Rejection is hard to accept, even more so from those who seem undeserving of the upper hand. For France and its former African colonies, this has led to bruised egos and impulsive actions that defy accountability.

To understand the depth of France’s roots in Africa, reference has to be made to the “Scramble for Africa” in the late 19th century, which saw European powers, including France, rapidly expand their territories. The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 formalised this partitioning, allowing France to annex vast areas in West Africa, including present-day Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Niger Republic.

During this period, French policies were driven by economic interests, focusing on resource extraction and agricultural production. The imposition of heavy taxes and forced labour systems led to widespread dissatisfaction among local populations, as they were often exploited for their labour without adequate compensation or support.

Discontent began to manifest more visibly after World War I. The war had significant implications for colonial subjects; many Africans served in the French army but returned home with heightened expectations for rights and representation. Little of this was met. 

A similar pattern followed World War II as notable shifts in attitudes towards colonial rule began to spread. By the late 1950s, widespread protests and uprisings were triggered across French West Africa, culminating in a wave of independence movements.

Naturally, France backed off and could only play its hands on its former colonies from faraway Europe. Successes were recorded in some areas, like economic interventions, while other cultural tactics to ingrain France back into the hearts of citizens did not yield much fruit.

“Universally, a colonial policy can only have negative effects on those who suffer from it,” Barry Diawadou, a geopolitics and diplomacy expert based in Guinea, told TheCable.

“Colonisation consists of the domination of a culture, of a system of thoughts over another culture. From this postulation, which defines the reality of the phenomenon, no form of colonisation can have positive impacts, especially when we add time and demographic factors.

“French-speaking countries tend to compare French colonisation to English, German, Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch colonisation in Africa. From these comparisons, a trend emerges which establishes that French colonisation was the least successful in Africa.

“For example, in the concert of economic nations, apart from the French-speaking countries of the Maghreb, the most dynamic African economies remain the English-speaking countries.”

Diawadou said the relationship France had with its former territories was almost parasitic.

It was only a matter of time before the scales tipped against one of Europe’s strongest economies.

MACRON IN, ‘TERRORISM OUT’

France arguably maintained its distance in the face of the growing discontent, but not for long. Islamist militant groups began threatening the stability of the Sahel region, notably after the 2011 Arab Spring, with significant developments occurring in subsequent years. The Arab Spring was a wave of pro-democracy protests and uprisings that began in December 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa. 

Soon, armed groups began to spread terror in the Sahel, killing hundreds and displacing thousands. Their sophisticated weapons were no match for armed forces maintained under weak budgets. 

The incursion saw Mali turn to France for help to combat the terrorists, with the primary goal of regaining control over territory and preventing further advances towards Bamako, the capital. France launched Operation Serval in January 2013 to achieve this.

Following the success of Operation Serval, which concluded in July 2014, France expanded its military presence in the region through Operation Barkhane, which commenced on August 1, 2014. This operation aimed to provide ongoing support to five Sahelian countries — Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, and Mauritania — collectively known as the G5 Sahel. 

“France’s military presence was effective. It is not demeaning to recognise this,” Diawadou added.

“For a very long time, it was able to deter rebel attacks, intrusion, and the proliferation of armed groups in these former colonies. But it is true that with the implosion of Libya and the resulting circulation of weapons in the Sahelio-Saharan strip, terrorist incursions have literally reached their peak.”

Initially, French operations were welcomed, but as insecurity persisted and public dissatisfaction with local governments grew, many began to associate France with ineffective governance and continued violence. 

The military juntas that came to power in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic often used anti-French rhetoric to legitimise their rule, portraying France as complicit in the failures of previous administrations. They framed their actions as a rejection of both corrupt leadership and foreign interference, particularly targeting France for its perceived role in perpetuating instability through its military presence. France’s condemnation of the coups and a demand that democracy return did not sit well with the junta leaders.

Soon, they began to eject French troops out of their countries, starting with Mali, which first sought the European country’s help, then to Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad. They turned to Russia and China for military and economic cooperation.

FAR-RIGHT POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES COMPOUNDING MATTERS

Late last year, Senegal and Ivory Coast, both democratic nations, joined the growing list of former French territories snipping ties with France after they announced in November their plans to expel French troops.

The announcement came as a shock considering that the countries did not have a “solid reason”, such as growing coups or worsening Islamist militants in their nations. 

Diawadou explained that the discontent grew from the growing far-right politics in France and its ideologies.

Diery Diagne, a journalist and disinformation researcher in Senegal, affirmed Diawadou’s position.

“The Senegalese are more and more developing sentiments of rejecting France,” Diagne told TheCable.

“Senegalese citizens are open to collaboration with all countries. But they want to see on the part of the partners that they respect the interest of Senegal,” she added, noting that Senegal’s turn away from France is to seek a “win-win” collaboration.

In many African nations, political movements have historically leaned towards leftist ideologies that emphasise socialism or anti-imperialism. Leaders often advocate for national sovereignty, economic independence from former colonial powers, and social equity.

Far-right parties, on the other hand, often emphasise nationalism, advocating for strict immigration controls and prioritising the interests of native populations over immigrants. 

With far-right politics emerging in France, particularly under the leadership of parties like the National Rally, a sharp discontent is stemming from concerns over the implications of immigration policies, human rights, and France’s historical relationships with its former colonies.

“Some cooperation agreements, particularly in economic matters, are considered far too unbalanced and not to the advantage of African countries,” Diawadou said.

“As examples, there are big gaps with the following topics: the purchase price of raw material, the local content issue, technology transfer, and the revenue sharing between partners.

“If you add the political climate in France and the feelings of Africans who feel rejected and deprived of their most basic rights in their quest to obtain housing and a job in France, you will easily understand why many Africans no longer believe in the French model and privileged cooperation with France. 

“Every day, African civil society observes and notes the decline in the rights of their peers in France, not only through the international media and certain French media, which clearly display their political positioning, but also through the stories of Africans on social networks.”

MACRON WIDENS DISTANCE WITH ‘UNGRATEFUL’ COMMENTS

While the rejection ripple has continued to spread, Macron has refused to take the hit.

In a speech to French ambassadors gathered at the Elysee Palace, the president described Sahelian leaders as ungrateful.

He said France was right in 2013 for its intervention to fight Islamist militants “even if those same states had now moved away from French military support”.

The French president dismissed the notion that his country had been kicked out of the Sahel region, insisting that France left after citizens decided that they no longer wanted to prioritise combating terrorism.

“France no longer belonged there because we are not at the beck and call of coup leaders,” he added.

He said Sahelian leaders forgot to thank France for combatting terrorism but expressed optimism that one day it would come.

Nina Wilen, an analyst at the Belgian Egmont Royal Institute for International Relations, said Macron’s remarks were likely a strategic error.

“It’s hard to know whether these are thought-through comments.” Wilen said, “or whether it’s something that he wants to get out there because he feels that it’s the correct thing to do.”

“But, for sure, there are quite a few French officials and military officers who are working hard to shed the image that France has in Africa as an arrogant former colonial power.

“Comments like these made by Macron really undermine their efforts in doing this.”

Despite being one of the most recognized names worldwide, historians and linguists assert that “Jesus Christ” was not the original name of the central figure of Christianity.

Scholars suggest that Jesus would have been known as “Yeshua” or “Yeshu,” based on linguistic and historical evidence.

The Aramaic Connection

Aramaic, the language Jesus likely spoke in his daily life, holds the key to his original name. Professor Dineke Houtman explains, “Given his background in Nazareth, we can assume his day-to-day language was Aramaic,” as quoted by DailyMailUK.

According to Aramaic texts and inscriptions, “Yeshua” was derived from the Hebrew “Yehoshua,” which translates to “God saves.”

A Journey Through Languages

The name evolved as it passed through different languages. Greek transliterations changed “Yeshua” to “Iesous” due to the absence of certain Hebrew and Aramaic sounds. This became “Iesus” in Latin before the introduction of the letter “J” in the 16th century transformed it into “Jesus” in English.

“Christ” As A Title, Not A Surname

Contrary to popular belief, “Christ” was not Jesus’ surname. Instead, it was a title derived from the Greek word “Christos,” meaning “Messiah” or “God’s anointed one.”

Marko Marina clarifies, “In the ancient world, most people didn’t have last names as we understand them. Instead, they were identified by parentage, origin, or characteristics. Jesus was often referred to as ‘Jesus of Nazareth’ to differentiate him from others named Yeshua.”

One Of Galilee’s Most Common Names

Professor Candida Moss notes that “Yeshua” or “Yeshu” was one of the most common names in first-century Galilee. “Most scholars agree that his name was Yeshua or possibly Yeshu, reflecting the cultural and linguistic context of his time,” Moss says.

The transformation of “Yeshua” into “Jesus” demonstrates the practice of transliteration—adapting sounds from one language to another. Greek’s lack of certain Hebrew and Aramaic sounds led to “Iesous,” which later became the Latinized “Iesus” before evolving into the modern English “Jesus.”

While “Jesus Christ” is universally recognized today, the historical figure likely introduced himself in Aramaic as “Yeshua of Nazareth.”

Despite the changes his name underwent across centuries and cultures, the meaning of “Yehoshua” — “God saves” — remains central to his identity.

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has ruled out any possibility of reconciling with Rivers State Governor Sim Fubara, intensifying the ongoing political conflict between the two leaders.

Speaking during a media chat broadcast live on television in Abuja, yesterday, he criticised Fubara for failing to adhere to directives issued by President Bola Tinubu during a peace meeting aimed at resolving their differences.

At the press briefing, Wike said: “I’m wondering what conflict to resolve? Mr President, in his wisdom, called all parties. He said withdraw the impeachment notice, you go and do this, you go and do that, but they never returned to him.

“The Assembly withdrew the impeachment notice; you did one and two, and then you sent people to go to court. Elder, have you gone back to Mr. President to tell him we can’t do three and four? Nothing.

“I have never seen this in my life — for a president to call parties, and one party goes back and says it’s political. Who does that?”

His statement underscored the deepening rift that has emerged since Fubara took office, with Wike accusing him of not fulfilling his obligations as governor.

The feud has escalated tensions within the Rivers State House of Assembly, where 27 members have defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC), leading to factionalism and a parallel assembly.

The political landscape in Rivers has been marked by power struggles as both leaders vie for control over state resources and influence.

Wike also defended his infrastructure-focused agenda amid criticism for neglecting human capital development. “Infrastructure drives the economy.”

He asserted that ongoing road projects are creating significant job opportunities, highlighting that over 200 people are employed through these initiatives in Kwali and surrounding areas, emphasizing, “These aren’t government positions; they are real opportunities.” He challenged the notion that employment is limited to government jobs, reinforcing his commitment to fostering local economic growth through infrastructure development.

He said: “The problem I have is that whenever we embark on these projects, people complain about what hasn’t been done, but the reality is that infrastructure drives the economy.

“When we focus on infrastructure, human capital development naturally follows. It’s not just about government jobs, it’s about creating real opportunities.

“Not less than 200 people are being employed in Kwali and other areas. These aren’t government positions, these are people working as contractors and in other capacities that come with the development of our infrastructure.”

On concerns over the provision of streetlights on newly commissioned roads, Wike, while noting that the initial plans had not included streetlights, assured that the FCTA had taken action to address the issue.

“When we flagged off these projects last year, there was no provision for streetlights. But now, in places like Kuje and Kwali, streetlights have been provided,” Wike confirmed. “The roads we flagged off in November and December will have streetlights by May or June.”

The Minster issued a stern warning to officials and landowners in Abuja, emphasising strict adherence to land regulations.

He reiterated his commitment to expediting the issuance of Certificates of Occupancy (C of O), crucial for business growth and financing. Wike highlighted that his administration has already signed 7,000 C of Os in two years, surpassing the 7,000 issued by previous governments from 2015 to 2023. He vowed to take decisive action against non-compliance, stating that inefficiency within his team will not be tolerated

He said: “When I identify that you are not willing to work, I will kick you out,” disclosing the concluded decision to remove two directors from FCT Administration.

“I don’t give a damn. When I see you’re not working, I will kick you out. Heaven will not fall.”

According to him, a staggering N300 billion is being owed for Right of Occupancy (R of O) fees, arguing it is part of what is  delaying infrastructure development in the federal capital.

Wike emphasised that with revenue generation exceeding N25 billion, the timely payment of taxes and the resolution of backlogs are crucial for the growth and development of the Federal Capital Territory. He underscored that these financial measures are essential to support ongoing projects and enhance the territory’s infrastructure.

“Government gave you land, and you can’t go and pay over 15 to 16 years, what kind of country are we in?” He asked.

On recent acts of vandalism that have plunged significant parts of Abuja into darkness, he vowed that those responsible will be charged with economic sabotage rather than theft. This declaration came during a media briefing on Sunday evening, where Wike expressed his outrage over the damage inflicted on critical transmission infrastructure.

He revealed that authorities have already arrested several suspects linked to the vandalism of a 132kV transmission line and underground cables owned by the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN). The minister made it clear that the charges would reflect the severity of the crime, stating, “We won’t charge you with stealing; we will charge you with economic sabotage. Enough is enough.”

He stressed that such actions threaten not only the stability of the capital but also the broader economic framework of the nation.

Vandalism has had a significant impact on daily life in Abuja, leaving over 60% of the city without electricity. Areas severely affected include Wuse, Utako, Jabi, Maitama, Lifecamp, Asokoro, Mabushi, and parts of the Presidential Villa, which houses President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.

The TCN attributed the power outages directly to these criminal acts, highlighting the urgent need for action against those who disrupt essential services.

Wike urged residents of the FCT to take an active role in safeguarding their communities by reporting any suspicious activities. “Nobody who loves his country will accept what is going on,” he stated, reinforcing the idea that community involvement is crucial in combating such acts of sabotage.

He assured citizens that security agencies are diligently working to address the situation and that those involved in the vandalism will face justice.

Labour fears hike will fuel food crisis

Increase in line with rising crude price –Dangote

The Nigeria Labour Congress has frowned on the recent hike in the pump prices of Premium Motor Spirit, popularly called petrol, describing it as the height of insensitivity against the masses.

Senior NLC officials disclosed this in separate interviews with our correspondents on Sunday, as oil marketers refuted being blamed for the recent hike in PMS prices nationwide.

Similarly, the Dangote Petroleum Refinery also said the rise in petrol price was not from the $20bn Lekki-based plant but due to an increase in the cost of crude oil, the major component for refined petroleum products.

Recall that on Friday, the pump prices of petrol rose to between N1,050 and N1,150 per litre following the hike in the cost of the commodity by the Dangote Petroleum Refinery and various depot owners.

Dealers confirmed that PMS prices would continue to rise since the major component in fuel production, crude oil, has been on the upward swing lately.

Reacting to this, the Deputy President of Nigeria Labour Congress Political Commission, Prof Theophilus Ndubuaku argued that in a saner clime, representatives of workers, the organised private sector and students would have been called to a roundtable to deliberate on the course of action and analysis of the consequences before the decision would be taken.

He said, “This pump price hike will not only affect foodstuff and fare. There is the problem of inflation and the value of naira to contend with. Instead, what we are seeing is a situation we call Tinubunomics. It is something that has not been tested.

“When you talk about subsidies, is there a country that doesn’t have it? It’s all over the world. Even most of the goods you see in this country from China are subsidised. You are refusing to subsidise fuel and also refusing to even facilitate the so-called CNG buses. How many years does it take to do something like this?

“If you know the kind of game we (the NLC) and them are playing on this CNG thing. Now, they are not even involving the people in the so-called CNG conversion. If you promise to run an inclusive government, It’s not just you that should be doing the talking. Yet, when somebody talks, they send attack dogs to attack and label him a member of the Obidient movement.”

Continuing, Ndubuaku emphasised that President Bola Tinubu will do well to borrow the template of former leaders like Olusegun Obasanjo, who he claimed held a monthly roundtable with stakeholders whenever sensitive issues that have a lot to do with workers’ welfare were being discussed.

“Such discussions were held in the Villa. Every month people would be invited and issues would be discussed. We’re not saying you shouldn’t do it. But please, carry people along. Let us know why you want to do these things so people will be prepared.

“But you can’t just keep changing the prices without any regard for us? This is what is causing all this frustration. They are not carrying the masses along. They have virtually made it difficult for the NLC to be involved in anything they are doing. Nigeria is not the personal property of anybody.

“If you are going to do anything that will involve the masses, you should call the people who represent the workers at least. You have certain blocks and groups of people in this country that have representatives, even in the so-called business sector that you can talk to,” he explained.

Labour tackles marketers

Also speaking on the hike in petrol price, the Chairperson of the Nigeria Labour Congress in Lagos State, Sessi Funmi, accused oil marketers of being major contributors to Nigeria’s economic challenges, describing them as “enemies of the masses.”

Speaking with The PUNCH on Sunday, Sessi criticised oil marketers for manipulating petroleum pricing to exploit Nigerians, alleging that they were undermining the government’s efforts to stabilise the downstream oil sector.

She asserted that the recent reduction in the pump price of petrol did not sit well with marketers because it disrupted their exploitative practices.

“How can marketers be telling us that an increase in crude oil prices automatically translates to higher prices for the finished product? Are they buying crude oil? No! They buy the finished product,” Sessi said.

She applauded Tinubu’s administration for reviving two of Nigeria’s refineries in Port Harcourt and Warri, emphasising that these developments should lead to a further reduction in PMS prices.

She argued that oil marketers are attempting to frustrate these efforts to maintain their monopolistic control.

“The Tinubu administration has done what successive governments failed to do by putting our refineries to work. Marketers should stop frustrating these efforts.

“The government must deal directly with suppliers and eliminate middlemen who corruptly enrich themselves,” Sessi added.

She urged the government to emulate Dangote refinery’s direct supply model and establish agreements with oil companies and petrol stations to ensure fair pricing.

“Marketers are the problem. They’ve been receiving subsidies without supplying products and now want to determine prices when they don’t even own refineries.

‘We reject this. Nigerians cannot continue to suffer due to their greed,” Sessi concluded.

The NLC chair called for transparency and accountability in the petroleum sector, warning that Nigerians will no longer tolerate exploitative practices.

Dangote refutes blame

The Dangote refinery said it has agreed with its partners – MRS, Ardova and Heyden – to sell its PMS at the rate of N970 per litre across the country.

The company said it absorbed the increased logistics costs to guarantee uniform pricing across the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory.

In a statement by the Dangote Group spokesman, Anthony Chiejina, the company clarified that the recent adjustment in its ex-depot price of petrol was directly related to the significant increase in global crude oil prices.

“At Dangote Petroleum Refinery, we recognise the critical importance of affordable fuel for all Nigerians, and we remain committed to offering the best value with guaranteed quality to our customers. While we have made a five per cent adjustment to our ex-depot price from N899.50 to N950 per litre, it is important to note that this increase is considerably lower than the 15 per cent rise in global crude oil prices. Furthermore, Dangote refinery has maintained the Single-Point Mooring ex-vessel price at N895 per litre.

“All our partners, including Ardova, Heyden, and MRS Holdings, will offer petrol to Nigerians at a retail price of N970 per litre nationwide. We have absorbed the increased logistics costs to guarantee uniform pricing across the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory,” Chiejina said.

Speaking further, he said the Dangote refinery absorbed approximately 50 per cent of the cost increases in the international oil market due to its unwavering commitment to quality and affordability, as well as the ownership of the refinery by Nigerians.

“If Dangote refinery were to pass on the entire increase in the price of crude oil to the market, the retail price of PMS would be approximately N1,150 to N1,200 per litre in some locations, compared to the current price of N970 per litre.

“We are committed to providing reliable, top-quality petrol to the Nigerian people at competitive prices. In these challenging times, we continue to prioritise the best interests of Nigerians, striving to shield consumers from the full impact of global price volatility while adapting to evolving market conditions.

“We sincerely appreciate the continued trust and support of Nigerians as we strive to deliver the best value for their money and contribute to the development of a self-sufficient economy that is resilient to international price fluctuations,” he stated.

In the interest of transparency and good governance, Chiejina said the Dangote refinery will now commence publishing its ex-depot price, ex-vessel price, and pump price every week so that consumers are not exploited.

He concluded, “We would like to express our gratitude to President Bola Tinubu for the introduction of the visionary Naira-for-Crude Initiative. This groundbreaking initiative has enabled consistent access to high-quality PMS for all Nigerians, while also insulating the Nigerian consumers from the volatility of the global oil market.”

Marketers speak

Meanwhile, marketers of petroleum products said they should not be blamed for the instability in the prices of petrol in recent times.

This is as stakeholders warned that the price of petrol will no longer be stable following the full deregulation of the market.

According to them, the major factors determining the price are the international crude oil price and the exchange rate. It was argued that the instability of the two factors means that the price of PMS will continue to rise and fall at intervals.

As of Sunday, the Benchmark Brent crude price was $80.78; the WTI was $77.88 while the Morban crude was $83.65, according to oilprice.com. Nigeria’s Brass River crude was $83.69 and the Qua Iboe was $83.59.

Speaking with The PUNCH, retailers under the aegis of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria urged Nigerians, especially the labour unions, not to believe that filling stations are to blame for the changes in the prices of PMS.

PETROAN affirmed that the increase in PMS prices was a result of the rise in the cost of crude oil in the international market.

Prices were said to have risen to a four-month high following the introduction of new United States sanctions against Russian oil.

The sanctions imposed on January 10 caused a spike in the price of oil and a surge in the cost of tanker shipping, as the outgoing President Joe Biden’s administration took steps to damage Russia’s oil exports and hinder attempts by Moscow to build its fleet.

The Biden administration had issued sweeping sanctions targeting the Russian energy sector, aiming for Moscow’s oil revenues just days before Donald Trump would assume office.

The measures include sanctions on Russian oil producers, Gazprom Neft and Surgutneftegas, and the blacklisting of 183 vessels involved in Russian energy exports. Dozens of traders, Russia-based oilfield service providers, and energy officials were also targeted.

The National President of PETROAN, Dr Billy Gillis-Harry, quoting Section 205 of the Petroleum Industry Act, stated that petrol prices are determined by market forces, indicating that the government and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited no longer set petrol prices nor do marketers arbitrarily inflate prices.

As a result, he noted that refinery operators in Nigeria will respond accordingly to changes in crude oil prices while the effect would be felt by dealers, retailers, and end consumers.

Gillis-Harry noted that increasing crude oil prices would inevitably affect domestic costs.

“Retailers should not be blamed for the price increase. It’s no longer funny; even we, retail outlet owners, are affected by this up-and-down movement of prices. It affects our business,” he noted.

Gillis-Harry emphasised that PETROAN members cannot buy petrol at a higher price and sell it at a lower rate.

“Our selling rate always reflects our buying rate. Our members shouldn’t be blamed for the current increase; it’s an external factor. We cannot buy petrol at a higher price and sell below that cost. We cannot buy at N955 and sell at N1,000 per litre. We need to look at logistics and add a humane margin,” he added.

The National Vice Chairman of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Hammed Fashola, said marketers are aware of the competition in the market and no one wants to be left behind by selling at higher rates.

“You cannot deceive yourself. There is competition out there. So, if you like, put your fuel at N1,500 per litre, nobody will buy it. So, the price change is not deliberately done by marketers,” Fashola said.

He noted that marketers are now wary of the volatility of the downstream sector, saying they have to go with information before making purchases or before making imports as many of them made losses in December when the price was suddenly reduced by the Dangote refinery and the NNPC.

“And there are some factors you have to consider. That is the exchange rate and the crude oil price. Those are the major factors that determine the price of petroleum products,” he added.

To avoid running into financial losses, he advised that owners of filling stations must be futuristic and do their projections well.