
FEATURES
Bolanle Ninalowo, the Nollywood actor, has taken to social media to express his frustration over being impersonated on TikTok.
On Wednesday, the actor shared a video on his Instagram page, revealing multiple profiles on TikTok using his name and pictures.
Ninalowo disclosed that he is not even on TikTok, questioning how he would be able to open a real account with many impersonators already using his identity.
“Dang! And I am not even on TikTok. How do I now open a real account. People dey para ooo,” he wrote.
Bolanle ventured into the Nigerian film industry in the early 2000s, initially starting his career as a producer. However, he faced failure and subsequently tried his hand at music, which also didn’t work out. Undeterred, he returned to acting in the mid-2000s.
His breakthrough role came in the 2015 movie ‘Desperate Baby Mamas’ which marked the beginning of his successful acting career.
Since then, the Ikorodu-born actor has appeared in numerous hit films, showcasing his versatility in both Yoruba and English movies.
Some of his notable roles include performances in ‘Fate of Alakada,’ ‘Coming From Insanity,’ ‘Breaded Life,’ ‘Lakatabu,’ ‘The Bloom Boys’, ‘Far From Home’, ‘Picture Perfect’ and ‘Alter Date.’
[TheCable]
Remembrance, and the Reparatory Ethos, 2025
(Being text of keynote by Professor WOLE SOYINKA to the United Nations’ annual ceremony in observance of the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, under the theme: “Acknowledge the past. Repair the present. Build a future of dignity and justice,” held March 25, 2025 at UN Headquarters in New York. The ceremony was held as an official plenary meeting of the UN General Assembly)
Madam President, Honorable members of the General Assembly.
There is a compelling relevance in my recalling prior occasions when I have had the honour of addressing this gathering. The most memorable, without question, took place during the final phase of the dismantling of the South African slave encampment that went by the name of Apartheid. One vivid image I still retain from that session was that of Archbishop Desmond Tutu breaking into a solo dance routine in the middle of his intervention. His sudden possession by Terpischore, the Grecian Muse of Dance, was however instigated by Ogun, the Yoruba Muse of Liberation, Equity and Justice, obviously, since that impromptu turn occurred at that point when the revered man of God attempted to convey the sensation of what it felt like when a man, at his advanced age, a spiritual leader anywhere, cast a vote for the first time in his life.
Another occasion worthy of recall happened through surrogation, since you neither heard nor saw any of the participants. We were not physically present in this chamber, yet we were, and most intensely so. We were active within stone’s throw, just across the street on First Avenue, addressing you from a session organized by CREDO, a Human Rights organization. The purpose was to place on trial an African dictator of a decidedly racist orientation, whose plantation overseers, known as the Janjaweed had placed millions of African autochthones under arbitrary disposal. Just as in its sister, more notorious encampment further south, this existence of millions under mass subjugation was actualized on their own ancestral soil. Our mimic event took place in an apartment with a room-length glass window which overlooked this very building, positioned so that the flags of all nations fluttered – as they do up till now - in the background, providing us a United Nations symbolic supervision.
The foregoing suffices, I hope, to propel us towards a seizure, if not exactly an unassailable definition, of how it feels to undergo an approximate experience of the existential actualities of enslavement. It means - no matter one’s age, gender, faith or social status - to be subjected to the will of others. It means to be denied, as a very condition of daily existence, the fundamental human asset known as – Volition. That condition is captured in more than one instance from the film Django Unchained, where the villain of the piece, incensed by an attempt to outsmart him in a human trade-off, viciously squeezes the face of that female commodity and snarls:
“This is my property. I can do whatever I like with her.”
Now, that slave owner happened to be an out and out sadist. He not only ran a domestic amphitheatre of death, he was more than willing to diminish his capital by setting his killer dogs on a would-be escapee, just to prove that cardinal point – he owned that fugitive, dead or alive.
I shall share with you an earlier, real life pronouncement, uttered during the struggle to oust my own nation’s contribution to the case file of the master-slave typology. That outburst in real time leapt unbidden to mind when I watched and heard the actor di Caprio’s savage declamation. That cinematic moment emerged as an echo, ironically, of a pronouncement by a radical mind, a highly regarded community leader and prelate. He was venting his outrage at what he considered a hypocritical stance of the West over the judicial murder of the Ogoni Nine= who were hanged after a kangaroo trial. His words, not exact, but fairly accurate were:
“Who are these Europeans to tell an African ruler who to hang or not to hang?”
Near identical with di Caprio’s mission statement, you’ll agree. In mitigation, using a familiar expression from these parts, one knew “where he was coming from” – a lifelong anti-white, anti-western stance that derived from history and social experience in the present. Nonetheless, I confess that those words sent shivers up and down my spine.
And that is the core of slavery – ownership, and the limitless carte blanche that goes with it. The ownership of another being. Yes indeed, the condition known as slavery means to be owned by another human being, with or without a bill of sale, to be placed under chains, visible or invisible – it does not matter. Slavery means to be owned. The rest is mere elaboration.
You begin to understand why the notion of one state of enslavement being more benign than others, less inhumane, while admittedly legitimate and instructive fodder for academia – sociologists and all - is fundamentally repugnant and ethically inadmissible. The field slave in opposition to the house slave. Open concubinage against punishable miscegenation. Sahara or Mediterranean. Sahara against the Atlantic/Caribbean. Trans-Indian ocean versus the rest. Each arm of the triangulation - Capture/Transit/Relocation – reads, comprehensively, Dehumanization on an unprecedented scale in the annals of black human cargo.
Exercises in comparative misery merely end up with censorship, subtle and coy to overt and institutional. It is totally irrelevant that one enslaved victim ends up marrying a scion of the house of his owners or becomes a companion and paraclete of spiritual avatars, mostly converts under duress. Exceptions hold out the torch of humanistic possibilities, but do not ignite the flame of universal enlightenment. That task is left to us, successors to generations of human despoilation.
It is either one accepts that this is a viable foundation for a vision harmonious co-existence or else a delusion. Some illusions are still with us, after centuries. They morph, change colour, texture, motion, even nomenclature. Undetected for what they really are, they become a way of dealing with history, to be protected and sustained by other social constructs. They prove quite seductive, even compel adoption by society’s greatest thinkers - from economic theorists to religious expositors. Slavery is one such permissive foraging ground for revisionists, and the African continent remains the dedicated, indeed consecrated – in more senses than one - consecrated material base for the blood transfusion that continues to. sustained the aberration. When eventually, and for whatever reason, the warps in the conceptual template of perpetrators and beneficiaries on the one hand, and/or victims on the other, are ironed out, the ledger book of profit and loss is bought out, dusted down and dormant claims are brought to the fore.
However, a problem is provoked: how does one reckon compensation for an aberration that endured over four centuries, engorged and spewed out an estimated fifteen million humans westwards, eastwards, northwards, a crime that endures till today in both its crude, material and legally backed forms, and its more ambiguous, subtly degrading characteristics? Compensaion for the waste of humanity is a long call from itemization of fauna and flora after an oil spill. The task is obviously beyond value attributions and itemized correlations, no matter in what currency - including trading concessions, technological assistance, or direct economic aid. The mind seizes up in the attempt, and not even the all-knowing Artificial Intelligence can work it out. All we can do is approach any such notion of justice symbolically, gesturally, commencing where all forms of restitution begin: an admission of the obvious – the existence of the crime, recognition of the perpetrators. the collaborators and the beneficiaries and - the victims. Concerning that last, the Diaspora displays the indisputable manifest across generations.
To reinforce that self-evident base, the sordid business is not yet over. Extant slave markets endure in notable parts of the world, including, most ironically, within the resource centre itself – the African continent. Establishing this for Doubting Thomases is easy tnough – we can lead you to them, physically. Often more difficult to establish however is the condition itself that constitutes slavery. Yet we must address it. We musf, since one is fed by, and feeds on the other, creating a vicious cycle. The agent of that condition can be an individual, a community, a class, a race, or a religion.
When, for instance, two hundred and seventy-nine school pupils, all female, are kidnapped from within a supposed sanctuary of learning, taken into a forest, divided up among their captors and scattered to all corners of the world, we need no instruction in conceiving their fate. Captives of an undeclared war, subject to commodity negotiations, bound to the whims and caprices of successive intermediaries and owners, their fate is to succumb to sexual duties, even where underage. These are the twenty-first century horrors that spice the humdrum fare of daily existence.
A b efitting moment to interject yet another recall of my prior intrusions into this rarefied space of world leadership – this was on the anniversary of United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child. For that event, I read a poem that was specially commissioned on behalf of this body – It was titled “The Child before A Mirror of Strangers”. The relevance of those lines, in effect a child’s lament and accusation of gross dereliction by the adult world, deserves to remain an eternal burden and a blot on world conscience. Off to school, and straight into captivity, dispersal and enslavement? Three hundred youths in one fell swoop? Abominations in su h dimensions surely earn centre place in any Rites of Remembrance.
On reflection however, should we truly have been taken by surprise? The self-acclaimed world religions worked hand in hand with militarism for the promotion of the lucrative trade on the African continent, as did the instrumentality of laws and edicts. Keeping faith with the profit motif, royalty, prelates, bankers and nations granted patents, regional monopolies, outfitted ships, legislated who qualified to be enslaved and who were exempted, with the ironic template of Religion which acted against its own mission of soul harvesting. I refer here to edicts that forbade further evangelical activities, since infidels were legally designated fair game, but not the converted. Thus, religious conversion had come to constitute a serious trade hazard, since it dried up resources. The mission of the spirit cravenly ceded supremacy to market forces.
How could such cynicism fail to sear collective memory when, as in recent instance, a supernumerary local ruler in that same traumatized country of mine, breaks through the cocoon of time to ban the procession of traditional African religionists through the streets of their ancestral land, cultures and world view. Such sights, he declared, were offensive to his sight and retrograde in essence. The responses, one is heartened to say, were swift, but the danger has not passed. And so, just as one speaks today of neo-colonialism, it would be wise to take note of the eruption of neo-theocratism, powered by antiquated notions of master-slave relations. The ancillary question is thus: can we speak with one voice on the moral imperative of reparatory justice, when the converted take up cudgels on behalf on their own spiritual enslavers? It reminds us that the work of this august body remains incomplete. There exists a grave lacuna in the concept of crimes against African humanity. It is time that we either speak holistically in our approach to slavery or else issue certificates of retroactive immunity to all, and for all time. Yes, there is an ocean-borne crime to expiate, and there is also the desert borne. Local courts thrive in places which adjudicate cases of disputed slave ownership – the records are there – meticulous case-files of a new generation of abolitionists – such as SOS Esclaves, among others.
Let me however, also cast this conciliatory line. There is no compulsion to carry the errors and crimes of one’s ancestors as an overwhelming burden of conscience. Those ancestors acted within the limitations of their times, their historic and social conditioning, their limited understanding of the full panoply of what we, today, cognize as human. The line must be drawn however when, in a modern age, and advanced understanding, arrogant and provocative attempts are made to sanitize and perpetuate the legacy of such limitations, to profit from the imbalance of historic encounters, engage in new blood transfusions, largely through that seductive toxin that we know as power, the axial end in eternal opposition to the attribute of -human freedom. That is where the problem arises and every individual is then called upon to answer the name of his or her ancestors.
It is so frustratingly obvious: if I cannot walk on my own ancestral soil, to my own inner and outward rhythm, to my own chants, in celebration of my spirituality, then, what am I but just another commodity among other spoils of conquest? Yet, the efforts persist. If descendants of Druids in the United Kingdom choose to parade through the streets of London and intone their chants all the way to Stonehenge, just what does this subtract from, or how does that contaminate the spiritual domain of the Archbishop of Canterbury? Why do some embark on retrograde steps that diminish the shared heritage of humanity? And so, we assert, the slavery era is by no means over, only morphed in structure and sustaining practicalities. The slavers are next door, and in the ascendant.
Is it hyperbolic to warn that we are witnessing the inauguration of a twenty-first century slave trade? That we are being coerced to become collaborators in the new slavery venture? Unlike the originals who took risks, today’s slave raiders simply wait until defenceless children are gathered together in one place at the behest and/ or compulsion of governance, parents and guardians, for the purpose of learning. The hyenas swoop upon the unsuspecting prey, cart them off, sequester them in forest and other holding pens, then call on families and governments to come and negotiate for them. The world, including its global institutions had better wake up to the fact that the slave trade is back on African soil with a one-sided ferocity, all the more obscene and blasphemous for being camouflaged as a religious mandate. Chibok – plus its insatiable clones and enabling environment – places a searing question mark on Africa’s authentic self recovery after centuries of being mere annotations in the histories oi others, to be expunged at will.
Indeed those others have evolved the name calling ploy to ward off, or wrong foot alternative propositions on such a vast land mass, and to such an extent that I have sometimes wondered if there was an undeclared contest for the most exotic or disingenuous. The Dark Continent. Terra incognita. The White Man’s Grave. The Slave Coast…and so on. Curiously, and perversely however, my favourite remains one that appears to have given the most offence. I.cannot mouth it in full, not in these d chambers where our late elder, The Archbishop Desmond Tutu, did his sublime dance of liberation. Let’s just formalize it as -that continent of SH countries.
Well. addressing you today is a fully grounded, unapologetic citizen of one of those SH nations, born into a history that has no record of lynching humans misnamed slaves, burning some even while still breathing. Our ancestors did not capture such picnic sessions on early black and white postcards for vicarious participation by absent friends and relations. We have no history of injecting others with the syphilis virus in the name of scientific research, of amputating and castrating members of other races for failure to understand the condition of slavery as a divine blessing and thus took to the hills and forests in pursuit of freedom. We dud not cimmit the crime of the millennium, then seek to close the book of reckoning with a down payment of forty acres and a mule.
We understand also, however, the affliction called ignorance and accept that it must be addressed through multiple strategies. We also acknowledge the operations of conscience, and salute those whose actions were, and remain propelled by the restless workings of conscience that ultimately sweep violators of humanity to the altar of restitution. We know that such urging to reparatory justice is alien to the visionaries and salvationists of MAGAlopolis, and other paracletes of the gospel of racial superiority all over the globe. Nonetheless we remain compulsive correctives to arrogant presumptions, and it is this that brings us to te practical question:
What do we seek from this assembly? What do we propose, specifically, for its mission of reparatory justice? Here is one project for consideration:
Undertake, or mandate and empower that appropriate body, UNESCO, to complete the task it has commenced. We shall reiterate the obvious – there is a profound difference from UNESCO’s other projects such as the Iron Route and the Silk Route which involve inert, convertible material. This undertaking by contrast, concerns the vitalizing, transformative and creative species which however were rationalized into equivalents of those earlier named objects, accorded the additional distinction of transporting themselves as marketable commodities. The UNESCO initiatives have laid the ground work for an attitudinal corrective. Others, within their own limitations, not only pioneered but have continued to augment such global initiatives in their own limited capabilities. The thirst for a global reparatory justice, both by victims and – let this be again conceded - even their violators or beneficiaries, offering incremental benefits along the way to a new plenum of humanized relationships, is undeniable. It would be a pity not to crystallize all such urgings and initiatives into a self -regenerating offering. It is all set down as the major virtue of a project currently advertised as The Heritage Voyage of Return.
The Heritage Voyage of Return
In visual terms, the concept is not too dissimilar in orientation from those nineteenth and twentieth century “expositions” – Berlin, London, Manchester etc. etc in western and other parts of the world, expositions crammed full of the spoils of rape and pillage of others. This time however, what is being proposed is a lived-in exposition as a moving Remembrance monument, a transitional warehouse of a continent’s past, present and future, a vibrant statement on a continent’s interrupted history. A special Honour Gallery will house artifacts looted from the Africsn continent but since returned under the spirit and ethos of Restitution. Seminars. Readings. Africa themed films. Documentaries. installations. Clinics and life style parades. Music from Africa and the Diaspora. A unique library and manuscript collection. Archeological retrievals. An exhumed slave vessel. The boat will take off from the Diaspora, make a call at representative ports of Slavery connection, positive or negative, on its way to the West African coast. A television crew on board broadcasts events to the rest of the world. Primarily for descendants of the enslaved, it is also open to others – that is, others who are equally embroiled in the quest for a new humanity that embraces, not excludes, that is curious, not foreclosed, that still lays claim to conscience as the touchstone of the rational species.
The nature of reparatory justice that befits the magnitude of Slavery wrongs can only be symbolic, gestural. Yes, but also morally and therapeutically propulsive, one that goes to the core of a continent’s humanity, vividly expressed in its arts and spirituality. It is a symbolic voyage of return, one that stands to become an annual fixture. Effectively, it offers no more than a continuation of UNESCO’s work on the Routes of Enslaved Peoples, beamed deservedly, at the African continent. HVR is a voyage of Learning, Leisure, and Linkage. It is not only feasible, it is imperative. Yes, such a voyage presumes to teach the world, to bring the world into confrontation with centuries of wrongs and possibly a recovery of its lost humanity. It is however not designed to be a vessel of recrimination, but a floating festival of peaceful options and neglected knowledge. Glorified tourism? Why not? But Tourism “with an attitude”. This is a return, not just to a wronged continent, but a return of the world to its holistic potential, to what it can be, shorn of irrational concepts, embedded prejudice, lust for power and domination. It will be manifested as a first furlong in a voyage towards, put simply, a re-insertion of human in that grossly depleted word: humanity.
Wole SOYINKA
NB: The ceremony is part of the United Nations’ unwavering commitment to raise awareness of the history of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans, its impact on the modern world, and its legacies, including racism and prejudice. Other speakers invited include UN Secretary-General António Guterres; President of the 79th session of the UN General Assembly Philemon Yang, of Cameroon; Permanent Representatives of all 193 UN Members States; and a dynamic youth speaker. Past keynote speakers have included Nikole Hannah-Jones, creator of The New York Times’ 1619 Project (2022); Lisa M. Coleman, a member of New York University’s senior leadership (2021); and the Trinidadian mixed media artist Christopher Cozier (2019).
The lawmaker representing Kogi Central, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, has tendered an apology to the former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili, over an altercation at the Senate on Tuesday.
It was reported that during the Senate Ethics and Privileges Committee hearing on s3xual allegations against Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Senator Onyekachi Nwaebonyi, and Ezekwesili engaged in verbal insults.
Ezekwesili told the Ebonyi North Senator and Deputy Chief Whip of the Senate to ‘shut up’, which caused Nwaebonyi to call her a ‘hooligan‘.
The former Minister also described him as a disgrace to the Senate; the Senator described her as a disgrace to womanhood.
On her ? handle, on Wednesday, the Kogi Central Senator lauded the former Minister of Solid Minerals for her commitment to integrity and courage.
She added that Ezekwesili took the insult for her (Natasha) and other women.
“Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, Ma’am, I apologize for the insults. Know you took them for me… for us … as a mother and as a leader. Know that you are a true icon of integrity, courage, and visionary leadership. Your unwavering commitment to good governance, education and democracy continues to inspire generations. A champion of accountability…Nigerians appreciate you. I celebrate your brilliance, resilience and selfless service. You are a hero,” she wrote.
Reacting, Oby Ezekwesili stated that Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan would never walk alone in her fight against the leadership of the Senate.
Onyekachi Nwaebonyi, senator representing Ebonyi north, says he ranks higher by “stratification” to Oby Ezekwesili.
He also expressed regret over his choice of words to Ezekwesili, former minister of education, during the senate ethics committee hearing on Tuesday.
Nwaebonyi and Ezekwesili traded words during the senate panel hearing on a fresh petition submitted by Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the suspended senator representing Kogi central.
The atmosphere grew tense when the former minister asked Nwaebonyi to shut up during the panel hearing.
The Ebonyi lawmaker had earlier criticised the former minister for first calling him a “hooligan” and ordering a serving senator to “shut up”.
Speaking during an interview on Arise TV, the deputy chief whip of the senate admitted that his remarks were inappropriate, taking into account Ezekwesili’s age.
Ezekwesili, the 61-year-old politician, served as the minister of solid minerals and the minister of education under former President Olusegun Obasanjo.
“I must also say that I regret my choice of words towards her. She is old enough to be my mother,” Nwaebonyi said.
“However, her actions brought up my reaction. But having admitted publicly to what she said, I acknowledge that, and I commend her for it.”
Responding to whether such incidents deter female participation in politics, Nwaebonyi defended his record on encouraging women in politics.
“I’m one of those senators that has been supporting women’s emancipation and participation in politics,” he said.
“Respect is earned, not commanded. If you respect me, I respect you. If you yab me, I yab you.
“I am a senator of the Federal Republic by social stratification, I am higher than her in this country.
“She is supposed to respect me. She was a minister, but a senator is more senior than a minister.
“Respect is earned. She had no right to speak to me in that manner, telling me to shut up. That was immature.
“She got to her level by accident. But since she has now admitted publicly that she told me to shut up, I commend her for that.”
Late Tuesday, Ezekwesili admitted telling the lawmaker to shut up after the panel prevented them from speaking.
She added that Nwaebonyi’s reaction reflected the “indecorous behaviour” of some public officials in the country.
A bill seeking to empower the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) to remove corrupt judges through a no-confidence vote, scaled second reading in the house of representatives on Tuesday.
Sponsored by Afam Ogene, a member of the Labour Party (LP) representing Ogbaru federal constituency of Anambra, the bill aims to alter sections 231, 238, 250, 256, and 271 of the 1999 constitution, which deal with the procedure for the removal of judges.
CURRENT LAW
Among other things, section 292 of the constitution states that “a judicial officer shall be removed from office in the case of chief justice of Nigeria, president of the court of appeal, chief judge of the federal high court, president of the national industrial court, chief judge of the high court of the federal capital territory (FCT), grand kadi of the Sharia court of appeal of the federal capital territory, and president of customary court of appeal of the federal capital territory, by the president acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the senate, praying that he be so removed for his inability to discharge the functions of his office or appointment (whether arising from infirmity of mind or of body) or for misconduct or contravention of the code of conduct.
“While the chief judge of a state, grand kadi of a Sharia court of appeal or president of a customary court of appeal of a state shall be removed from office by the governor acting on an address supported by a two-thirds majority of the house of assembly of the state.”
THE PROPOSED LAW
The proposed legislation intends to introduce new subsections to the aforementioned sections for the removal of corrupt justices and judges from their respective offices.
The bill seeks to confer powers on the NBA to receive petitions against any erring judicial officers, consider the defence of the petitioned officer, and if not satisfied, conduct a confidence vote.
If two-thirds of the members of the NBA in the annual general meeting or conference pass a vote of no confidence in the petitioned officer, then his/her continuation in office is immediately terminated.
“This implies that the judicial officer is presumed in the eyes of the law to have resigned from service,” the legislative brief reads.
Ogene said the essence of the bill is to provide an alternative constitutional mechanism for disciplining erring and corrupt judicial officers away from the “mundane role of the National Judicial Council (NJC), which is no longer potent in curbing the rot in our court and justice system”.
Two senior members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Ayo Afolabi and Wale Oshun, have urged Nigerians, especially APC supporters, to reject the ongoing rumours suggesting that former Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi, is part of a coalition aiming to oust President Bola Tinubu in 2027.
In separate phone interviews with The Guardian on Tuesday, both political figures condemned the claims, describing them as dangerous political propaganda intended to destabilize the polity.
They labeled the rumour as unfounded, malicious, and part of a broader conspiracy by opposition politicians to challenge President Tinubu’s re-election bid.
Afolabi and Oshun jointly emphasized that the speculations about Fayemi’s involvement in the alleged opposition coalition were baseless and were being circulated to cause unnecessary division within the ruling party.
“This is absolutely unfounded and very malicious. It is a political ploy designed to create confusion and dislocation in the polity,” Oshun stated.
The APC’s Ekiti State spokesperson, Segun Dipe, also weighed in, dismissing rumours that the party or the presidency had plans to deny Governor Biodun Oyebanji a return ticket for the 2027 elections due to his supposed closeness to Fayemi.
Dipe’s response came amid growing rumours that the presidency might be unhappy with Fayemi’s alleged connections to the opposition coalition and, by extension, might take action against Oyebanji.
The speculation surfaced after reports that the presidency was dissatisfied with Fayemi’s alleged involvement in a group of politicians seeking to challenge President Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.
According to these reports, the presidency was reportedly planning to use Governor Oyebanji’s relationship with Fayemi to undermine his political future. However, both APC leaders rejected these claims, asserting that they were without merit.
Dipe clarified the party’s position, stating, “It is not true that the party or the presidency has concluded any plans regarding Governor Oyebanji’s return ticket. These are baseless rumors being peddled by political enemies to stir up trouble.”
Despite the swirling rumors, Afolabi, Oshun, and Dipe all reiterated that the APC remains united and focused on securing President Tinubu’s success in the 2027 elections.
They urged party members and Nigerians to ignore the misinformation and concentrate on the party’s objectives for the upcoming political cycle.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has reflected on how his late political mentor, Shehu Yar’adua, instructed him to step down for Chief Moshood Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, during the primaries of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).
Atiku made the remarks in an exclusive interview for the television show Untold Stories with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, scheduled to air today, but was obtained by Daily Trust ahead of the broadcast.
In the interview, Atiku elaborated on why Abiola reneged on an earlier agreement with Yar’adua to name him (Atiku) as his running mate after securing the SDP ticket.
He clarified that there had been some misinterpretation and misrepresentation of the events surrounding that period, even though he had previously addressed the circumstances.
Atiku recalled that after the first ballot, he contacted Yar’adua, who was in Kaduna at the time due to a political ban. He told Yar’adua that Babagana Kingibe was poised to win unless he intervened.
Atiku said he urged Yar’adua to come to Jos immediately, as the situation was critical. “I told him, ‘Look, if you don’t come to Jos, there is every likelihood that Babagana Kingibe is going to be elected, and I know you don’t want it. So you better come to Jos, no matter how late.’”
Yar’adua drove from Kaduna to Jos, arriving around three or four in the morning. Atiku said Yar’adua called for a meeting at Alhaji Yahaya Kwande’s house, where he and Abiola were present.
Atiku, however, was not privy to the discussion between Yar’adua and Abiola.
When the meeting began, Yar’adua told Atiku, “Turaki,” to which Atiku replied, “Yes, sir.” Yar’adua then instructed Atiku to step down for Abiola, to which Atiku immediately agreed, saying, “Okay, sir. I have stepped down.”
Atiku later learned that SDP governors had pressured Abiola to choose Kingibe as his running mate instead of honoring the prior agreement with Yar’adua.
According to Atiku, the governors threatened Abiola, saying, “If you don’t take Kingibe, we are not going to support you.”
The governors, Atiku explained, had secured their tickets when Kingibe was the chairman of the SDP, and Abiola, seeing this pressure, decided to pick Kingibe instead.
OpenAI has announced the integration of image generation directly into ChatGPT, allowing users to create images within the chatbot using GPT-4o.
Previously, users relied on DALL·E to generate images, either through a separate platform or within ChatGPT. Now, OpenAI has integrated an even more advanced image generation capability directly into ChatGPT using GPT-4o.
The feature was rolled out on Tuesday, March 25, across Plus, Pro, Team, and Free subscription tiers.
The company disclosed this in a press release, stating that the feature represents a significant step in making image creation an essential part of AI-driven communication.
Sam Altman, OpenAI’s CEO, on his X page, described it as “an incredible technology/product,” emphasizing that the feature marks a new level of creative freedom, acknowledging that while people will create remarkable content, some outputs may offend people.
“Two things to say about it: 1. It’s an incredible technology/product. I remember seeing some of the first images come out of this model and having a hard time, they were really made by AI. We think people will love it, and we are excited to see the resulting creativity. Secondly, this represents a new high-water mark for us in allowing creative freedom. People are going to create some really amazing stuff and some stuff that may offend people; what we’d like to aim for is that the tool doesn’t create offensive stuff unless you want it to, in which case within reason it does. as we talk about in our model spec, we think putting this intellectual freedom and control in the hands of users is the right thing to do, but we will observe how it goes and listen to society. We think respecting the very wide bounds society will eventually choose to set for AI is the right thing to do, and increasingly important as we get closer to AGI. Thanks in advance for the understanding as we work through this,” he stated.
New capabilities in GPT-4o’s image generation
Unlike previous iterations, GPT-4o’s image generation is designed to be more precise, flexible, and interactive. OpenAI stated that the model excels in several key areas:
- Text Rendering: Unlike past AI models that struggled to place readable text within images, GPT-4o generates clear and accurate text, making it suitable for diagrams, infographics, and labeled visuals.
- Multi-turn Generation: Users can refine images through conversation, allowing step-by-step modifications while maintaining consistency across versions. This feature benefits tasks like character design, storyboarding, and branding.
- Instruction Following: GPT-4o can handle detailed prompts with greater accuracy, generating images with up to 10-20 distinct objects while maintaining their relationships and traits.
- In-Context Learning: The AI can analyze uploaded images and incorporate details into new creations, making it useful for design inspiration and visual brainstorming.
- Knowledge Integration: The model links its understanding of text and images, allowing it to generate context-aware visuals, such as weather infographics, technical diagrams, and educational illustrations.
More insights
OpenAI also revealed that developers will gain API access in the coming weeks, enabling broader integration of GPT-4o’s image capabilities across applications.
- The image generation feature is rolling out immediately for ChatGPT users, with planned expansion to Enterprise and Education subscribers.
- Users can generate images by simply describing their requirements in ChatGPT, with options to specify colors, aspect ratios, and other design elements.
Due to the complexity of the model, OpenAI noted that rendering images may take up to a minute.
For developers and businesses looking for more customization, OpenAI confirmed that access to DALL·E will still be available as a separate model option.
[Nairametrics]
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has addressed his decision not to select the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, as his running mate in the 2023 election, stating that he has no regrets about the decision.
In a forthcoming interview for the television show Untold Stories with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, which is set to air today but was obtained by Daily Trust, Atiku responded to questions regarding the leadership crisis in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that followed his choice.
Many observers speculated that the decision to overlook Wike, who had led a rebellion within the PDP along with five other governors, contributed to Atiku’s loss in the election. Wike later boasted about working against Atiku and delivering Rivers State for President Bola Tinubu.
When asked if he regretted not picking Wike, Atiku responded firmly: “No, not at all.”
Atiku explained that his decision was rooted in the process followed within the party, recalling the criticism he faced in 2019 for allegedly failing to consult widely when selecting Peter Obi as his running mate.
Atiku shared that after securing the PDP ticket in Port Harcourt, he consulted with former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who advised him to pick a running mate from the South-East instead of the South-West.
Atiku said that Obasanjo suggested prominent figures like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Charles Soludo, but both were not members of the PDP.
Eventually, Atiku chose Peter Obi, a member of the party, who was also suggested by Obasanjo. After consulting with party leaders and governors, including Wike and Aminu Tambuwal, Atiku was assured there were no objections to Obi being chosen as his running mate. However, he was later criticized for not consulting enough within the party.
Atiku stated that in 2023 he decided to give the party more involvement in the selection process, asking them to set up a committee to recommend three possible running mates.
According to Atiku, the committee suggested three names: Ifeanyi Okowa as the first choice, Wike as the second, and Udom Emmanuel as the third.
Atiku opted for the first choice, Okowa, explaining that his decision not to choose Wike was simply because he was the second choice on the list.
[NaijaNews]
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The Kano State government has filed a complaint against Ismail Auwal and Buhari Abba, publishers of Kano Times Online, over alleged defamation.
The Commissioner of Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Waiya, filed a complaint with the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) of the Kano Police Command, accusing Auwal of defamation in an open letter addressed to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.
The letter, titled “Dear Gov. Yusuf, Beware of Kano Information Commissioner Ibrahim Waiya,” was published by Kano Times.
Auwal’s letter, while acknowledging the governor’s achievements, raised concerns about growing tensions between civil society organisations (CSOs) and Waiya, warning that the commissioner’s history with CSOs could undermine the government’s credibility.
Speaking with Daily Trust on the issue, Buhari Abba said he received a call from a police officer, ASP Mukhtar Isah, from the CID on March 22, 2025. “I honoured the invitation on Monday, March 24. After writing my statement, they seized my phones and detained me in an office. I was later allowed to pray before securing bail through Barrister Patience from the Human Rights Journalists Network,” he said.
Abba disclosed that he is facing charges of defamation of character and criminal conspiracy, with ASP Mukhtar Isah handling the case file.
Meanwhile, Daily Trust gathered that Ismail Auwal also honoured a police invitation at the Kano Police Command for questioning but was later released after spending about five hours with the police.
[DailyTrust]
• House of Reps considers Local Council Electoral Commission for LG polls
• ‘Court of Appeal as final arbiter of governorship tussles’
• Stakeholders laud ‘cost-saving’ move, wary of INEC’s capacity
The proposed bill by the House of Representatives to simultaneously conduct all elections into the offices of the president, state governors, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Areas (LGAs) on the same day has elicited mixed reactions among stakeholders.
While most Nigerians agree with the need to compress election days and save avoidable costs, they also raised reservations about Nigerians and the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) readiness for the proposed cumbersome phase.
The lawmakers, in a bid to ensure credibility in the electioneering process at the plenary yesterday, made significant inroads towards the conduct of all elections in a day.
Similarly, the House also considered establishing the Local Government Electoral Commission (LGEC) to conduct all local council elections, which are currently conducted and funded by the State Electoral Commission.
The proposed legislation on the conduct of elections on the same day, sponsored by members of the House, Ikenga Ugochinyere, Francis Ejiroghene Waive, and 34 others, scaled the second reading at a plenary presided by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu.
The bill aims to alter provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to provide that General Elections to the Office of the President, State Governors, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Area Councils shall be conducted simultaneously on the same date to be determined by the Independent National Electoral Commission in consultation with the National Assembly.
The bill for the establishment of LGEC also scaled the second reading, seeking to alter the Constitution to establish the National Local Government Electoral Commission as an independent body responsible for organising, conducting, and supervising elections into the offices of Chairmen, Vice Chairmen and Councilors of all the Local Government Councils across the Federation.
The proposed legislation, sponsored by the Deputy Speaker and eight other lawmakers, was presented for second reading by the House leader, Julius Ihonvbere.
According to the Sponsor and Co-sponsors, the Commission, when established, will ensure the credibility, transparency, and fairness of local government elections and promote democratic governance at the grassroots level.
Great move, but for INEC’s readiness
RECALL that in 2015, INEC reordered the course of the election, bringing the presidential and national elections first before that of the governors and the state Assemblies, which many Nigerians claimed created a bandwagon effect on the state elections.
Also, in 1998, the National Electoral Commission conducted the local government elections that were judged the best to date. It was the only council poll where opposition parties won chairmanship seats in areas where they were strong. However, thereafter, the ruling parties adopted a winner-takes-all method using State Electoral Commissions, which were appointed by sitting state governors and ruling parties.
A former Minority Leader in the Senate, Olorunnimbe Mamora, said the idea of conducting elections would reduce cost, stress on the electorate and eliminate the bandwagon effects to some extent, “but is Nigeria ripe for such?”
He, however, faulted the proposal for LGEC to oversee council polls, adding that the decision would affect the principle of true federalism.
He disagreed with a repeat of the 1998 antecedent when a national electoral body held council polls. He said Nigeria is no longer under military rule.
The chieftain of Ohanaeze, Goddy Uwazurike, quickly disagreed with Mamora, saying the House’s proposal was the best.
Uwazurike said: “As long as the 1999 Constitution could be amended to cover this, then the shenanigans Nigerians have been witnessing as council polls, where governors installed their cronies, will stop.”
He noted that whatever initial challenges it has could be addressed. He also threw his weight behind a proposed LGEC to conduct council polls.
He said: “A particular system has failed us over 25 years. There is a need to try another one.”
The Director-General of National Conservative Forum (NCFront), Wale Okuniyi, noted that as good as the proposal is, it implies the amendment of the constitution.
Okuniyi said the capacity of INEC to hold multiple elections in a day is a problem to consider. Otherwise, it is supposed to be the best.
In support of the position of the House, a professor of law and vice-chancellor of the Protestant University of Rwanda, Olu Ojedokun, said the House is right to pass the bill, aiming to conduct all elections in one day.
He said all the polls should be conducted on the same day to reduce costs and ensure efficiency.
The VC said: “If all elections should be done in one day, none will influence the others. There was no movement for two days (in the past general elections) because of the election! Why do we have to shut down the country for elections?
“If we do all the elections in one day, it will reduce cost, time, and restriction hours. We can learn from the U.S., France and other countries that use the method.
“The Independent National Electoral Commission (NEC) needs to plan well for it. If INEC starts planning now, it can do it.”
In another reaction to the bill on compressed elections, a former Head of Department (HOD), Political Science and International Relations, Lead City University, Ibadan, Prof. Akeem Amodu, said the ideal thing should be starting from the bottom to the top.
He noted that the gubernatorial and State Assemblies polls should be held first, followed by the presidential and National Assembly.
Amodu said, “Given the Nigerian understanding of politics and an economy that does not give room for citizens to think out of the box, the bandwagon effect will happen. There is a tendency for the party that won the presidential poll to incentivise and induce voters. As a result of this, the victorious party is ready to buy people’s votes and consciences.
“The ideal thing should be starting from the bottom to the top. The last three elections followed that pattern.
That is, local first, followed by the state poll, parliamentary and federal presidential elections to get the best. That will change the bandwagon dynamics and narrative.”
On his part, the Head of Department (HOD) of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Prof. Adewale Yagboyaju, said: “These are different options with their merits and demerits. From local to presidential elections, it will be more expensive than we have today.
“There may indeed be bandwagon effects, but that may not always be true. For instance, in Oyo State, in the 2023 presidential and National Assembly polls, the All Progressives Congress (APC) won almost all seats. Still, at the governorship and state assembly polls, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) swept them all.
“This means bandwagon effects cannot be automatic. Going back to the former method may not necessarily count. Re-ordering to the former method should come with profound outweighing benefits that we can point to. Anything we push for should be more beneficial than the existing one.”
The bill’s draft on LGEC states that the National Local Government Electoral Commission shall consist of the Chairman and 37 other members representing 36 states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.
It also states that the Chairman, who shall be the Chief Electoral Officer and members of the Board shall be appointed by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the recommendation of the National Council of States and subject to the confirmation of the Senate.
The Commission is expected to provide periodic reports on its activities and the outcomes of local government elections to the President, the National Assembly, and the general public, promoting transparency and accountability in its operations.
The Commission is to, among others, be saddled with the responsibility for organising, conducting, and supervising elections into the offices of Chairmen and Councilors of all Local Governments in the Federation, including the Area Councils of the Federal Capital Territory; setting the election timetable, managing polling processes, and ensuring compliance with electoral laws; and overseeing the registration of voters for local government elections, maintain an accurate and up-to-date voter register, and ensure that eligible citizens are provided with access to participate in the electoral process.
“The Secretary of the Board of the National Local Government Electoral Commission shall be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Board of National Local Government Electoral Commission who shall be a legal practitioner of not less than 10 years,” Ihonvbere said in his lead debate.
Appeal court as final arbiter…
THE House also passed through second reading another bill seeking to make the court of appeal the final arbiter for determining governorship election petitions in the country.
Sponsored by a lawmaker representing Ndokwa East/Ndokwa West/Ukwuani Federal Constituencies of Delta State, Nnamdi Ezechi, the proposed legislation seeks to alter section 246 of the 1999 constitution.
Section 246 of the constitution states that the court of appeal’s decisions regarding litigations arising from the national and state Houses of Assembly election petitions shall be final if the proposed legislation is passed into law; the section will include governorship elections.
Presenting the bill’s general principles, Ezechi said the proposed legislation is intended to mitigate delays and save costs in post-election litigation. According to him, if enacted, the law will prevent gubernatorial election disputes from reaching the Supreme Court.
[Guardian]
Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar has declared that he is uncertain about his 2027 presidential ambition.
Atiku, who has contested for the presidency six times, made the remark in a yet-to-be-aired interview for a television show, Untold Stories, with Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie.
His remarks came a few days after he announced the formation of a coalition of opposition leaders aiming to oust the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress, APC government.
When asked if he would run for the presidency in the next election, Atiku said, “I don’t know because there has to be, first of all, a viable platform, more than any other time in the political history of this country, particularly since the return of democracy.”
The former VP, however, did not rule out the possibility of contesting in the 2027 election, stating the need for Nigeria to have a competent leader.
“I have not seen Nigeria in dire need of, you know, an experienced and credible leadership than this time.
“We had a similar, you know, what would I say, merger in 2014. About four of us or is it three? We all ran for president and one of us emerged, and we all supported the one who emerged, and he won,” he said.
There are speculations that Atiku may give his support to the former Labour Party Presidential candidate, Peter Obi and former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-rufai for the 2027 election.
[Daily Post]
The Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions threw out Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition, saying the matter was already a subject of litigation.
The petition was written by Mr Zubairu Yakubu, one of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s constituents.
Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi (APC – Ebonyi South) and a former Minister of Education, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, clashed over the handling of the sexual harassment allegations.
Dr Ezekwesili, a witness, had accompanied Yakubu, who appeared before the Senate Committee, to defend the petition.
A war of words ensued between Nwebonyi and the former minister, who complained about how the allegation was being handled by senators.
However, the Committee ruled that it could not sit on the petition, in view of a pending case filed against Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan by Dr. Unoma Akpabio, wife of the Senate President.
Citing Senate Rules, Senator Imasuen noted that the practice of the Senate was to desist from entertaining petitions on any matters pending before the court.
During the proceedings, tension rose as Nwebonyi described Dr Ezekwesili an ‘insult to womanhood’ and a ‘hooligan.’
The senator’s remarks followed the refusal of Dr Ezekwesili and other attendees to take an oath during the hearing.
While one of the senators insisted that either they take the oath or the committee would end the meeting, Dr Ezekwesili and her colleagues insisted on not taking the oath, during which Nwebonyi became apparently angry.
He said: “You are an insult to womanhood, hooligan. People like you are not supposed to be here, hooligan. You are an insult to womanhood.” Ezekwesili, who later spoke with reporters, accused the Senate of violating the Constitution, adding that the Senate Rule cited by the committee was not superior to the Constitution.
She said: “The Nigerian Senate keeps telling citizens they are subject to Senate rules, even when those rules violate the Constitution. This is unacceptable in a democracy.”
She argued that the embattled Kogi Central lawmaker was denied fair hearing, insisting that it is in clear breach of provisions of the Constitution.
Dr Ezekwesili added: “The Senate placed its own rules above the laws of the land. Now, with this petitioner, they have done the same thing—using procedural loopholes to avoid addressing critical issues
“If a petitioner says they do not believe the Senate committee will give them a fair hearing due to clear bias, it is only just that an independent body reviews the matter.
“The Senate must respect the Constitution. Otherwise, we risk turning our democracy into a system where powerful individuals manipulate processes to silence opposition and suppress justice,” she said.
On the alleged bias by the Senate, the petitioner cited previous remarks attributed to the Chairman of the Committee, Senator Imasuen, where he described Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition as dead on arrival during a previous Committee sitting.
“How can the chairman serve as a judge in a case where he has already publicly taken a position? What is the need for us to present our case when a verdict has already been given before hearing us?,” he queried.
Yakubu expressed disappointment over the objection by the Committee to his request that Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, who has been suspended for six months by the Senate be allowed to testify before the panel as principal witness.
He said the suspended senator was in custody of a crucial documentary evidence to support her claims, lamenting that she had been barred from entering the National Assembly as part of her suspension.
Yakubu added: “In my petition, I clearly stated that my witness would present her evidence personally. But she was not allowed into the premises. If my key witness is denied access, how can I proceed with my case?”
Counsel to the petitioner, Dr. Abiola Akinyode also faulted the alleged inconsistencies in the Senate’s handling of the petitions.
She said: “There is nothing in Yakubu’s petition that was not in Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s original petition. If the Senate dismissed her petition as ‘dead on arrival,’ then logically, Yakubu’s should also be dismissed.”
“The Senate seems to be operating under its own rules, separate from the Constitution. That is why they can suspend a senator for six months without following due process,” Akinyode said.
She also faulted the defence by the Committee that it could not hear a petition on a subsisting case before a court of competent jurisdiction.
Akinyode said: “If they knew the case was in court, they should have simply written to the petitioner stating they could not entertain it. Instead, they invited him, only to dismiss the petition on the basis that it was already in court.”