A very striking symbolic assessment of the Presidency of General Muhammadu Buhari was highlighted in the decision of all the former Presidents/Heads of State of Nigeria to stay away from the June 12 Democracy Day celebrations which the President inaugurated with so much pomp. It symbolised a negative perception of Buhari across board. Note that these luminaries didn’t converge at any meeting point to take a collective decision. Each, of his own accord, arrived at the same conclusion and took the decision not to honour his invitation. If he was alive and free, perhaps the late General Sani Abacha would most likely be the sole exception to this rule. In substance and style, the Abacha military dictatorship is the only precedent that the Buhari dispensation tends to evoke. Unlike Abacha, our wish is that President Buhari concludes his tenure on the high note of public goodwill and appreciation and there is still sufficient time and space for him to do a course reversal.
More than all else, the signature trademark of the Buhari Presidency is the tired but totally germane citation as personification of Hausa/Fulani hegemony. No other political leader, with the possible exception of Sir Ahmadu Bello, is so fixated on seeing Nigeria from the prism of Pan Islamic Northern hegemony but by the same token, he has equally become its nemesis. The crude, insensitive and extremist manner this hegemony has bared its fangs at his bidding has woken up the demons of Nigerian politics in a manner not seen since 1966. It has provoked paranoia and widespread revulsion at the cause and constituency he seeks to promote and he has done this with reckless abandon. The genie is out of the bottle and after he leaves the stage, it is inconceivable that any such hegemony can ever be reestablished in these shores. Just how Nigeria has degenerated is also indicated in the spectre of Mr. Nigeria himself, President Olusegun Obasanjo, feeling compelled to publicly raise the alarm at the trend of the “Fulanisation and Islamisation of Nigeria”. My enduring political association with the former President is largely borne of my perception of him as the foremost ideologue and promoter of contemporary Nigerian nationalism. I wanted to understand and work through him towards the realisation of the objective of making a nation of Nigeria. The current trajectory of Nigerian politics suggests that this objective is trending towards becoming a mission impossible.
By default, President Buhari has done the most damage to the cause of the Fulani in Nigeria. He has isolated and exposed them to criminalisation and ethnic stereotype of the worst order. Ominously, the enactment of the Rwanda model suddenly does not look that remote any longer, it is becoming increasingly plausible. The President has become a toxic brand that stigmatises and delegitimises his political allies and associates all over the country. It is difficult to see how Nigeria can recover from the deluge of deep seated bitterness and outrage emanating from the broken dam of inter-ethnic relations without re-examining the basis of our association as Nigerians. Only so far can you buy time with the tactics of kicking down the can and muddling through. There are not many precedents comparable to the unraveling and demystification that the Buhari brand has suffered. From the self-interested academic packaging and generous portrayal bestowed on him by his lifelong buddy, Mahmud Tukur, in his book, ‘Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: the relevance of Values’ to the unsolicited revisionist and unexamined positive mischaracterization he received from the Southern intelligentsia on his way to the Presidency, it is a litany of buyers’ remorse and disappointment.
Nostalgia for the heydays of the Sokoto caliphate resulted in seeing in him the ghosts of Usman Dan Fodio’s qualities of asceticism and integrity. When, however, confronted with the analogous sociopolitical degeneration that provoked the Jihad of Dan Fodio, he proved to be no more the reincarnation of the reformer than Alexander the first, the 13th century pagan Pope was a disciple of the first Vicar of Christ, Saint Peter the apostle. As proof, we need look no further than the typical evidence of Abdullahi Ganduje, the dollar hungry Governor of Kano State. No Governor of a prime estate of the Sokoto caliphate has reinvented the conditions precedent to the Dan fodio jihad more than Ganduje, but rather than sanction and banish him from his company, President Buhari went out of his way to adopt him as a favoured protégé.
The nation that was bequeathed to Nigerians by the British colonialists at independence in 1960 was a country that was politically lopsided in favour of the Northern region. There is no gainsaying the fact that Northern hegemony was built into the independence constitution of Nigeria. To say this is to acknowledge the reality of Nigeria’s power politics but there was nothing inexorable about its degeneration and the negative motive force identity it assumed in the subsequent political history of Nigeria. The hegemony was given bark and bite in the attribution of a population that dwarfed those of the Eastern and Western regions combined. On the basis of the majoritarian principle, the practice of democracy in Nigeria became thereby synonymous with Northern regional domination. Writing as a student of political science, I do not proceed with bias, either way, in making this acknowledgement. For my purposes, it is not necessary to do so.
The reasoned and inevitable adoption of federalism-predicated on the semi-autonomous status of the comprising three regions, at independence served to mitigate and check this political imbalance. Each region, to a considerable extent was accorded the latitude to operate independent of the federal government. To a large extent, the latter was rendered inconsequential to the development prospects and political fortunes of the regions. To drive home the point, the leader of the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC), Sir Ahmadu Bello, determined that being Premier of the Northern region was of more consequence than the office of the Prime Minister of Nigeria. Hence he delegated his lieutenant, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to assume the latter office whilst he stayed back at Kaduna as Premier. The leaders of the two other political parties (Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Action Group and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe of the NCNC) followed suit and equally assumed the Premiership of the Western and Eastern regions respectively.
The circumstances that brought about the first experience of the overreach and abuse of Northern hegemony were unique to that historical moment. The degree of culpability was akin to the distinction between murder and manslaughter in criminal jurisprudence. It was not premeditated. It was more of the metaphor of going to fish in the troubled waters of the Western region- occasioned by the supremacist struggle gone sour within the ranks of the leadership of the governing political party, the AG. And the intervention was undertaken at the beckoning of a leading protagonist to the dispute. Similarly, the military wing of the Northern political establishment did not initiate the balance of terror contest of 1966 (the coup and counter coup)-which thenceforth fostered the brazen abuse of the hegemony as the new normal of Nigerian politics. The triumph of the military wing resulted in the seizure of the federal government and the subordination of Nigeria to its dictatorship. The ensuing triumphalism was further reinforced by the outcome of the civil war. The essence of this dictatorship, in regard of the preponderant centralisation of powers in the Presidency, was renewed in the adoption of the presidential system of government in the Nigerian constitution of 1979 and as it morphed into the 1999 Constitution.
Before now, I have advanced the argument that Northern Hegemony is not so much the problem of Nigeria, the abuse and the continued aggravation of this abuse is the problem. This liability can be studied in the thesis of the leveling down syndrome- choosing to hold back the development of the country rather than play catch up. In the dysfunctional manner it has been applied, the constitutional mandate of reflecting the quota and federal character principle in all federal public service appointments is the most visible example of this syndrome. Less advertised are the struggles behind the scenes among policy makers pitching the status quo conservatives against the ‘progressive’ visionaries. As it is has been frequently his lot so it became with Obasanjo in the drama behind the introduction of the school of basic studies educational policy in the 70s. High ranking federal government functionaries of Fulani origin had approached him in his capacity as the military head of state to lodge a concern on the wide educational disparity, especially in tertiary education, between the North and the South. Against the proposal of deliberately slowing down the progress of tertiary education (as suggested by the emissary of the conservatives), he countered with the proposition of fast tracking University education in the North through the facility of school of basic studies.
Time is running out and the stock of options available for rekindling the dying embers of Nigerian unity is getting steadily depleted. I have argued elsewhere that the failure of Nigeria cannot be remedied by hopes of the arrival of the elusive good leadership alighting on our shores to incrementally tackle the myriad of problems and crisis afflicting this country. What we are confronted with is systemic failure and it directly results from the extent of our constitutional deviation from the practice of federalism-which requires no less a holistic constitutional response and reversal to what the President himself called ‘true federalism’. The constitutional vehicle of Nigeria suffered an accident at the error of the road rule violation of a group of young military officers in 1966. Rather than repair and restore the vehicle, we kept on piling on the damaged vehicle until it becomes a near complete wreck that constitutes a present danger to the safety and security of the passengers. Going forward, we are left with two options, we can deconstruct and reassemble the vehicle and make it whole again-a feat that is not beyond the trademark ingenuity of Nigerian mechanics or we can abandon the wreckage altogether and get another one. The first option amounts to deferring to the logic of restructuring (understood as the restoration of federalism) while the latter represents the abandonment of Nigeria altogether to seek new nations.
The former governor of Rio de Janeiro state said in court testimony on Thursday that he paid $2 million to buy votes to ensure the sprawling Brazilian seaside city would be chosen to host the 2016 Olympic Games.
Sergio Cabral told a judge the money went to Lamine Diack, the former president of the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) and was used to buy as many as nine votes. It was not immediately possible to reach Diack or his legal team on Thursday night.
The head of the Brazilian Olympic Committee and the main organizer of the bid, Arthur Nuzman, introduced a representative of Rio 2016 to Diack and asked him to make the payments ahead of the 2009 vote that saw Rio win out over Madrid, Chicago and Tokyo, Cabral told a federal judge.
“Nuzman came to me and said, Sergio, I want to tell you about the president of the International Athletics Federation, IAAF, Lamine Diack, he’s someone who is open to taking bribes,” Cabral said.
Prosecutors in Brazil charged Nuzman in October 2017 with paying the $2 million in bribes to secure Rio as the 2016 Olympics host city. That trial is ongoing. He has said he is innocent and his lawyers repeated that on Thursday.
Diack was also charged by Brazilian prosecutors. He said at the time he was innocent.
Last month, Diack was also indicted in a French court on charges he and his son Papa Massata were involved in a series of illicit practices over a number of years, including bribe-taking and money-laundering, with the active involvement of international athletes and their federations.
Cabral told Judge Marcelo Bretas that Nuzman assured him the scheme would work because Diack had a history of such practices.
“I said, Nuzman, what are our guarantees here? And he said, ‘traditionally he sells 4, 5, 6 votes. There is a risk that we don’t get through to the second round (of voting).”
Cabral said Diack guaranteed up to six votes for $1.5 million and then came back and offered more if he was paid an extra $500,000. Cabral said he authorized the payment.
“We did it,” Cabral said.
The former governor, who has been sentenced to almost 200 years in jail for his part in a series of corruption scandals, named several top athletes in his testimony.
Cabral also said that Brazil’s imprisoned former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and the former mayor of the city, Eduardo Paes, did not participate in the scheme but were informed about it after the fact.
Cabral made the revelations at a hearing requested by his new defense team. The strategy of revealing admissions was made as part of his plea bargain in hopes it might lead to a reduction in the sentences facing both him and his wife Adriana Ancelmo, who was also jailed for corruption.
Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebsi on Friday announced dates for the conduct of presidential and legislative elections in the country.
The 92-year-old president, who was hospitalized in critical condition and returned home, early this week signed a decree, to hold legislative election on October 6 and the presidential election on November 17.
Essebsi invited "voters to carry out their electoral duty," according to a presidential statement on his Facebook.
"We will continue to work for this presidential pledge that ends as of December 2019," he said.
This is the first decision after the president returned from hospital on Monday.
Over 155 commercial motorcycles and 17 commercial buses were impounded at ‘Ikeja Along’ area of Lagos in the last two months for violating traffic rules.
Mr Taofiq Adebayo, Head, Public Affairs Unit of the Task Force, told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Friday that the exercise, which began since mid-May, was meant to control traffic and enable Lagos residents get to their destinations in the shortest possible time.
“Our major objective at that spot is to control traffic. However, our major headache at that point has been the activities of commercial motorcycles picking and dropping passengers on the highway.
“The Lagos State Task Force has impounded over 155 commercial motorcycles on that route and 17 commercial buses plying one way since middle of May when we commenced the exercise.
“If you notice, the road is narrow at that point, as we have many people crossing the railway, motorists driving toward the airport and people also crossing the highway.
“We only want to decongest the traffic, that’s why we have our men stationed there. The number would have been higher but we observed that they have started complying with traffic rules.
“There is no bus-stop at that point, `Ikeja along’ but the commercial motorcycles prefer to pick and drop passengers from the road side just because they feel they will make more money during the working hours.
“We are still monitoring and this exercise is being carried out all over the state to make sure no one, including private vehicles, drive on one way and BRT lanes,” he said.
According to Adebayo, the Lagos State Task Force is also working with the Lagos State Government Environmental Sanitation Corps (LAGESC) to rid the state of street traders who disturb the free flow of traffic.
He said the exercise would continue with the new Executive Order from the State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu to clamp down on traffic offenders.
The candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the 2018 Osun State governorship election, Senator Ademola Adeleke on Friday stated that he has taken the judgement of the Supreme Court concerning the governorship election in the state in good faith.
He appreciated the leaders and members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as well as the people of Osun for supporting him all through the legal battle.
While congratulating Gboyega Oyetola on his victory, Adeleke affirmed that his ambition to be governor of Osun was never a do-or-die affair.
Read Also: Osun gov poll: legal case is over, says Atiku
In a statement issued after the ruling, Adeleke said the Supreme Court remains the highest in the land.
He said “As a democrat and law-abiding citizen, I accept the ruling no matter my misgivings.
“I wish Governor Oyetola well in the governance of Osun State.”
“In all circumstances, we must thank God Almighty. We gallantly fought a good fight in pursuance of a democratic cause.
“The ideals we fought for lives on.
“Our ambition was never a do-or-die affair.
“We aspired to serve and deliver democratic dividends to the people of Osun state.
“Our ambition was altruistic.
“We wish Governor Oyetola the best in the governance of the state.”
Controversial journalist and blogger, Kemi Olunloyo has revealed the identity of the second woman who accused Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo of Commonwealth of Zion Assembly, COZA, of rape.
A woman whose identity was shielded by YNaija accused Fatoyinbo of raping her.
But Olunloyo, on her twitter handle disclosed that the woman’s name is Tunmise Oluyede, who was fired from the church after allegedly mismanaging a church Dubai Trip.
“Here is the identity of the 2nd woman accusing the Coza pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo of RAPE. Her name is Tunmise Oluyede. She was fired from the church after allegedly mismanaging a church Dubai Trip. She hid her identity with YNaija,” she said.
The ex-COZA church member had given a detailed recount of her experience with the man of God to media personality Chude Jideonwo of YNaija in an exclusive interview.
The woman had pleaded anonymity while narrating how she had made a usual call to the man of God’s house to discuss activities relating to the church and what needed to be done.
She said at some point while she was seated on the couch, Fatoyinbo, whom she had always seen as a role model, joined her on the sofa and started to touch her inappropriately.
Explaining further, she said she kept telling him to stop what he was about to do, but he remained adamant and told her to relax. This he kept saying until he took off her clothes and forcefully had his way with her.
The lady said she did not cry or raise any alarm after the act had been carried out, but Fatoyinbo became remorseful and started apologizing for his actions, stressing that he never meant to hurt her.
COZA pastor, Biodun Fatoyinbo, was recently accused of child molestation. Busola Dakolo, the wife of singer Timi Dakolo, accused the pastor of molesting her as a child.
#BREAKING Here is the identity of the 2nd woman accusing the #Coza pastor @BiodunFatoyinbo of RAPE. Her name is Tunmise Oluyede She was fired from the church after a allegedly mismanaging a church Dubai Trip. She hid her identity with @YNaija LISTEN: https://t.co/CKtWDSfgUR pic.twitter.com/hZr6cKUdSl— Dr Kemi Olunloyo?? Medical Reporter (@HNNAfrica) July 4, 2019
Gboyega Oyetola of the All Progressives Congress will remain the governor of Osun State.
The Supreme Court gave a finality to the dispute this morning in Abuja, ruling 5-2 in favour of Oyetola and against Senator Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party.
Justice Bode Rhodes Vivour read the majority judgment and declared that Oyetola was duly elected in the September 2018 election.
Rhodes-Vivour held that the proceedings and judgment of the trial tribunal was a nullity on the grounds that Justice Peter Obiorah was absent in court on Feb. 6.
The two dissenting judges are Justice Kumai Akaah and Justice Paul Galinje.
The election in September gave Oyetola, the narrowest victory ever in a governorship election in Nigeria. He defeated Adeleke with 255,505 votes, after a rerun election in some polling units on 27 September, where election did not take place in the first poll. Adeleke who had led with even a much narrower margin in the first poll on 22 September, scored 255,023 votes.
Adeleke opted to challenge Oyetola’s victory at the election tribunal.
The tribunal declared him the winner, but Oyetola took his case to the Appeal Court, which ruled in his favour. Adeleke asked for Supreme Court final declaration on the dispute.
The Peoples Democratic Party and Adeleke, had approached the apex court following the decision of the appeal court to pronounce Gov. Oyetola as the winner of the election.
Adeleke prayed the court to uphold the ruling of the Osun Governorship Election Petition Tribunal that pronounced him as the legal winner of the election and discard the judgment by the appeal court.
Oyetola’s lawyer, Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN) together with the counsel representing the Independent National Electoral Commission, Mr Yusuf Ali (SAN), and the All Progressives Congress counsel, Olumide Olujinmi, all urged the apex court to dismiss the appeal and retain Oyetola as the governor.
On May 9, the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal nullified the judgment of the Osun State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal which declared Adeleke, as the winner of the September 2018 poll.
In a split judgment of four-to-one, the five-man panel led by Justice Jummai Sankey, the Court of Appeal upheld the appeal filed by Gov. Oyetola, challenging the verdict of the tribunal and affirmed him as duly elected
Delivering the majority judgment of the four members of the panel, the court resolved 10 out of the 12 issues in favour of Oyetola and the two others in favour of Ademola and his PDP.
The Court of Appeal’s majority judgment was primarily anchored on the alleged absence of a member of the tribunal, Justice Obiorah, who read the lead majority verdict of the tribunal, during the Feb. 6, 2019 proceedings of the tribunal.
Justice Sankey held that absence of Justice Obiorah on that date nullified the entire proceedings and the verdict of the tribunal.
Three other members of the panel, Justices Abubakar Yahaya, Isaiah Akeju, and Bitrus Sanga, agreed with Justice Sankey.
But a member of the panel, Justice George Mbaba, dissented from the majority judgment, holding that the alleged absence of Justice Obiorah from the Feb. 6, 2019 proceedings of the tribunal was mere speculation
Gov. Seyi Makinde has dissolved the board of the Oyo State Independent Electoral Commission(OYSIEC).
A statement issued on Friday in Ibadan by the state Head of Service, Mrs Amidat Agboola, said Makinde ordered the dissolution with effect from July 1.
According to the statement, the state government is prepared to offset the salary and allowances payable to all the board members having taken cognisance of the fact that their tenure has not expired.
The board members were directed to hand over all property of the state government in their custody to the most senior director in the commission.
The dissolved board was inaugurated on June 17, 2016, by the immediate past governor, Abiola Ajimobi.
The eight-man board headed by Mr John Ajeigbe conducted local government elections in the state on May 12, 2018.
The elections produced candidates of the All Progressives Congress as chairmen in all the 33 Local Government Councils and 35 Local Council Development Areas in the state.
Makinde, a PDP governor, few hours after his inauguration on May 29, sacked all the chairmen.
He claimed that the election which produced them was illegal because it contravened a court order.
Prof. Nwabueze takes over ex-VP’s legal team
The presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, has beefed up his legal team by obtaining the services of foremost constitutional lawyer, Professor Ben Nwabueze, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), to prosecute his petition challenging the victory of President Muhammadu Buhari at the February 23 election before the Presidential Election Tribunal.
Nwabueze made his first appearance at the tribunal on yesterday where Atiku and the PDP opened their case by tendering a total of 5, 638 exhibits, made up of result sheets from the 25 local government areas of Niger State and 17 local government areas of Yobe State.
The documents, which were admitted as exhibits by the tribunal amidst objections from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), President Buhari and the All Progressives Congress (APC), are Forms EC8A, EC8B and EC8C.
While Form EC8A is results of the presidential election from polling units, Forms EC8B and EC8C are results of the election from wards and local government areas of Niger State.
Also admitted in evidence was a receipt issued to the petitioners by INEC in respect of the tendered election materials, which was marked as exhibit 3, 465 by the tribunal.
The petitioners also tendered same documents with respect to the 17 local government areas of Yobe State.
The documents were admitted amidst objections from counsel to the respondents, who told the tribunal that they would adduce reasons for their objections at the address stage of the petition.
The tribunal chairman, Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba, who admitted the results as exhibits told lawyers to INEC, Buhari and APC to defer their objection to the point of address to the tribunal as earlier agreed by parties during the pre-hearing session.
Earlier in the day, Nwabueze announced his appearance for the petitioners but left shortly afterwards.
He, however, told the tribunal that he was leaving the proceedings in the hands of Dr. Livy Ozougwu (SAN) and other lawyers in the legal team.
He, however, left the tribunal with a copy of his prepared address dated July 4, 2019.
In the said speech, the professor of law lent his voice to the claims that the last presidential election was flawed and that remedy must be found if democracy is to flourish.
He prayed the tribunal to allow him use his wheelchair due to his age and health situation.
Nwabueze’s two page statement read in part: “The February/March 2019 general election have come and gone, but the generality of Nigerians seem agreed that something was wrong with them, particularly the February presidential election.
“They suspect that the later was manipulated or, in more familiar language, rigged.
“What is not known is how or by whom the rigging was done. An election tribunal/court is now saddled with the task, an intractable task, of finding out the truth about what happened.
“The task before it is made intractable by what Justice Kishna Iyer of the Indian Supreme Court referred to as ‘the tyranny of procedure, the horror of the doctrine of precedent, with its stifling and deadening insistence on uniformity, and the booby traps of pleadings.
“The decided election cases show the election tribunal/court to have succumbed all too readily to these constraining factors, but Nigerians still expect it to rise above the self-imposed shackles in order to find out the truth about what happened during that election.
“The tribunal/court owes it as a duty to the country to do so, as the discovery of the truth will help to set us free from the scourge of electoral malpractices.
“As the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court have stated in several cases, election petitions are sui generis proceedings, established, not for the purpose of adjudicating disputes arising in dealings or transactions between individual persons, but for the purpose of enabling the political community to choose, in free and fair election, persons to manage public affairs on its behalf and for the benefit of all its members, which makes largely inappropriate the technicalities of the law of pleadings and evidence applicable in ordinary cases between individual persons.
“An election petition is not such ordinary case; it is sui generis, to which the technicalities of the law of pleadings and evidence may not be appropriate.
“And the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has said that a tribunal is not deprived of the character of a court or its decisions the character of judicial decisions simply because of it is empowered by statue to decide as it thinks just and equitable or according to equity and good conscience, in as much as the effect of such a power given to a court is not to exonerate it from all rules of law: Peacock V. Newton Marrickville and General Co-operative Building Society No. 4 Ltd (1943) 67 CLR 25.
“An approach based on law but moderated by what is just and equitable in the interest of peace, security and good governance of the community is what is needed in election cases, not a rigid adherence to the technicalities of the law of pleadings and evidence and the doctrine of precedent.”
At the end of the speech, Nwabueze announced that Uzoukwu would take charge of yesterday’s proceedings.
Meanwhile, proceedings have been adjourned to today for continuation of hearing.
The petitioners flooded the tribunal with boxes of electoral materials in which they intend to lead evidence. The states include Niger, Yobe, Kebbi and Jigawa.
For daring to remind Senator Elisha Abbo, representing Adamawa North, of a lingering debt, photo-journalist, Owolabi-Atobatele, was rewarded with a broken ankle in return, with threats that he could be dispatched off the earth via gunshots.
More than that, his work tool was allegedly damaged.
Abbo has been under fire since a video where he was seen hitting an attendant at a sex toy shop in Abuja went viral.
The senator later admitted he erred and apologised.
Regardless, hours after the apology, Owolabi-Atobatele narrated his encounter with the lawmaker whom he said ordered policemen to shoot him at a point.
The journalist said he met Abbo during the Ekiti State governorship election of 2014 and that the senator later offered him a N2.8 million contract; to work as media consultant for his political campaign ahead, of the 2015 elections.
Owolabi-Atobatele said after Abbo lost the senatorial ticket, he refused to pay for the contract and all attempts to reach him became futile.
Owolabi-Atobatele tells his story: “The viral video of senator Elisha Cliff ishiaku Abbo assaulting a young lady isn’t a new thing to me. As I was one of his victim of assault years back precisely October 14, 2014, after the gubernatorial election of former governor, Fayose…
“I had a contract of N2.8 million with him, to work as a media personnel to him, to cover all his movements for the election and for his campaign as senator, in Mubi North, under the All Progressives Congress in 2015.
“On August 13, 2015, I traveled with him to Yola Adamawa State, from Abuja by air and we lodged at Lelewa hotel for weeks, while campaigning for the primary election.
“We traveled from Adamawa to Mubi, Vintim Muchala, back to Mubi and later to Yola, after he lost the senatorial ticket.”
Owolabi-Atobatele, who shared screenshots of his chats with Abbo, said instead of paying him, the senator beat him and broke his ankle.
“On approaching senator Ishiaku of the contract agreement we had together, he refused to pay.
“Despite so many persuasions, in order for him to just give me part of my money, he refused to attend to me.
“On the fateful day, we wanted to travel together to Mubi, for the last campaign, but Boko Haram invaded Mubi prior to the day we ought to have travel.
“Due to the invasion, I began to plead with him that I needed to leave the state.
“The next thing he said was that I was embarrassing him. He leaped on me and started beating and slapping me; to the extent of telling his orderly to put me inside a pick-up vehicle.
“He told them to cock the gun at me, that he will kill me and tell people am a member of Boko Haram.
“When I heard that statement, I was shocked because I didn’t know anybody there and I can’t speak their language fluently.
“No one could come to my rescue as everybody was just dumbfounded at the way he brutalised me and broke my ankle.
“I begged him to just leave me and let me go that I will leave the money for him; because of his action.
“That very night, at around 2:00am, I was driven along a quiet area and I heard him telling his orderly that they should shoot me if I dared shout again.
“On that fateful night, one of his orderly begged that they should take me to a police station.
“He broke my phone, I couldn’t contact anybody.
“He tore my clothes and I was practically naked.
“Till date, he didn’t pay me the money.”