday 30th July  in Abuja , ECOWAS leaders made a cocktail of significant decisions aimed at dislodging the junta  . It includes imposition of no flight zone , air and land boarder closure , financial sanctions, without ruling out the use of force . The international community will be watching out how far ECOWAS can go in its resolve to restore constitutional order . 

In searching for the results to this political crisis, we must come to terms with its anatomy by conducting a near infallible diagnosis of the symptoms it presents. There is a nexus of local, regional and global factors at play in this crisis. We must highlight this connection, especially while articulating a comprehensive solution to this crisis and laying the foundation to prevent coup d’etat from being staged in any other country in the sub-region going forward. This is especially important given the role France, as former colonial masters with more cultural, political, economic and military ties, plays in the emerging milieu. The ousted President has a robust link with France and that window can come in handy. However,  recent global events have seen the possible push by the Russian/Chinese hegemonies to take control of some African countries and push out the US and her Western allies. Some African militaries are counting on this emerging global divide and are taking their chances knowing there are opportunities of having the backing of either of the powers after a coup. 

Every international or multilateral intervention must dispassionately examine the root cause(s) of the leadership crisis and the unmet needs or unresolved conflicts that are driving coups. There is the need and no effort should be spared to strengthen Niger’s institutions and broader civil society, provide more economic investments and support intense diplomacy. The latter may include use of military force to produce regime change. The enduring solution to the Nigerien debacle is this. Nigeria, other principal voices in the subregion and global actors must work in collaboration to pull Niger back from this or any future military dictatorship.

“ECOWAS on Sunday slammed border closure on Niger because of the coup there. Let us look at the political map of that country. It is bordered in the north by non-ECOWAS members, Libya and Algeria. It is bordered by Benin and Nigeria in the south where local people along the borders share farms and streams with their kin on Niger’s side. Niger also shares borders with Burkina Faso in the southeast, with Mali in the west, and with Chad in the east. Is ECOWAS aware that all these countries are, like Niger, under military rule? So, how effective will the closure be?”

Six contiguous states across Africa, from Guinea on the Atlantic Ocean to Sudan on the Red Sea, have suffered eight military coups since 2020. The United States Institute for Peace (USIP) noted and wrote the above in relation to last week’s coup in Niger Republic. It described the situation as depressing. It is. Depressing means upsetting and distressing, painful. It also means disheartening, heartbreaking and heart-rending. Each of those words will fit an experience of betrayal where trust is invested. Ousted President Mohamed Bazoum would use those words too, especially when it was announced that the head of his guards was the one who sacked him. The violent process is called coup d’etat; Napoleon Bonaparte did it after his Egyptian military campaign in October 1799; it crowned him emperor, a virtual dictator in 1804.

Coups are sometimes redemptive and corrective; they are many times ruinous. The December 1, 1983 issue of the Nigerian Tribune carried a front page story headlined: ‘Metroline takes off in 1984.’ It was about Lagos State and the UPN government there thinking ahead. Exactly one month after that report, a coup d’etat killed the metroline dream; the result is the intractable snarled-up Lagos traffic we feel today. When the Nigerien coup story broke last week, I asked a reporter in his late 20s what he knew about coups de’tat. He started ‘blowing’ grammar but I understood his limited knowledge of what I asked. To him, coup was a mere subject of discussion; to my generation, it is a lived experience, a permanent scar. I told the young man of our experience in the 1970s, 1980s and the ’90s when we slept under a ‘regime of hope’ and woke up with ‘renewed hope’ under another regime without having a say in who ruled us and for how long. The last time we experienced a coup was November 1993, about thirty years ago. ‘Impunity’ and ‘arbitrariness’ were the words the young man used to qualify what I described. He was right. What rules coups is not the law as we know it. It has its own rule, its own morality – might is right, what Charles Darwin (and Herbert Spencer) called “survival of the fittest…an overthrowing of the moving equilibrium wherever it presents the least opposing force…” It is a capricious supplanting of the Rule of Law with the rule of men in its crudest form.

Edward Luttwak, in chapter 2 of his ‘Coup D’etat: A Practical Handbook’ (first published in 1968, republished in 1979, updated and republished in April 2016), identifies what he calls conditions that predispose countries to a violent change of government. He lists “a passivity of enforced silence, not inertia”, economic distress, and insecurity among such vulnerabilities (page 22). Were those conditions present in Niger Republic before last week? If they were, how innocent were the coup leaders in the making of the deterioration which now summoned their intervention? The new leader has been an inner part of the system since 2011. He is on record as “a staunch ally” of Bazoum’s mentor and predecessor, Mahamadou Issoufou; he is still very close to him. He was very close to Bazoum until recently. When you are complicit in the making of a problem, would you not be insulting the intelligence of your audience if you advertise and hold yourself out as the solution?

Coup is the political equivalent of armed wife snatching, an act that knows no friend because it is war. In that zero-sum game of power, every actor is a serpent and the closest is always the most poisonous. General Abdourahamane Tchiani, Niger’s coup leader, was the commander of the elite presidential guard. His job was to protect the man he sacked and detained in an apparent preemptive strike. The coupist had an ancestor in Nigeria: Colonel (later Brigadier) Joseph Nanven Garba was made the commander of the Nigerian elite Brigade of Guards at Dodan Barracks in Lagos in the middle of the Nigerian Civil War. He was in charge of the personal security of the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon. Like Tchiani, Garba did the work admirably for almost a decade. Then on May 29, 1975, General Gowon was overthrown in a military coup announced by his chief guard – the same Joe Garba. In Mali, a certain Colonel Assimi Goita was in the news on August 18, 2020 for seizing power which he soon ceded to transitional President Bah Ndaw. Goita was back nine months later in May 2021 announcing that he had seized power from President Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane. He proceeded to detain the duo and became interim president and has remained in power since. What is the meaning of interim? The September 2022 coup in Burkina Faso threw up Captain Ibrahim Traore who was a key participant in the January 2022 coup that enthroned the man he sacked, Lt-Col Paul Henri Sandaogo Damiba. That act of a comrade toppling another comrade was consistent with the political history of the Burkinabe. On Thursday, 15 October, 1987, the leader who renamed the country Burkina Faso, Captain Thomas Sankara, was shot dead outside the central parliament building in Ouagadougou. It was his best friend, colleague and comrade, Blaise Compaore, who was behind his death. Someone reviewed the Sankara tragedy and warned: beware of best friends.

It is not really strange that the man who sacked his president in Niger was in fact the man in charge of the president’s life and throne. Sadly, it is the way of life, and especially of power. You can’t slap someone unless you are close to the person. I counsel all leaders to choose their men with their mind’s eyes open. Whenever events like the Nigerien ‘betrayal’ happen, the Yoruba would quickly remember a head of their army, Aare Ona Kakanfo Afonja of Ilorin, who staged a coup against his lord, the Alaafin, in 1817, forced him out of power and out of life. Like the Arab Spring, the Afonja rebellion serially infected the whole of the Yoruba country with convulsions; the nation caved in to a pandemic of revolts and coups. But Afonja himself soon became a victim of his ambition.

Like Afonja, like Tchiani. The new man in Niger Republic is said to be very brave and popular among his soldiers. He holds himself out as a people’s General. Reports describe him as a veteran pro-democracy officer “who has foiled similar uprisings” in his country in recent past. He was, in fact, the one who foiled a plot to prevent Bazoum from being sworn in in April 2021. Ambitious people always speak the language of freedom. Afonja was a ‘freedom fighter’ hailed initially for standing up to the excesses of Alaafin Aole. He later built a formidable army of forcibly freed Oyo slaves of northern origin. He encouraged the enslaved to desert their owners, gave them freedom, courage and arms. He needed them for his protection but, like he did to the Alaafin, those he cultivated for his defence turned out his nemesis. Afonja fell six years after his coup at the mutinous hands of his soldiers. He was attacked, assailed, defeated and killed one very bad afternoon in 1823 by his ex-men. His attackers were not satisfied with just killing him; they burnt his corpse, denying him a decent burial. What happened to Afonja was a coup that has endured till tomorrow.

Death that is serially killing one’s age mates is dropping a sneaky heads-up in deep proverbs. We should understand the blue-murder cries across Africa’s presidential palaces over the coup in Niger. Rebellion is like yawning; it is contagious. When Gowon was removed in July 1975, the New York Times noted that he was “the seventh African head of government to be deposed in two years.” The newspaper reported that “the previous changes in government had come in Rwanda, Upper Volta, Niger, Ethiopia, Madagascar and Chad.” Two American political scientists, Nathan Danneman and Emily Hencken Ritter, in 2014 looked at the Arab Spring and came out with a paper they entitled ‘Contagious Rebellion and Preemptive Repression.’ They noted that “rebellions in Tunisia (which was) followed soon after by challenges in Egypt, Syria, and Libya” suggested “the contagious nature of civil conflict.” Rebellion in the neighborhood, they held, “make citizens more likely to rebel at home.” In politics, as in revolutions, one thing almost always leads to another. We saw it with the 1776 American revolt against British rule; it was followed in 1789 by the French battle for independence. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ignited a chain of events which altered the course of events in Eastern Europe. That is why the USIP (United States Institute for Peace) is alarmed that eight African countries in 2023 share not just common borders and insecurity but also anti-democratic behaviour. If you’ve been bitten by a snake before, every twerking, slithering creature would be treated as a snake. French president, Emmanuel Macron, looked deeply at what happened and declared that “this coup is completely illegitimate and profoundly dangerous for Nigeriens, for Niger and for the whole region.” If an earthworm moves like a snake, kill it as you will kill a snake. Lovers of democracy in Africa should pay attention to these events. The Yoruba have many words of warning; one of them tells the careless to watch out for the dangers which pointed sticks pose to their eyes (igi ganganran má gún mi l’ójú, òkèèrè l’ati í lòó). You escape being blinded by being proactive.

A stich in time saves nine. The ousted Nigerien leader appeared never to have heard that saying before his sack. The coup leader, Tchiani, had reportedly developed a cold war with Bazoum, his Commander-in-Chief, repeatedly “shunning official ceremonies and activities” where the president was present. He was sending his deputy, Colonel Ibroh Amadou Bacharou, who is now solidly with him in this coup. What did the toppled president do? He was reportedly considering a sack of the General. He went to sleep with a python in his rafters. The sensible would tell him that very few have ever put a date to their enemy’s death and lived to carry it out.

War chiefs can be very uncontrollable and subversive. A particular Balogun some 200 years ago controlled Ilorin and resisted his Emir as it pleased him. It took the direct intervention of the British to put him and the other Baloguns down for the emir to breathe. There were several of such men in Ibadan history. In Ilorin, it was worse. The war chiefs actively competed for power and influence with the emirs, even demanding their removal and death – exactly as Afonja did with Alaafin Aole. But Lugard at a point resolved to address the question of the powers of the Baloguns in Ilorin. Colonial records say that in September 1900, Lugard wrote to the Resident in Ilorin on the need to deal with “the most ill-disposed” of the Baloguns as a lesson to others: “I should be glad if you would accumulate a case against (Balogun) Alanamu (or whoever is the worst) without letting it be known that you are so doing”…then ‘arrest and probably deport him” (See Danmole and Falola’s ‘The Documentation of Ilorin by Samuel Ojo Bada’. 1993: 9). What Lugard said he would do, he did to that Balogun. My people say when you kill iji in the presence of ìjì, ìjì will know its place and how much it weighs.

ECOWAS on Sunday slammed border closure on Niger because of the coup there. Let us look at the political map of that country. It is bordered in the north by non-ECOWAS members, Libya and Algeria. It is bordered by Benin and Nigeria in the south where local people along the borders share farms and streams with their kin on Niger’s side. Niger also shares borders with Burkina Faso in the southeast, with Mali in the west, and with Chad in the east. Is ECOWAS aware that all these countries are, like Niger, under military rule? So, how effective will the closure be?

It is gratifying to see the whole world rejecting what happened in Niger. Niger’s old master, France, has stopped all aids to the country; the European Union has halted all help; the United States has talked tough in support of democracy even as it threads the needle with utmost care. It has to; otherwise, the bad child will run out into the warm bosom of seductive Russia. The big lesson in the whole tragedy is that democracies will endure only when it serves the people and serves them well. Coup-endorsing videos of street jubilation and attacks on politicians, their property and symbols of democracy in Niger Republic are a distressing spectacle. Democracy may be painfully problematic in Africa, but it is still the strongest bulwark against the buffettings of arbitrariness and misrule.

Price of petrol may to rise further as international market data gathered by The PUNCH revealed that the commodity has gained 20 per cent.

At the beginning of 2023, Brent crude traded around $78 per barrel. However, last week, the international benchmark hit $83 per barrel.

On the other hand, petrol prices started the year at less than $2.50 per gallon. Last week, it hit $2.90 per gallon, and analysts said it could reach $3 in the new week.

A weak currency and inflation had caused a rise in the dollar against the naira to as much as N820/$1 recently, before dropping to N776/$1 as of Saturday.

In Nigeria, petrol price had risen from between N198/N200 per litre, to around N617 per litre since deregulation of the downstream sector by President Bola Tinubu on May 29.

Due to lack of functional refineries, Nigeria still imports its petrol despite being an oil producing country.

A Deputy Director, Mrs. Maimuna Lami Gogo Shiru, was over the weekend awarded with the Presidential Distinguished Public Service Award for successfully saving over N7 trillion in the cases she handled on behalf of the federal government.
She was of the 31 civil servants conferred with meritorious awards to conclude the activities of the 2023 Civil Service Week celebration.

Gogo, who is the Director of Civil Litigation and Public Law at the Ministry of Justice successfully completed over 200 cases on behalf of federal government including a case between the Registered Trustees of SERAP vs Chairman Code of Conduct wherein the federal government was saved from liability in the sum of N12 billion and Registered Trustees of Original Inhabitants of FCT Vs FGN where the latter was saved from a liability to the tune of N4 trillion.
She also saved the federal government the sum of $47.8 million in the matter against Panic Alert System.

Another awardee was Issac Anum, of the Ministry of Science and Technology, who initiated the memo that led to the formation of National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and was also in the team that drafted the memo that midwife the formation of National Board for Technology Incubation.

Each of the 31 recipient of the outstanding award received N500,000 from the Aig-Imokhude Foundation while the star prize of a brand new 2022 JAC JS4 SUV was won by Mrs. Juwon Olayiwola of the Federal Ministry of Education; a 2-bedroom semi-detached bungalow won by Mr Kevin Nwachukwu of Service Welfare Office (OHCSF) and the third price, a plot of land was allocated to Mrs. Chukweke Stella Oluchi, of the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF).

Meanwhile President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has described the civil service as a fulcrum for governance, whose vision and mission were predicated on implementation of policies and programmes that will enhance national economic and multi-dimensional growth.
The president, who was represented by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, made this disclosure at the Rewards and Recognition Ceremony/Gala Nite marking the concluding activities of the 2023 Civil Service Week celebration.

He noted that the event was a social gathering to appreciate the uncommon, exemplary and commendable performances of deserving civil servants.
He said the annual ritual was essential for the ongoing improvement in service delivery geared towards ensuring good governance, leading to rapid socio-economic development of our dear country.

According to him the African Continental Free Trade Area (AFCFTA) would require a fit-for-purpose African Public Administration to succeed, which interrogates intra-African trade and productivity of the continent against the backdrop of the ambitious aspirations of Agenda 2063.
He added it was this that inspired the theme for this year’s Civil Service Week: “Digitalisation of Work Processes in the Public Service: A Gateway to Efficient Resource Utilisation and National Development,” further concretised the cardinal role digital technology plays in today’s workspaces, especially, in evolving a capable Public Service.

Tinubu also extolled the Aig-Imoukhede Foundation for instituting a N41 million endowment fund to reward deserving civil servants annually.
The move according to the president, would drive public sector transformation for improved public service delivery in the country.
He pledged that his administration would accord the necessary attention to prioritise the welfare of civil servants.

In his words: “As you must have noticed, the private sector is becoming more interested and committed to the value proposition of the civil servants. Their support is commendable. I am informed particularly of the support of the AIG-Imoukhuede Foundation.
“It is on record that the Foundation has instituted an endowment fund with N41,000,000.00 to reward deserving civil servants annually. The onus is now on the body of civil servants to collectively show greater dedication to its ideals.”

He therefore appreciated the Federal Civil Service as the custodian of public trust, and promise to empower it in order for them to consolidate on the gains of the on-going reforms, while also introducing further smart and radical policies and administrative measures to make the civil service more virile, competent, accountable and citizen-centred in the delivery of public services.

“It is fitting that the awardees today be adequately celebrated with fanfare. Award and recognition are instituted to motivate personnel and stimulate healthy competition among them for the delivery of high-quality services. The officers who have been adjudged worthy of recognition and awards today, are exemplars of the right values being promoted by the ongoing reforms in the Service,” he said.

“This initiative must be sustained. Let me therefore specially commend each and every one of the awardees for their dedication to service. The recognition given here today though a reward; is also a call to greater service. Be reassured that the country of your dream is possible,” he averred.

He noted his administration counts on the Public Service and the Federal Civil Service in particular, to deliver on their promise of a renewed hope even as the federal government would be unfolding very explicit cues for action in no distant time.

Tinubu said many tough, but needful policy and paradigm shifts would be emplaced to reposition governance for efficiency, effectiveness and productivity, saying that to match the expectations of the present administration, the civil service must increase its reform pace.

[ThisDay]

Adebisi, a young Nigerian set to migrate to Canada for good, found himself in a precarious situation when he visited the bank to purchase Personal Travel Allowance (PTA) with his July salary.

Having already sold all his belongings to fund his move and converting the proceeds to forex, he had hoped to save around N450k by buying at the official Investors’ and Exporters’ (I&E) window rate, which averages at N775/$1, rather than resorting to the black market rate of N870/$1. 

However, upon reaching the bank, he was met with disappointment.

The bank informed him that they were unable to fulfil his request due to supply-related challenges and suggested he seek out the black market instead.

This scene is becoming all too common across Nigerian banks as they grapple with an acute scarcity of dollars, leading to rationing of forex supplies and leaving customers like Adebisi in the lurch. 

The Central Bank, in its efforts to manage the forex market, had assured that PTAs and other invisible transactions would continue to be accessible through banks at the prevailing I&E window rate.

However, in practice, many Nigerians are finding it increasingly difficult to access forex through official channels, leaving them with no choice but to turn to the parallel market. 

The current predicament faced by Adebisi and countless others looking for dollars is a symptom of the prevailing dollar scarcity that has enveloped Nigeria.

A survey of several commercial banks in Lagos has shown that most institutions are struggling to keep up with the demand for forex, and in many cases, they simply have nothing to sell.

As a result, customers are left with no choice but to explore alternative sources, such as the black market, to meet their forex needs. 

When questioned about the situation, a manager at one of the commercial banks, who preferred to remain anonymous, disclosed that forex is typically sold to at most two customers per week, but there are often periods when they have nothing to sell.  

Another bank executive stated that their branch hadn’t sold dollars as PTA or travel allowances in weeks, and customers were frequently redirected to larger branches.

The frustration of customers has led many to resort to the black market to secure their much-needed supply of forex, especially now that the disparity is not as wide. 

Previously, the disparity between the official and parallel market rates created an advantageous situation for customers purchasing forex through PTAs.

However, with the convergence of the two rates, the benefit of buying from official sources has largely evaporated, pushing more individuals towards the parallel market. 

Why dollar is scarce 

Asides from possible speculations against the naira, one of the contributing factors to the high demand for forex is the phenomenon of Nigerian youth seeking better opportunities abroad.

Many individuals, like Adebisi, are liquidating their assets to fund their migration, putting additional strain on the forex market and exacerbating the depreciation of the naira. 

The situation is also impacting middle-class Nigerians who have children studying abroad. To meet their obligations, they regularly convert a significant portion of their income into dollars, further contributing to the limited supply available for all.

As a result, the depreciation of the naira persists, and the outlook for forex volatility remains uncertain. 

Several analysts interviewed by Nairametrics share concerns that forex volatility may persist as more young Nigerians leave the country in search of better opportunities, a phenomenon colloquially known as “japa.”

The increasing number of Nigerian youth emigrating is seen as a significant factor contributing to the heightened demand pressures on the forex market. 

Some individuals who choose to emigrate sell off their assets, including cars and houses, and then turn to the black market to convert their naira proceeds into dollars.

This behaviour is believed to further contribute to the depreciation of the naira, as the demand for foreign currency surges. 

Additionally, many middle-class Nigerians have their children studying abroad, necessitating the regular conversion of a substantial portion of their income into dollars to meet their financial obligations.

Unfortunately, the limited supply of forex available to meet the needs of all these individuals and factors has resulted in the depreciation of the country’s currency. 

What the CBN is saying 

During the last monetary policy committee meeting of the Central Bank, acting governor Fola Shonubi acknowledged that the ongoing forex volatility is primarily attributed to the limited supply of foreign currency.  

He expressed optimism that once the supply issues are addressed, the volatility is likely to reduce. In a bid to attract dollar inflows, government officials have also been engaging in consultations with foreign investors, as reported by Nairametrics last week. 

The growing demand pressure on the parallel market has led to a significant widening of the gap between the official and parallel rates.

Last week, the parallel market rate plummeted to as low as N870/$1, while the official rate remained at N775/$1. This growing divergence is now a growing cause for concern as it threatens the forex stability envisaged following the unification of the naira. 

Meanwhile, Bureau De Change (BDC) operators continue to face exclusion from the official forex market, ever since Godwin Emefiele ceased selling dollars to them last year.

However, some BDC operators argue that their absence from the market contributes to the volatility in the parallel market, as the lack of supply puts immense pressure on their ability to meet the high demand. Consequently, they have called on the Central Bank to reconsider their exclusion and reintegrate them into the formal forex market. 

 [Nairametrics]

THE World Bank has advised the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to reduce subsidised lending to medium and large firms and government borrowing from CBN, known as Ways and Means.

The bank also backed the N8,000 monthly intervention fund that President Bola Tinubu initially proposed as a palliative to cushion the hardship caused by the removal of subsidy on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS).

President Tinubu had said he will stop subsidising PMS and offered to pay vulnerable households N8,000 monthly to alleviate the impact of fuel subsidy on prices of goods and services, as well as the cost of living.

The decision was met with criticism from many Nigerians who said the money is too small to meet the basic needs of poor households in Nigeria.

However, World Bank’s Lead Economist for Nigeria, Alex Sienaert, in reports on Friday, said the money is significant for some households to take care of their families.

Sienaert argued that between N5,000 and N8,000 is a substantial amount for the poor in Nigeria.

“The other thing we often hear is that N5,000 or N8,000 is a trivial amount of money. I think people will be shocked to know that for a huge number of Nigerian households, it is a very significant amount of money.

“I believe the statistics are that about 50 percent of Nigerian households are on less than N60,000 a month. So, if you are giving them N5,000 or N8,000 extra for six months to help tie them over, you are increasing their earnings and available incomes on the order of 10 percent. For many households, it would be meaningful,” Sienaert stated during an economic review session at the Lagos Business School on Thursday.

The World Bank’s top official said the amount is vital in ensuring the poor are still able to eat, go to the hospital and don’t stop their children from schooling.

“I know what has been in the news is the idea of a N5,000 or N8,000 cash transfer to needy households for about six months. If you look at the cost of that it would be equivalent to just about one month worth of spending on the subsidy that was happening before it was cancelled under the old exchange rates, still less than two months’ worth under the new one.

“So, it is not actually an enormous amount of resources relative to what is being freed up and it might just help many poor and vulnerable households get through this without having to do things that harm their prospects like pull a pupil out of school, or not go to the hospital, or skip a meal, whatever the case might be,” Sienaert noted.

He further advised that the government should replace foreign exchange restrictions on international trade with tariffs and reduce dependence on loans from the CBN.

Sienaert disclosed that these decisions could help curb inflation in the country, “The whole agenda of tackling inflation is obviously a huge one. Some ideas include reducing subsidised CBN lending to medium and large firms and the government borrowing from CBN.

“All of these things increase the money supply and reducing that will be helpful to reduce inflation and then replacing imports with FX restrictions with tariffs,” the lead economist stated.

[Tribune]

The leadership of the Labour Party has knocked President Bola Tinubu over the first batch of ministerial nominees unveiled by the Senate on Thursday.

The LP said the ministerial nominees were an assemblage of ‘recycled, spent forces and anti-democratic elements.’

Mixed reactions have continued to trail the announcement of the nominees, with some critics expressing disappointment over the absence of the highly anticipated ‘technocrats’ in the long-awaited list.

Many young Nigerians on social media have also questioned the list, saying the politicians who made the list were merely rewarded for roles played in the last election.

The nominees included former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai, and his counterparts from Ebonyi, Jigawa, and Rivers – Dave Umahi, Badaru Abubakar, and Nyesom Wike respectively.

In the list were seven women including the only APC female presidential aspirant at the last convention, Uju Ohanenye; deputy spokesperson for the dissolved Tinubu-Shettima Campaign Council, Hannatu Musawa and APC National Women Leader, Betta Edu among others.

However, a statement issued in Abuja on Sunday by the National Publicity Secretary of the Labour Party, Obiora Ifoh, stated that submitting ministerial nominees list in piecemeal as the president did on Thursday runs foul of the Electoral Act.

Ifoh further said that what Nigerians saw on the list of ministers was a recycling of some ‘failed and clueless politicians’ as against dynamic youths and resulted-oriented technocrats that was earlier promised.

He said, “Some of these nominees played prominent anti-democratic roles in the previous administration, particularly since 2015, which saw the APC government fail in all its promises to Nigerians. We also saw ‘Prebendal’ politics in full swing where mainly the cronies and lackeys of the APC national leader were selected for a reward for servitude and blind discipleship.

“This list does not in any way reflect the enormous reservoir of talents, potentials, and resources Nigeria is known for. It still baffles us as to why this government ignored the youthful and technocratic potentials that abound but rather chose to appoint spent forces that have failed Nigeria in the past.

“A glance at the list exposes the absence of technocrats who usually form the nucleus or core policy implementers in any given government and unfortunately in their place are fawning politicians who may not be of any help in the needed efforts to salvage and reposition the country.”

The LP spokesman also expressed disappointment that the president chose to unveil his ministerial nominees in batches as against presenting the entire list within 60 days.

According to him, 60 days was enough for any serious government to put together a cabinet.

“Again, we are worried that the ministerial list is being presented piecemeal. The constitution of Nigeria clearly states that at least a minister must be appointed from each of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. The Electoral Act as amended also stipulates that a list containing ministerial nominees must be sent to the Senate within 60 days from the commencement of a government for screening and confirmation. But what we witnessed was a hurriedly prepared list that excluded nominations from about 10 states in clear violation of the laws of the land.

“Sixty days is quite a lengthy period for any serious government to form its executive team. This development appears even more ridiculous because we know that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has struggled to be president for over two decades and therefore should have been able by now to identify and have a solid team selected across the country that is qualified to hold ministerial positions. But this has not happened.

“Had it not for the Electoral Act which compels a government to submit a ministerial list within 60 days, given what we are seeing, one wonders how long it would have taken the APC leadership to form the government. This is because it took the immediate past APC administration over six months to appoint its ministers in 2015,” he stated.

Tawfiq Akinwale, who was the Labour Party (LP) candidate in the Oyo State governorship election in March 2023, has joined the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state.

In a statement released on Sunday night, Akinwale said his decision to switch to the APC came after carefully assessing the political environment.

He concluded that the LP’s leadership lacks the necessary vision, direction, and cohesion needed to bring about significant transformation in the state and, more broadly, Nigeria.

The statement read: “In the face of uncoordinated efforts and a lack of focus within the Labour Party, Tawfiq Tayo believes that aligning with the All Progressives Congress will provide the ideal platform to effectively address the challenges facing Oyo State as an opposition and to champion a progressive agenda for the betterment of its citizens.

“Throughout my campaign, I witnessed the earnest desire of the people of Oyo State for positive change and meaningful development. It became increasingly apparent that such change could not be effectively achieved under the current leadership of the Labour Party in the State.

“Therefore, after careful consideration, I have decided to join the All Progressives Congress, a party that shares my commitment to progress, unity, and purposeful leadership.

“The All Progressives Congress has consistently assured Nigerians of its dedication to good governance, socioeconomic development, and the empowerment of its citizens.

“With a solid track record of successful leaders who have implemented policies and initiatives at both the national and state levels, APC remains committed to uplifting the lives of ordinary Nigerians even in the face of the current yearnings of Nigerians which will soon be converted to laughter and joy.

“As a formidable political force, the APC will offer a unique opportunity for me to collaborate with like-minded individuals, passionate about Oyo State’s development, and to work towards achieving the aspirations and dreams of the people.

“By becoming a member of the APC, I am taking a significant step towards ensuring the realisation of a prosperous, inclusive, and vibrant Oyo State that empowers its citizens and harnesses its full potential.

“In my new political home, I will continue to advocate for policies and programmes aimed at improving infrastructure, healthcare, education, agriculture, and job creation in Oyo State. With a renewed sense of purpose and determination. I am ready to contribute positively to the progress of the APC and Oyo State as a whole.

“My decision is not taken lightly and is rooted in the best interests of the people of Oyo State. I sincerely hope that all well-meaning citizens will join me in supporting this important step towards a brighter future for Oyo State.

“I am a visionary and dynamic leader who contested the March 2023 Governorship elections in Oyo State under the Labour Party. I am recognised for my unwavering commitment to progress, unity and development.

“I am now a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and remain dedicated to advancing the well-being of the people of Oyo State.”

A Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has ordered the Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, to disclose the spending details of over N200 billion public funds collected by the government of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa from the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) fund and allocations from the Federation Accounts.

The court ordered Oborevwori to disclose details of budgetary allocations and actual spending by the Okowa government between 2015 and 2019, including specific projects carried out to improve primary education in Delta State, and the locations of such projects.

The judgment was delivered by Justice Daniel Osiagor, following a Freedom of Information suit number: FHC/L/CS/803/2019, brought by Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP).

Justice Osiagor also ordered the state government to disclose how the Okowa government spent over N7.28 billion received from UBEC between 2015 and 2017, and N213 billion received from the Federation Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) in 2018, at an average of N17.8 billion monthly.

SERAP’s suit followed the case of seven year-old Success Adegor, who was sent home because her parents could not pay the ‘illegal’ school fee/levy of N900, and the ‘poor-quality’ of her Okotie-Eboh Primary School 1. Miss Success had, in a viral video in March 2019 said, “No be say I no go pay, dem go flog, flog, flog, dem go tire.”

Justice Osiagor further ordered the government to disclose details of the primary schools that have benefited from the projects carried out on access to free and quality primary education in the state, and information on indirect costs, including uniforms, exercise books, and transport costs to students and their parents.

Justice Osiagor dismissed all the objections raised by the state government, UBEC and the Delta State Universal Basic Education Board and upheld SERAP’s arguments. Consequently, the court entered judgment in favour of SERAP against the three respondents.

Justice Osiagor’s judgment, dated July 17, 2023, read in part: “SERAP’s application cures so much disinformation in the public space. The request by SERAP falls within the categories of records accessible by the public.”

“However, public institutions are becoming increasingly hysterical upon any request served on them for information bordering on accountability.”

“The arguments of the Delta State government and the Delta State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) that the Freedom of Information Act applies to only Federal Government officials cannot be sustained as public institutions are defined in Section 31 of the Interpretation section to include State institutions.”

“Besides, any State Freedom of Information Law that runs contrary to the Federal legislation to the extent of the inconsistency shall be void. See Section 4(5) of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999 [as amended]. National Assembly’s legislative powers is for the peace, order and good government of Nigeria.”

“The Delta state government’s reliance on the Delta State Freedom of Information Law, 2019 is inappropriate in this case. The retrospective application of the Delta State piece of legislation is hollow as it cannot divest the vested rights of SERAP.”

“The Freedom of Information Act was the only piece of legislation applying to Delta prior to the filing of this suit by SERAP by the doctrine of covering the field. I am not unmindful of the concurrent powers of legislation between the Federal and State legislatures. There is therefore no feature depriving this court of jurisdiction.”

“Besides, the Delta State procedural step is inapplicable as it was not in existence when this cause of action arose. I therefore hold that SERAP has effectively triggered the application of the Freedom of Information Act by their letters of April, 2019 placing demands for information from the Delta State government.”