The National Assembly, once envisioned as the hallowed cornerstone of Nigeria’s democracy, has descended into a circus of disgrace. Allegations of sexual harassment, tear gas, and paid protesters have stripped the institution of its dignity.

This week, the streets of Abuja witnessed a spectacle that has left Nigerians questioning the integrity of their lawmakers: hired crowds clashing in a Nollywood-style drama, ignited by a bitter feud between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

The chaos erupted after Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Akpabio of sexual harassment, first on national television and then in an open plenary session—an unprecedented moment in Nigeria’s democratic history since 1999. What followed was not a sober investigation or a dignified response but a shameful display of sponsored protests, tear gas canisters lobbed at demonstrators, and a legislative body more concerned with technicalities than truth.

Veteran journalist Reuben Abati, co-host of Arise TV’s The Morning Show, did not mince words when he called it ‘a pivotal moment’ that exposed the National Assembly to global ridicule.

Abati thundered on air, “It was a pivotal moment for the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and, by extension, the whole of the National Assembly. For the first time since our return to democracy in 1999, we have the chairman of the National Assembly, the third-highest-ranking official in the country, being accused in open plenary of sexual harassment. What makes it even sadder is that this was done in the presence of a UK parliamentary delegation led by Kate Osamor, the MP for Edmonton.”

The optics were damning. As British parliamentarians watched in disbelief, the Senate floor became a battleground of egos, with Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition dismissed by the Ethics Committee as ‘Dead on Arrival’ due to procedural flaws and a parallel court case.

Outside, the streets of Abuja turned into a marketplace of loyalty, where poverty was weaponised to fuel rival protests. Women clad in coordinated outfits waved designer banners—one group chanting in support of Akpabio, another backing Akpoti-Uduaghan.

Viral videos laid bare the farce. In one clip circulating on social media, a female interviewer confronted a protester supporting Akpabio. “Why are you supporting Senator Akpabio?” the voice behind the camera asked.
The woman hesitated before replying, “Yes, I didn’t see anything wrong with what they are saying. But I don’t know much about the details.”

Pressed further by the interviewer, “You don’t know the whole story. Do you support Senator Natasha?” the Akpabio supporter admitted, “I don’t really know the whole story.”

The interviewer persisted: “So, why did you come out here today?” The response was telling: “I came out today because they said we should come and protest that Akpabio should remain as our Senate President.”
Her words, devoid of conviction, revealed the hollow core of the demonstration—she was there not out of principle, but because she was instructed to attend.

Other clips captured similar absurdity: a protester in the Akpabio camp lamented, “Akpabio, don’t disappoint us. They’ve given us only water,” while another woman confessed, “We were paid 5,000 naira to come here.”

Abati’s outrage cut through the noise. He remarked, “We watched the spectacle, the Nollywood-style engagement of sponsored protesters in Nigeria—one party carrying placards and banners supporting one side, the other side supporting the opposite. It’s very bad optics, and the fact that the National Assembly is bringing us this embarrassment should be condemned by every Nigerian.”

The allegations themselves are grave. Akpoti-Uduaghan, representing Kogi Central, claimed Akpabio made inappropriate advances, a charge he vehemently denied, citing his upbringing by a single mother as evidence of his respect for women. Yet, the Senate’s response has been less about seeking truth and more about dodging accountability.

Senators debated arcane rules—Order 40, Sub 4, and others—arguing that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition was invalid because she signed it herself and first aired her grievances on Arise TV rather than on the Senate floor.

“Perhaps the floor of the Senate should have been the place to start the petition, rather than in the media,” Abati noted, acknowledging her tactical misstep but refusing to let the institution off the hook.

Meanwhile, the protests revealed a deeper rot: a nation where poverty has turned the masses into pawns. For as little as N5,000 — barely enough to prepare a decent pot of soup — hundreds of women flooded the streets, their placards as hollow as their motivations.

“Which one concerns them? Someone made an allegation of sexual harassment, and women are coming out to protest in support of the accused. It doesn’t make any sense,” asked Grace Ojo, a petty trader who witnessed the chaos near the National Assembly gate.

The tear-gassing of protesters only deepened the disgrace. As rival camps clashed, security forces unleashed canisters, scattering the crowds and leaving a cloud of shame hanging over the Assembly.

“What kind of nonsense is this? If any person has money, he can bring anybody to come and protest. They’ve made a mockery of protest in Nigeria,” fumed Godson Okeke, a civil servant whose office at the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja is near the National Assembly gate.

Abati echoed this sentiment, urging lawmakers to focus on their duty rather than theatrics.
“This is a matter of urgent national interest to the extent that the representatives of the Nigerian people have exposed that institution to ridicule.

“Nigerians want to know what the truth is. Is Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan a witness of truth? Is Akpabio himself a witness of truth? The Senators should refrain from blackmailing one another and the kind of personal attacks that have been going on,” he said.

The irony is stark. An institution tasked with making laws has become a law unto itself, dodging accountability while the poor are bought to prop up its farce.

Amina Yusuf, a rights activist and gender advocate in Abuja, lamented, “Poverty is being weaponised in Nigeria, and the poor people are part of our problem. The masses are easily bought. You can mess up in the church, pay 5,000 naira, and they’ll line up to support you.”

As the dust settles, the National Assembly stands at a crossroads. Will it rise above this disgrace to address the substance of Akpoti-Uduaghan’s claims, or will it hide behind rules and hired crowds?
For now, the answer seems clear: Nigeria’s lawmakers have turned their chamber into a theatre of shame, and the world is watching.

“Lawmakers should know they have to make laws, not engage in all this nonsense,” Abati summarised. For a nation desperate for leadership, his words are both a plea and a warning.

The US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has proposed a new rule requiring applicants for green cards and visas to disclose their social media handles.

This initiative, aimed at strengthening security screening, has sparked concerns about privacy and the potential misuse of data.

The rule would apply to various immigration forms, including applications for U.S. citizenship, asylum, and adjustments of status from an H-1B visa to a green card, according to TravelBiz

The USCIS has published the proposal in the Federal Register and has invited the public to submit comments during a 60-day period.

The new requirement will extend to several immigration forms, including the N-400 for naturalization, the I-131 for advance parole, the I-485 for green card applications, and the I-589 for asylum.

Applications for refugee status and petitions for conditional residency removal will also be affected.

Reports indicate that this move by the US Immigration to request social media handles of visa applicants is part of the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) effort to enhance security vetting through more comprehensive background checks.

However, immigration experts have raised concerns about how social media information will be interpreted and used.

Immigration attorney Jonathan Wasden voiced concerns over how USCIS will interpret social media activity. “It remains unclear how USCIS will interpret posts, how long they will store data, or what guidelines they will use to flag concerns,” he said.

He also warned of the potential for applicants to face denials based on online activity that may be taken out of context.

“There is also a risk that applicants could face denials based on online activity that is taken out of context,” Wasden added.

The USCIS has opened a 60-day public comment period for individuals and organizations to provide feedback on the proposed rule.

This allows the public to express concerns about its necessity, effectiveness, and impact before it is finalized.

Reports indicate that while the USCIS has assured there will be no additional costs for applicants beyond standard filing fees, the requirement for social media disclosure introduces an extra layer of scrutiny.

This could potentially complicate applications, causing delays as social media activity undergoes review.

Some employees of Ikeja Electric have opened up on how they were brutalised by Nigerian Air Force officers from the Sam Ethnan Air Force Base in Ikeja.

Naija News reports that the soldiers had stormed the IE headquarters in the Alausa area of the state capital, Ikeja, in a military truck, two OP-MESA vehicles, and others at about 7:40am.

According to Punch, some newsmen had gathered at the facility in preparation for a trip to Adiyan to unveil a solar project.

However, the soldiers caught them unawares, dragged them out of a bus and beat them thoroughly, even forcing them to sit on the ground.

The Air Force operatives, led by a woman and some men in mufti, occupied the office of Ikeja Electric for over one and a half hours, beating the workers and other people sighted on the premises.

They blocked the roads leading to the office, which gave them a field day to molest those within the premises of the electricity company.

The invasion reportedly followed the expiration of an ultimatum given to the Disco to reconnect the power supply of the air force base, which was disconnected because of a debt of ₦4bn, according to the Ikeja Electric spokesman, Kingsley Okotie.

Okotie said that the men vandalised doors, CCTV cameras, and other gadgets in the office.

In separate interviews with the aforementioned publication on Friday, some IE workers brutalised by the military officers described the invasion as a “broad daylight robbery and terror attack”, saying they were still struggling to recover from the shock.

A female security staff member of IE, Funmilayo Adeniyi, described the experience as one she would never forget.

“The military stormed in with guns and beat the hell out of me. Two of them carried me and threw me inside their van. I thought they were taking me to their barracks, but minutes later, they dragged me out and ordered all of us to lie on the ground. They poured water on us and beat us with plastic rods. They beat us so badly that we couldn’t even stand up,” she recalled.

Another IE security staff member, Olajide Kolawole, stationed at the main gate when the military men forced their way into the premises, also shared a similar account.

“Some of them even jumped over the fence. It was a terrible experience; they beat the hell out of me. The other guy working with me at the gate, Samuel, was also thoroughly beaten. After that, they took both of us and some other members of staff to the fuel dump within the premises. They ordered us to lie on the ground and started beating us. They even attacked the workers in the canteen,” he said.

Gabriel Fatoye, a worker in the facility department of the company, also recounted how the officers took his phone during the invasion.

“It was a very brutal experience. I was on my way back to the office from an outside engagement when the men broke in and stole my phone. They ransacked our office, broke the door, and took my phone, which I had left on the table. Since yesterday, I’ve tried calling my phone, but the line has been switched off,” he narrated.

With 715 days to the February 20, 2027, presidential election, political maneuvering and realignments are already in motion as aspirants and their supporters begin strategizing for the race.

Mid-last month, the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, declared that the North would support President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s re-election and reclaim power in 2031, following the North-South power rotation principle.

Echoing similar sentiments, Minister of State for Defence and former Zamfara State Governor, Dr. Bello Matawalle, affirmed that the North would rally behind Tinubu to ensure the continuity of his developmental projects across the country until 2031.

However, their comments have drawn mixed reactions from Northern leaders, especially as sources indicate that Tinubu is courting South-East and South-South leaders to boost his 2027 re-election prospects.

With the APC ticket likely Tinubu’s to claim unless he opts out, his success will hinge on securing a majority of votes while meeting the constitutional requirement of gaining at least 25% of votes in two-thirds of Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.

In the 2023 presidential election, Tinubu’s victory came largely from the North-West, North-Central, and South-West. However, he faced stiff opposition in the South-East and South-South, and even failed to secure 25% of votes in Abuja.

2023 Presidential Election Results Breakdown

South-West (Tinubu’s Stronghold)

Tinubu: 2,542,979 votes (58.4%)

Atiku: 941,941 votes (21.6%)

Obi: 849,423 votes (9.5%)

Kwankwaso: 16,644 votes (0.38%)

Total Votes: 4,350,987

South-South (Obi’s Dominance)

Obi: 1,210,675 votes (44.1%)

Tinubu: 799,957 votes (29.1%)

Atiku: 717,908 votes (26.1%)

Kwankwaso: 17,167 votes (0.63%)

Total Votes: 2,745,707

South-East (Obi’s Stronghold)

Obi: 1,960,569 votes (89.6%)

Tinubu: 127,605 votes (5.8%)

Atiku: 91,198 votes (4.2%)

Kwankwaso: 8,227 votes (0.38%)

Total Votes: 2,187,599

North-Central (Tinubu’s Victory)

Tinubu: 1,760,993 votes (41.3%)

Obi: 1,415,557 votes (33.2%)

Atiku: 1,025,178 votes (24.1%)

Kwankwaso: 60,056 votes (1.4%)

Total Votes: 4,261,784

North-East (Atiku’s Stronghold)

Atiku: 1,741,846 votes (55.9%)

Tinubu: 933,176 votes (29.9%)

Obi: 315,107 votes (10.1%)

Kwankwaso: 126,343 votes (4.05%)

Total Votes: 3,116,472

North-West (Tinubu’s Highest Vote Zone)

Tinubu: 2,652,235 votes (41%)

Atiku: 2,197,824 votes (33.9%)

Kwankwaso: 1,268,250 votes (19.6%)

Obi: 350,183 votes (5.4%)

Total Votes: 6,468,492

Total Votes in the North

Tinubu: 5,346,404 votes (38.9%)

Atiku: 4,834,767 votes (35.2%)

Obi: 2,080,847 votes (15.2%)

Kwankwaso: 1,454,649 votes (10.6%)

Total Votes: 13,716,667

Total Votes in the South

Obi: 4,020,687 votes (44.5%)

Tinubu: 3,206,969 votes (35.5%)

Atiku: 1,751,047 votes (19.4%)

Kwankwaso: 42,038 votes (0.46%)

Total Votes: 9,020,741

Tinubu’s 2027 Strategy: Wooing the South-East and South-South

To improve his standing in the South-East and South-South, Tinubu is reportedly reaching out to governors and political leaders in these regions.

Sources indicate to Vanguard that apart from implementing key projects in these zones, Tinubu is exploring a political arrangement that would allow opposition governors to retain their seats in exchange for electoral support in 2027.

If successful, this strategy could see Professor Charles Soludo (Anambra, APGA), Dr. Peter Mbah (Enugu, PDP), Pastor Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom, PDP), the PDP government in Bayelsa, and Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta, PDP) retaining their positions, while Tinubu secures the required votes in these states.

Additionally, governors interested in defecting to APC would be welcomed without resistance.

However, not everyone in the APC supports this strategy. The Chairman of United Nigeria Airlines and an APC governorship aspirant in Anambra State argues that securing an APC governor in Anambra through the upcoming election would be more beneficial for Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid than relying on an opposition governor.

...proposes use of corpers

President Bola Tinubu has turned down a N942bn proposal by the National Population Commission for the conduct of the national housing and population census, Saturday PUNCH has learnt.

Impeccable sources privy to the discussions between Tinubu and the commission’s top officials on Monday, February 24, 2025, at the State House, revealed that the President insisted on cost-cutting measures.

According to the insiders, the President suggested the deployment of members of the National Youth Service Corps for the exercise.

After being briefed by officials of the NPC led by its Chairman, Nasir Kwarra, Tinubu promised to set up a committee to align the census budget to the government’s present financial realities.

The Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, in a statement titled, ‘Nigeria moves closer to fresh census, President Tinubu to set up committee,’ quoted Tinubu as saying “This stop-and-go activity on the census cannot work with me. So, we better have a definite path.

Tinubu was quoted to have said further, “I will set up a committee for you to look at the issues critically and do a source and application of resources. Where can we get help, and what can we lift before we embark on proclamation?”

Revealing more details on the development one of the sources who spoke on condition of anonymity told our correspondent that while the President wanted the census to be conducted, he insisted that the cost must be reduced.

The government official said, “The main issue from that meeting was that the money they were proposing was quite much. It is around N942bn. That is almost N1tn. And the President felt that it was too much. That is why he said there would be a committee to look at the issues altogether because that cost must come down.

“He wants to do it. He wants the census to happen. But the cost is too high. His goal is that they should do it for less.”

Another insider at the meeting further revealed that Tinubu suggested a massive deployment of NYSC members nationwide to cut personnel costs.

“He was even suggesting that they recruit youth corps members to make it cheaper,” the official revealed.

However, a third source told Saturday PUNCH that the constituents and activities of Tinubu’s new committee were still unclear.

“We have heard nothing about that committee for now. It is still being put together as we speak. But the agencies concerned will be on it,” the source explained.

At the meeting, Tinubu had affirmed that the National Identity Management Commission must be part of the review.

“We must ascertain who we are, how many we are, and how to manage our data. Without an accurate census, we can’t successfully plan for employment, agriculture, and food sovereignty.

“So many problems come up without accurate data,” President Tinubu noted.

The President added that government incentives, such as the sale and distribution of fertilisers, could be easily improved with more reliable data and demographics.

He told the NPC delegation that biometric capturing should be central to the process, with multiple identification features, including facial and voice recognition.

According to him, “We should work on our financial muscle well in place to lift our burden before we go and meet development partners for the census. We should work out the figures before discussing the role of development partners.”

Since it last occurred in November 2006, Nigeria’s housing and population census has faced repeated delays and logistical hurdles since the twilight of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.

Although the NPC invested in new technology—such as digital mapping and biometric capture—to enhance accuracy and transparency, issues including inadequate funding, insecurity in certain regions, and the onset of COVID-19 contributed to a series of postponements.

The 2023 census, in particular, was deferred due to overlapping concerns, ranging from budget constraints to political transitions, making it difficult for stakeholders to finalise preparations before Buhari left office.

Under the Tinubu administration, plans to reschedule the census have equally faced difficulties, as the Federal Government remains uncertain over timing, methodology, and questions regarding how best to capture data on large, mobile populations, including internally displaced persons.

Meanwhile, the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Sen. Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, said the census data would be central to future planning and resource distribution.

The Minister said the commission and everyone on the team needed to agree on the minimum amount that could be sourced to support the President in making the final decision.

“Mr President, we have been having ecosystem meetings to link the identity agencies, even the geo-spatial chaired by the ministry, because of our mandate as the supervising ministry of the National Bureau of Statistics.

“So, the NPC, NBS, NIMC, Ministry Of Digital Economy, passport, social register, voters register, and even telecoms data have been meeting with the National Space Research and Development Agency to see how much is available to the government regarding data and how much optimisation can take place.”

In his presentation, NPC chairman noted that 760,000 tablets had been acquired and stored with the Central Bank of Nigeria, assuring the commission would engage with development partners to seek support whenever President Tinubu proclaimed the new census.

The Osun State Government has formally petitioned the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to investigate the immediate past governor and current Minister of Blue Economy, Gboyega Oyetola, over the alleged misappropriation of a $20m World Bank health grant.

The government also accused Oyetola of money laundering, financial misconduct and violations of the Public Procurement Act in the disbursement of the grant meant for health sector improvements in the state.

According to an acknowledged copy of the petition dated March 7, 2025, and obtained by our correspondent on Friday, Oyetola, during his tenure as governor, chaired a special Health Intervention Committee tasked with allocating and applying the grant funds.

The committee, whose members included former government officials such as Remi Omowaye, Dr. Rafiu Isamatu, and Bola Oyebamiji, decided to use the entire $20m for renovating 320 primary health care centres across the state.

According to the petition written by the government’s lawyer, Pelumi Olajengbesi, “This so-called renovation of primary health care centres involved building, renovation and adjustments/restructuring of some of these centres in order to attain the position of modern health centres. Having made these decisions, the Oyetola-led committee decided to award the contracts for the renovation.

“In flagrant violations of the above clear provisions of the Public Procurement Act, 2007, Oyetola did not call for bidding as mandatorily required under the PPA, let alone allowing competition which would have afforded the state the best qualified contractors to handle the projects.

“Rather, the former governor in observing the provisions of the Act in breach, awarded the contracts to individuals who were either his cabinet members, head of one agency of government or the other, his proxies and cronies who claimed to have incorporated business names/inactive companies.”

The government noted that the beneficiaries of the contract allegedly included businesses with no construction experience, such as food vendors, salon operators, supermarket owners, and web designers.

Among the companies named in the petition are Poshpreneurs Nig., owned by the children of the former Head of Service, Olowogboyega Oyebade; Dotfam Multiventures Ltd, linked to the siblings of the former APC State Chairman; The Ice Firms Nig. Ltd, allegedly owned by Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Adebayo Adeleke; and Afamoks Web International, linked to former Amotekun Field Commander, Amitolu Shittu.

The state government alleges that the companies, lacking the expertise for construction, executed substandard renovation works while receiving full contract payments, thereby leading to the misappropriation of the $20n grant.

On the allegations of money laundering, the state government alleged that over ₦1.5 bn, was funneled through the Osun chapter of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria between January and October 2022.

The petition named former ALGON Chairman, Abiodun Idowu, Secretary, Olubisi Oladosu; 28 former local government caretaker chairmen; and the former Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Hon. Yekeen Adebayo Adeleke, as key actors in the alleged scheme.

“In a similar vein, the government equally laid its hands on some financial records which clearly show a clear case of money laundering of huge magnitude by the past administration of Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola.

Financial records cited in the petition indicate that funds “were repeatedly transferred from the ALGON account at Zenith Bank (Account Number: 1016607858)  into the private account of one Akeem Ibitoye, a local government employee and Director of Finance at Ejigbo Local Government.”

The state government alleged that withdrawals ranging from N30m to over N10m per day were made in cash, with no records of the funds being used for any official projects.

However, Adebayo dismissed the allegations, describing them as frivolous.

The former commissioner who requested for more details on the petition, said, “EFCC has not invited me and I have not seen a copy of the petition for me to know what it is all about.

“If there is no proof, then the allegations are frivolous and of no stance.

“I have bec6ome a torn in the flesh of Gov adeleke and PDP and I won’t be surprised if some baseless allegations are levied against me.

“Anyway, they think trying to dirty my white garment will make me keep mute about their fraudulent ways of governance.”

The Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation (OAGF) has explained that there were no shortfalls in salaries paid to federal workers in January and February 2025.

The OAGF said the salaries that workers received in January and February 2025 were their normal salaries after the various arrears that were paid from October to December 2024 were exhausted.

The OAGF said it was imperative to make clarifications on the purported shortfall in January and February 2025 salaries in order to ease any anxiety in the minds of workers.

According to the OAGF, “Various salary arrears were paid in the last quarter of 2024, namely: minimum wage arrears, 25%/35% increase in salary arrears and wage award arrears. All these arrears were paid from the month of October 2024 to December 2024. This made salaries increase abnormally over the last quarter of 2024”.

The Office said, “payment of normal salaries after exhausting the various arrears began in January 2025, which made some workers think that they were shortchanged, when in actual sense, it was their real salaries. A glance at the current salary table will substantiate this further”.

The OAGF noted that barring any other salary arrears in the future, what was paid in January and February 2025 shall continue to be the salaries, until such a time that the federal government reviews the salaries.

The OAGF revealed that there were cases of overpayments in the month of December 2024 due to system error, adding that the error has been corrected and deductions in respect of the overpayments from the salaries of affected workers was on-going and shall continue until such overpayments were fully recovered.

On the payment of promotion arrears, the OAGF said the exercise is handled by a Standing Committee on Promotion and Salary Arrears in the Budget Office of the Federation (BOF) which compiles and vets all salary and promotion arrears from various MDAs before such is channeled in batches to IPPIS for payment.

The OAGF said IPPIS has fully paid batches 1 to 6 and is awaiting more batches from the Budget Office of the Federation (BOF) for payment.

The Office reiterated its determination to efficiently manage the IPPIS in view of its importance to workers and advised workers with genuine complaints about their salaries to follow the formal processes to get such resolved as quickly as possible.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Kano Zonal Directorate has successfully obtained a conviction against Hauwa Abdullahi Ibrahim, who was arrested while allegedly attempting to smuggle an undeclared total of $1,154,900 and SDR135,900 Saudi Riyals from Saudi Arabia into Nigeria.

Naija News understands that the woman received a prison sentence after admitting guilt to two counts of money laundering before Justice S. M. Shuaibu at the Federal High Court in Kano.

Her arrest occurred when officers from the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) intercepted her at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport while she was trying to bring in undeclared funds from Saudi Arabia.

According to a statement issued by the EFCC spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, Ibrahim failed to declare the money as mandated by law, leading to her immediate arrest.

Following her detention, the Nigeria Customs Service transferred her to the EFCC for further investigation and legal proceedings.

The EFCC subsequently charged Ibrahim with two counts of money laundering under Section 3(3) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

During her court appearance, she pleaded guilty to both charges as they were presented to her.

In light of her admission, the prosecution’s counsel, Musa Isah, reviewed the case details and submitted evidence, including the undeclared funds, requesting the court to impose a conviction.

Justice Shuaibu, however, permitted an allocutus, allowing Ibrahim to share her account with the court. She revealed that a person named Nafiu in Saudi Arabia had approached her, asking for her help in transporting a box to Nigeria, claiming it contained dates and a small amount of cash.

Taking Nafiu at his word, she reportedly agreed to accept the box.

She also mentioned that Nafiu provided her with a contact number for a woman who would retrieve the box from her upon her arrival in Kano.

Upon arriving at Kano airport, Ibrahim indicated that she called the number Nafiu had given her, and the woman came to meet her, at which point she handed over the box.

However, after leaving the airport, she was summoned back by airport officials who requested her international passport to clear the box, as she was the individual who had brought it into Nigeria.

Upon her return, she was arrested and shown the contents of the box she had transported.

She appealed to the court for leniency, asserting that she was unaware of the box’s contents and had been misled by the sender, who claimed it contained only dates and a small sum of money.

In light of her plea for compassion, Justice Shuaibu found the defendant guilty as charged and mandated the forfeiture of the undeclared funds to the Federal Government in accordance with Section 3(5) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act of 2022.

An official of the American International School, Abuja, testified on Wednesday at the Federal High Court in Abuja that former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello, paid a total of $1,606,763.68 in tuition fees for his children, including an advance payment of $845,852 for future enrollment.

Naija News understands that Nicholas Ojehomon, an auditor at the school, disclosed this while testifying as a prosecution witness for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He confirmed that the payments covered the children’s tuition until graduation.

According to Ojehomon, the payments were made in two tranches, with one part allocated as an advance for future school fees. The testimony came as part of Bello’s ongoing trial over an alleged ₦80.2 billion fraud case filed by the EFCC.

During the proceedings, the prosecution presented financial records, including statements from the American International School, detailing the transactions. At a previous hearing on January 29, Williams Abimbola, a compliance officer with United Bank for Africa (UBA) Plc, testified under subpoena and submitted documents related to the payments.

The EFCC had earlier alleged that shortly before leaving office, Bello paid $760,000 in advance for his children’s school fees, which was later refunded following an investigation.

Ojehomon testified that Bello’s brother, Ali Bello, facilitated the payments, stating: “Mr. Ali Bello contacted the American International School, Abuja, on Friday, August 13, requesting to pay the Bello children’s school fees until they graduate. The school management accepted his offer.”

He revealed that the payments covered four of Bello’s children in Grades 8, 6, 4, and 2, with additional payments made for future enrollment, subject to availability from August 2022.

Providing details of the tuition fees, he noted that payments included $90,074 for a daughter in Grade 8, $87,470 for another in Grade 6, $26,241 for a daughter in Grade 4, and $18,707 for a child in Grade 2. The witness also identified a contractual agreement between the school and Ali Bello regarding the prepayment arrangement.

The EFCC counsel, Kemi Pinheiro (SAN), presented the school’s admission and prepaid tuition fee documents as exhibits.

Ojehomon confirmed that the school refunded $760,910.84 to the EFCC and that the commission provided an account with the Central Bank of Nigeria for the refund.

Further testimony was given by UBA compliance officer Williams, who submitted additional financial documents, including statements from accounts linked to Bello’s administration.

She detailed multiple withdrawals made through cheques from the Kogi State Government House account, often processed in ₦10 million tranches to individuals named Abdulsalam Hudu and Aminu J.O.

Williams confirmed that on December 12, 2018, “Ten transactions of ₦10 million each were processed in favor of Abdulsalam Hudu.” She also identified key account signatories, including Christopher Enefola (Permanent Secretary), Onekutu Daniel (Chief Accountant), and Abdulsalam Hudu (Accountant).

Under cross-examination, however, she admitted that Bello’s name did not appear in any of the transactions related to the Kogi Government House account.

“The name Yahaya Bello does not feature in exhibits P1 to P27,” defense counsel Daudu noted, to which Williams responded, “The name Bello did not appear anywhere.”

She further acknowledged that she was not the account officer managing the Kogi Government House account, which was overseen from Lokoja rather than her branch in Abuja.

Justice Emeka Nwite adjourned the trial to Friday, March 6, for continuation of proceedings.