Order in every credible democracy is a balance of compassion and hard policy choices. The hard choices, often of a reform nature, which confront new leaders only make sense if they are for the common good. Otherwise, a  barrage  of crushing reforms with no tinge of compassion can suffocate the afflicted citizenry and cast the reformer in a bad hue. In that situation, even the best intentioned reformer could become a mindless autocrat. Democracy then breeds, not a charismatic leader but a mindless authoritarian. The equation is somewhat like this: the pain of reform must be balanced by the appearance of compassion. The tough committed purposeful leader who is both feared and capable of being loved.

President Bola Tinubu insists that he has unleashed reforms to make Nigerian better. Not everyone of his compatriots agree. Contrary to the chorus of his Abuja choir, most citizens now contend that today ‘s Nigeria is beginning to look more like a training ground for cruelty and a practice field for apprentice authoritarians. Many are swearing that Mr. Tinubu may have turned his back on the ways of democracy and popular governance and now faces a frightening direction. I am among those who are very frightened to live in this place. An assumed democracy has replaced sweetness with bitterness, citizens are now afraid of the very government they went out to elect only a few months ago.

The far sighted and perceptive never  expected Tinubu’s tenure to be any different from what is unfolding before our eyes . When he chose his inauguration podium on May 29th to mouth ‘fuel subsidy is gone!’, sensible people expected a balancing reassuring statement. None came immediately or any time afterwards. Instead,  more draconian acts of serial wickedness have been heaped on citizens like burning coal. For all these, the government insists that it is on a reform path.

The Naira was floated with no scientific benchmark. An astronomical tax was heaped on electricity. Pump prices of gasoline headed to the sky and have been shooting upwards ever since. Taxes on practically everything followed: basic food, basic medications, transportation costs, house rents, cooking gas, basic banking transactions etc have since last May shot up beyond the rational.

When gasoline prices shot up and the Naira was shredded in value,  organised labour raised the urgent matter of a commensurate national minimum wage. The public supported labour’s pressure for an increase of the national minimum wage. A series of negotiations and arm twisting manipulations led to an agreement on a contentious N70,000. While workers at federal and state levels are still waiting for the promised minimum wage, a new vortex of new gasoline prices have been allowed to kick in. The public is confused and has been thrown into a further life support mode. Predictably, the  latest Increase in fuel pump price has taken its toll in the wrong places. Schools can hardly resume because of high transportation costs. Edo , Kano and Borno states have postponed the resumption of schools for the new school year. Other states may follow suit.

Since May, 2023, hardly any pleasant news has come our way except for announcements about bags of rice scattered in a few states. The government that took away our little sweetness has responded with rice and noodles. A myriad taxes have followed. The rice of offer has turned out a mirage. By its nature, rice is a tax-laden palliative. If you give people rise, they need money to buy meat and fish, oil, onions and other ingredients. In short, a gift of free rice reminds people of their immense poverty. So, people desperately access the free rice as an article of trade, something to be re-sold to raise money to douse the ravaging poverty. That has led to fierce warfare in locations where rice is being shared. People who went out to fight for rice returned in body bags as the fierce battles were  do –or- die duels. 

The pursuit of cruel reforms and draconian levies and taxes has created a country of numerous precedents.  Nigerians living today may have seen far too many precedents in our national life already. In one life time, we have seen more new milestones than any other generation. We have seen the  highest inflation rate- 43%  ever. Since its introduction in the early 1970s, Nigerians have seen the most abysmal exchange rate for the Naira in national history. We have seen the highest poverty rate in our national history, leading to the creation of Nigeria as the world’s poverty capital. For the first time in our life time, hunger has become a widespread national affliction, graduating into an object of nationwide protest and massive street brawls between hungry mobs and armed security personnel.

Today ‘s Nigerians have seen the highest price per liter of gasoline ever. In some parts of the country, there are reports of prices of up to N1,500 per liter. Similarly, Nigerians are seeing the highest cost per unit of electricity even as darkness envelopes  the land. Nigerians are seeing the most expensive cup of garri, beans, corn or millet  in their life time. It is the worst of times and the most trying of times.

It is also the most dangerous of times and the most precarious of times. Never before in peace- time have Nigerians seen such a high  casualty rate as this. People are being killed needlessly on an industrial scale everyday. In no other nation’s peace time do so many people die needless deaths. Peace time Nigeria is ranking shoulder to shoulder with Sudan, Syria, Somalia and other dangerous places in the world on a scale of insecurity. The English language has run out of terminologies for describing the variants of Nigeria’s bad state and its architects: terrorism, banditry, abduction, kidnapping and other unnamable crimes.  At no time in our national history have we lived in a more dangerous country, not even in the civil war years.

Youth is ordinarily the time to hope, to look forward to a long life stretched ahead of you. The youth dream dreams and cherish longings. As youth, death and mortality was far and remote from us. But in today’s Nigeria, death has become the constant refrain in the language of youth. Our university campuses have become common grounds for suicide among our youth. Our children are being killed or are killing each other because the landscape beyond is bleak and hopeless. We are living in a place where suicide has become an easy escape route for frustrated youth.

Other silly and laughable precedents have also been created in Nigeria under the Tinubu presidency. For instance, we have never seen such extensive motorcades trailing men of power as are being displayed by Akpabio and Tinubu. Nor have such humongous sums been spent on luxury items at the apex of power anywhere as in today’s Nigeria. Nor have we seen single civil construction projects of such magnitude as the Calabar-Lagos highway (N18 trillion!). No previous president so prioritized his personal comfort as to purchase a different presidential jet in under two years in power without parliamentary appropriation or any known budget provision. These are clearly precedents in national profligacy! 

Democracy devoid of compassion or prudent consideration for the welfare of the lowly runs a clear risk. When a democracy proceeds with reckless impunity, it runs the risk of drifting into authoritarianism, a routine insensitivity to the common feeling. The feelings of the people begin to matter less. The state carries on as though it is a self- empowering entity.

At the moment, Mr. Tinubu’s bumbling embrace with power is by far a greater threat to Nigeria’s democracy and survival than anything else. When a democracy fumbles, its readiest temptation is to be attracted towards dictatorship. The Tinubu government is beginning to arrest journalist for no stated reason. Labour leaders are not immune either. Innocent people who went out to protest their own hunger and poverty have been arrested and are being prosecuted for disturbing the peace of the rulers. Of course, it is easier to arrest people than to manage them in freedom. It is also easier to clamp down on dissenting voices than to loosen a million free voices. People who cannot afford expensive  lawyers to defend them or speak English to state their rights are easy to put away until the jail houses are filled with those who should be voting at the next election.

Compassion is an issue when the common good is of concern. But the  common good is an issue when power is wielded on behalf of the people. But when power becomes an end itself, the common good recedes into the background and becomes a concessionary  afterthought. The pursuit of power, its consolidation, warehousing and monopoly becomes the end of state power. It does seem that barely one and half years after Tinubu’s ascendancy, we are down to that level where the values of democracy are being goaded towards the route of authoritarianism.

A Nigerian authoritarianism under a rule like Tinubu’s will be untidy. Our power hegemony is never evenly spread. It usually wears a sectional ethnocentric color. Already, Tinubu has erected what is easily the most blatant and unabashed Yoruba ethnic hegemony in Nigerian history. Name any strategic segment of national life and it stares you in the face. Open. Shameless. Even disgraceful to the dignity of the otherwise decent and sophisticated Yoruba nation. We are faced with an impending calamity. Nigeria’s democracy is about to give birth to an ethnic authoritarianism. It will be a sad day when we descend from today’s increasing repression to the hounding of political opponents into political exile out of fear for their own safety. Over and above today’s japa droves, we may soon witness swarms of political asylum seekers heading in many directions. The freedom which our people trooped out to welcome in February is slipping away under our very eyes. 

Saturday’s governorship election in Edo State will feature a keen contest among political gladiators whose names are not even on the ballot. On many fronts, the race has all the trappings of a proxy contest. Of the 17 candidates on the ballot, the three frontline candidates are: Senator Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress, APC; Mr. Asue Ighodalo of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP; and Mr. Olumide Akpata, of the Labour Party, LP. They will put up a good fight on their own and two of the three will run on their accomplishments in other fields. But all three are political newbies. Their three-way exertions will be dwarfed by the vigorous test of strength by other and more politically-experienced individuals and entities both within and outside the state.

This is because there are outstanding scores to be settled and new advantages to be scored by those who are not even on the ballot. These outside gladiators have a greater incentive than the candidates for the outcome to favour them or their camp. If it doesn’t work out, the APC flagbearer will return to the senate while the PDP and the LP candidates can return to their day jobs, take lessons from their first political outing, then give it another shot.

But more seems at stake for the external parties. For them: there is a grudge to be settled, there is an unfinished business to attend to, and there is current and future political relevance to contend with. These are some of the factors that drive desperation in Nigerian politics. Already, one of the external actors has described the election as ‘do-or-die’ and ‘existential’ while another could be mistaken as a candidate in the election. The Edo governorship election is of outsize significance and is likely to generate more heat, and attract more attention, than other regular off-cycle governorship elections. A week to the election, the heat is so palpable that it can be felt even beyond the state.

A briefing paper released on September 10^th by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) brilliantly captures the various issues at play in the Edo governorship election and points out its larger implications for future elections in Nigeria. I fully recommend the paper. In my intervention today, I intend to tease out the proxy dimensions of the September 21^st poll, then close with how zonal dynamics within the state (itself a form of proxy) may impact the outcome of the election.

The first proxy contest will be among the presidential candidates of the top three political parties in the last presidential election: Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of APC; Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of PDP; and Mr. Peter Obi of LP. A major shift occurred in Nigeria’s electoral pattern in 2023 when the presidential contest expanded beyond the traditional two-way race of the previous six electoral cycles of the Fourth Republic. Obi alongside Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) bucked the trend and turned the contest into a truly competitive multi-party poll only close to the one we had in 1979, which incidentally was our first presidential election. Edo gubernatorial contests used to be a two-way affair, as no third-party candidate ever scored up to 1% of the votes cast between 1999 and 2020. This will definitely change this time around, mostly due the Obi factor.

One of the states where the Obi wave made a significant landing in the 2023 presidential poll was Edo State. Obi garnered an impressive 56.97% of the votes in the state and even denied his more experienced competitors and their established political structures the mandatory 25% of the votes cast. Tinubu, who won the overall election, could only muster 24.86% in Edo State. Alhaji Abubakar, whose party had been a dominant force in Edo and national politics since 1999 and was the ruling party in the state at the time of the election, got only 15.41%. Even when Saturday’s election is a local one, and we should not forget the maxim that all politics is local, the 2023 presidential candidates and their political parties have different points to prove in Edo State on Saturday.

For all three presidential candidates and their parties, winning the governorship election is way more than symbolic. To start with, governors remain dominant figures in our politics and the number of states controlled by a political party is a signifier of its relative electoral strength or a factor that can, to a large extent, be leveraged for electoral success. For Obi and LP, the Edo governorship election is an opportunity to show that 2023 was not a fluke and a chance for the party to be in charge of a second state (the only one being Abia State). A victory for LP in Edo will burnish Obi’s standing and relevance whether he chooses to stick with the party or not in the future.

Retaining Edo State will be a face-saving opportunity for Atiku and PDP, which was rudely upstaged in 2023 in the South South and the South East, two zones that had been the party’s strongholds in six previous elections. PDP had a particularly terrible showing in the federal elections in Edo State in 2023: it failed to produce a senator, and had only one out of nine House of Representative members. Retaining the governorship of Edo will keep PDP’s tally of governors at 13.  However, losing the state will increase the diminution of a party that at its height controlled 28 states and once boasted of ruling the country for 60 unbroken years.      

Winning Edo will grant APC a chance to regain a state it had governed for 12 years (2008 to 2020) and only lost in 2020 when the outgoing governor, Mr. Godwin Obaseki, and APC’s candidate in 2016 was denied a re-election ticket by his estranged godfather, Senator Adams Oshiomhole. Obaseki had to decamp to PDP, which successfully flipped the state. Victory in Edo State will increase APC’s governorship tally to 21. This will take the party close to its best showing so far since in came into being in 2013. In 2015, APC won governorship elections in 22 states.

For Tinubu, Edo State is a bit personal. This was where in 2007/2008, he successfully launched the bid to take his Action Congress (AC, later Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN) beyond its South West enclave and part of the strategy that eventually landed him the presidency. The 2008 victory came via the courts, but ACN won 76% of the votes in the 2012 governorship election in Edo State when its candidate, Oshiomhole, sought re-election. By 2016, ACN had merged with other parties to form the APC and APC’s candidate, Obaseki, won by a decent 55%. However, things soon fell apart between Obaseki and Oshiomhole.

Tinubu not only took sides but also openly showed his hands. He made and released a video close to the 19^th September 2020 governorship election in Edo State, and called on the people of the state not to vote for Obaseki whom he accused of many things. In response, the Obaseki campaign adopted and popularised a very effective slogan: Edo no be Lagos (in reference to Tinubu’s overbearing influence in Lagos politics and the way in which he, in 2019, denied Mr. Akinwunmi Ambode, then incumbent governor of Lagos State, the party’s nomination).

Obaseki personally replied Tinubu and promised to end godfatherism not just in Edo State but also in Lagos State. Obaseki said: “In Edo, we have been fighting godfatherism and by Saturday we will put an end to it, and after that go to Lagos and put an end to godfatherism in Nigeria.” Obaseki went on to win the governorship election by a handsome 57% of the votes cast, with the support of some APC members who had scores to settle with Tinubu and Oshiomhole. Tinubu, now the president of Nigeria, got eggs on his face for the manner he tried to intervene in Edo politics in 2020. He is thus unlikely to be disinterested in the outcome of the Saturday poll, even when he may not go for the ill-advised approach of 2020. And this is not just about merely wanting his party to triumph. There is an outstanding slight to settle.

But the most obvious battle on Saturday will be a proxy rematch between Obaseki and Oshiomhole. They have had two electoral face-offs since 2020. While Oshiomhole triumphed in the federal elections in 2023 by wangling two senatorial seats and six House of Representatives’ seats for his party, Obaseki clawed back in the state House of Assembly election, where PDP eventually won 15 seats compared to APC’s eight and LP’s one. For Oshiomhole, this is the final opportunity to put Obaseki in his place; while for Obaseki, this contest is clearly the last time he is in a prime position to show his former benefactor that he has grown to a formidable political force in the state.

A lot has happened in the last four years to change the relative strengths and weaknesses of the two gladiators cum godfathers. Oshiomhole is still in control of the APC structure in the state, remains the strongman of Edo North, has been a magnet for PDP members who have fallen out with Obaseki, and is in a position to attract federal support from a president who is not a disinterested party. Though term-barred, Obaseki has incumbency at the state level on his side and is from Edo South, which boasts of about half of the voting population of the state. Both frontline gladiators have major handicaps, which may rub off negatively on their parties’ candidates.

As said earlier, the three leading candidates have scant political experience. Ighodalo and Akpata are contesting for political office for the first time while Okpebholo was elected as a senator only last year (and was victorious largely on account of the decision of PDP not to respect the zoning arrangement within the Edo Central senatorial zone). The fact that the real contestants are political newbies with limited political capital further magnifies the likely impact of their backers. All the three candidates emerged from contentious primaries. The extent to which their various parties and the various tendencies within the parties have been able to pull together post-primaries will have some impact on the electoral outcome.

But beyond the godfathers and other interested parties, the Edo election will be largely shaped by zonal dynamics within the state. This is another dimension of the proxy contest. On the basis of equity and justice, the governorship of the state seems to have been zoned to Edo Central, a zone that has been unfairly locked out of the exalted position in the Fourth Republic. While indigenes of Edo South have served as governors of the state for 16 years (Mr. Lucky Igbinedion, 1999 to 2007 and Obaseki, 2016 to 2024) and Edo North senatorial zone has done eight years (Oshiomhole, 2008 to 2016), Edo Central has only had a shot at the highest elective position in the state for a very brief and annulled period (Professor Oserheinem Osunbor, 29^th May 2007 to 12^th November 2008). In addition, Edo Central has not produced a deputy governor for the state since 1999.

There seems to be an elite political consensus to correct the injustice meted out to the zone in this election cycle. Incidentally, the last time someone from current Edo Central served as governor was between 1979 and 1983, when Professor Ambrose Alli was the elected governor of Bendel State (which on 27^th August 1991 was split into present Delta and Edo states). It is ironic that someone from the zone could be governor of a much larger entity (Bendel State) but the zone has been struggling to be given a chance in a smaller space (Edo State). The Esans, who are the predominant ethnic group in Edo Central, are significant minorities in Edo State, the same way the Okuns are in Kogi State and the Idomas are in Benue State.

Prominent Esans have played important roles in national politics and national life. Some of these include Chief Anthony Enahoro (who moved the motion for Nigeria’s independence in 1953 and edited a newspaper, the Southern Nigerian Defender, at the record age of 21), Chief Peter Enahoro (better known as Peter Pan, renowned editor, publisher and satirist), Admiral Augustus Aikhomu (former military vice president of Nigeria), Chief Anthony Anenih (former chairman of the Social Democratic Party, SDP, former chairman of the Board of Trustees of PDP and former Minister of Works), and Chief Tom Ikimi, (former minister for foreign affairs and former chairman of the National Republican Party, NRC).

The Esans ironically have been relegated to a bit role in Edo politics because their senatorial zone is the smallest of the three: Edo Central has only five of the 18 LGAs in the state, compared to seven and six for Edo South and Edo North respectively; and going by the result of the 2020 elections, Edo Central accounts for only 18% of total votes in the state, compared to 47% for Edo South and 35% for Edo North.

However, it seems Edo is ready for restitution on its Esan problem (and hopefully Kogi and Benue would find similar political resolution for their Okun and Idoma challenge). It is thus not surprising that two of the three leading candidates, Okpebholo and Ighodalo, are from the favoured zone, Edo Central. On paper, this consensus puts Akpata at a disadvantage. An Akpata victory will mean another four to eight years for Edo South, which apart from having done 16 of 25 years since 1999 is also the zone of the outgoing governor.

However, Akpata is from the most populous zone in the state. It is not clear if the everyday voter in Edo South has bought into the elite consensus for power shift. However, it is also not clear that Akpata would have Edo South all to himself, given that the running mates of the two other parties (Mr. Osarodion Ogie of PDP and Honourable Dennis Idahosa of APC) are seasoned politicians from Edo South. The state’s most populous zone will probably be a hotly-contested ground.

The odds seem to favour one of the two candidates from Edo Central. There is an intra-zonal dynamic at play here too. Edo Central has two axes: Okpebholo and Agbazilo. The APC candidate is from the former while the PDP candidate is from the latter. The APC candidate reportedly won the senatorial seat in 2023 because of an attempt to upturn the agreed rotation between the two axes. In 2024, the argument is that the Okpebholo axis should not produce both the senator and the governor. There is also a not-so-subtle contest about who is more Esan and who is more accomplished/articulate between Okpebholo and Ighodalo. The score is even here.

But these are unlikely to be the major deciders of the race. To get over the line on Saturday, one of the two Esan candidates will need to make a respectable showing in his home zone, lock down one of the two other more populous zones, and be competitive in the other. This again brings into prominence the electoral capital that those not on the ticket, especially Oshiomhole and Obaseki, can muster on Saturday. It is sure a race to watch.  

In the current state of Nigeria’s economy, many are grappling with unprecedented levels of hunger. A glance at local markets reveals a grim reality; prices of basic foodstuffs have soared beyond the reach of the common man, making survival a daily battle. What is unfolding in Nigeria today eerily mirrors a moment of extreme desperation in the Bible when hunger drove people to horrific lengths, including cannibalism. The alarming conditions of today invite us to reflect on that biblical story, highlighting the urgency of Nigeria’s hunger crisis.

In the book of “2 Kings 6:24-30”, a severe famine struck Samaria after the city was besieged by the king of Aram. So devastating was the hunger that two women made an unthinkable agreement, to cook and eat their children to survive. The first woman sacrificed her son, but when it was time for the second, she hid hers. This gruesome act, born from the depths of despair, prompted the king of Israel to tear his clothes in mourning upon hearing the cries of one of the women: “So we boiled my son and ate him. The next day I said to her, ‘Give up your son so we may eat him,’ but she had hidden him.” (2 Kings 6:29)

The extremity of this situation, with people resorting to cannibalism as a last resort, mirrors the distress many Nigerians are facing today. The story from Samaria paints a bleak picture of what hunger can drive people to do, revealing that when all hope is lost, even the most unimaginable actions seem justifiable.

While Nigeria has not reached the point of such catastrophic human behavior, the country is witnessing a hunger crisis that is intensifying by the day. Promises from the government during election campaigns, especially regarding food security and subsidies, now seem like distant dreams. Many Nigerians recall the assurances that cassava, ewa (beans), and agbado (corn) would be cheap once a new government was voted in. However, the paradoxical reality is that even these staple foods have become luxuries for many.

Market women, such as mummy Deborah from Lagos, express the frustration of millions of Nigerians. “Shebidem tell us say cassava, ewa, and agbado go cheap when we vote for them. Today, we no fit buy dem for market,” she lamented. Her cry is echoed across the country, as inflation spirals and salaries remain inadequate, leaving millions unable to afford even a simple meal.

The prevailing situation has left many households with no alternative but to reduce their meal portions, skip meals entirely, or rely on charitable handouts. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently reported that food inflation surged to over 25%, the highest in nearly two decades. Basic staples such as rice, yam, and bread have seen their prices double or triple in some areas. Parents watch helplessly as their children cry from hunger, while once-vibrant markets are now ghostly, with food items sitting on shelves, too expensive for most to buy.

According to a recent report by the World Bank, over 70 million Nigerians are now living below the poverty line. This dire situation is exacerbated by the removal of fuel subsidies, which has significantly increased transportation costs and pushed food prices even higher. Across Nigeria, families are being forced into deeper poverty, with little hope in sight.

The knock-on effects of hunger are visible everywhere. School attendance is dropping as parents can no longer afford the transportation or meals to send their children to school. Health issues are rising as malnutrition, especially among children, becomes rampant. As hunger intensifies, so too does the sense of helplessness, and in some cases, hopelessness, in the population.

In response to the growing hunger crisis, the Nigerian government has introduced various palliative measures, distributing rice and other relief materials. Recently, the government announced a N5 billion palliative fund for each state to mitigate the effects of the subsidy removal, with the goal of distributing food to the most vulnerable citizens. However, these efforts have proven inadequate, as corruption and mismanagement continue to plague the distribution process.

Many Nigerians have expressed their frustration over the unequal distribution of these palliatives, with some regions receiving more aid than others. In many areas, these relief materials are reportedly intercepted by corrupt officials or sold in black markets rather than reaching the people they were intended for. The question remains: Is this enough to prevent an impending catastrophe?

Additionally, the government’s decision to provide cash transfers of N8,000 to vulnerable households as part of its palliative measures has been met with widespread criticism. Vice President Kashim Shettima’s statement that “N8,000 can change the life of a youth who knows what he is doing”* was viewed as deeply insensitive, given the current economic realities. In a country where the cost of basic food items exceeds this amount, many believe this intervention will have little to no impact.

The situation calls for not just temporary relief but long-term solutions that address the root causes of the food crisis. As in the Bible, when hunger turns desperate, people may resort to measures they would never have considered before. Without urgent intervention, Nigeria risks seeing further social unrest and public outrage, as citizens feel increasingly abandoned by those in power.

Nigeria’s agricultural sector, once the backbone of its economy, has been neglected for too long. The country must invest in mechanized farming, improve infrastructure, and tackle insecurity, which has forced many farmers to abandon their fields. Additionally, addressing inflation and stabilizing the naira are critical to ensuring that food remains affordable.

The hunger situation in Nigeria today serves as a grim reminder that we are teetering on the edge of a deeper crisis. While we may not witness the same level of desperation described in 2 Kings, we are faced with a moral imperative to act before it is too late. If nothing is done, history teaches us that hunger can strip away the humanity of a people and lead to horrors no one should ever have to endure.

The leadership in Nigeria must urgently address the crisis before it spirals out of control. Just as the king of Israel was struck with grief and sorrow at the news of his people’s desperation, Nigeria’s leaders must also recognize the pain and suffering of the citizens and implement genuine solutions. If they fail to do so, we may find ourselves in a situation so dire that the cry for help becomes impossible to ignore.

Recently, Governor Umo Eno of Akwa-Ibom State made headlines for announcing a N310 million gift to youths in the state. This generous gesture, aimed at non-protesting youths, has sparked widespread debate. While some see it as a commendable initiative to empower young people, others wonder if the real motive is to silence potential dissent and discourage youth from voicing their frustrations about the state of the economy and governance.

In a country where protests have become a powerful tool for change, particularly for young Nigerians, the timing of this gift raises eyebrows. Is this a well-intentioned move to reward those who remain peaceful and cooperative, or is it a subtle attempt to stifle any rising opposition?

Akwa-Ibom, like many other states in Nigeria, is grappling with significant economic challenges. High unemployment rates, rising inflation, and a lack of basic amenities have left many young people frustrated and disillusioned. In this context, the youth have been at the forefront of calling for better governance, with their voices often channeled through protests and demonstrations.

Across Nigeria, youths have made it clear that they are no longer willing to stay silent in the face of economic hardship. The nationwide #EndSARS protests in 2020 were a strong testament to the power of organized youth resistance. For many young people in Akwa-Ibom and across the nation, protests have become a democratic tool to voice their grievances and demand change.

Given this backdrop, the timing and nature of Governor Eno’s N310 million gift to non-protesting youths is concerning. Is the gift truly meant to empower, or is it a strategic move designed to quell any potential dissent and silence critical voices?

While the governor’s administration has presented the N310 million initiatives as an empowerment program, there is a growing belief that this may be a classic case of a “Greek gift”, a seemingly generous offer with hidden motives. Specifically, critics argue that by targeting non-protesting youths, the government is attempting to create a divide among the young population, rewarding silence and submission while potentially penalizing those who dare to speak out.

In a democracy, the freedom to protest and dissent is a fundamental right. However, gifts like this, offered exclusively to non-protesting youths, undermine this principle by subtly discouraging young people from exercising their democratic rights. In a functioning democracy, the role of the government should be to listen to all voices, especially those of its younger generation, rather than offering incentives to keep them quiet.

This strategy is inherently undemocratic, as it discourages youth participation in governance by creating a financial disincentive for dissent. By rewarding only those who remain silent, the administration is sending a dangerous message: silence and submission will be rewarded, while protest and dissent will be ignored or, worse, punished.

Governments have a responsibility to engage with their citizens, especially the youth, in a manner that encourages dialogue and constructive criticism. However, when financial incentives are offered to a select group, based on their willingness to remain silent, this undermines the very fabric of democracy. It creates an atmosphere where youths may feel coerced into silence in exchange for short-term financial gain, even when their frustrations with governance are valid.

This tactic, often referred to as a “divide-and-conquer” strategy, is particularly harmful in the context of a democratic society. In Akwa-Ibom, where many young people are grappling with unemployment, inflation, and inadequate infrastructure, the prospect of financial empowerment can be enticing. However, when such empowerment comes with the implicit expectation of silence, it shifts from being a tool for positive development to a means of control.

The ability to protest and express discontent is a cornerstone of democracy, and any move that seeks to silence these voices, whether through direct suppression or more subtle financial incentives, should be viewed as an assault on democratic values.

Protests, marches, and civil activism have long been recognized as vital tools for holding governments accountable, especially in societies where dialogue and engagement between the government and its citizens are limited. In Akwa-Ibom, as in many parts of Nigeria, the youth have often found themselves at the forefront of such activism, demanding better governance, job creation, improved infrastructure, and social justice.

By offering N310 million to non-protesting youths, Governor Eno’s administration may be attempting to preemptively quash any potential uprisings or public demonstrations. But such a move risks deepening the disconnect between the government and its people. Instead of seeking to silence dissent, the government should focus on addressing the root causes of youth frustration, unemployment, poor infrastructure, and limited economic opportunities.

It is essential to remember that the youth are the future of any nation, and their active participation in governance and political discourse is crucial. If young people are discouraged from speaking out or protesting, they may lose faith in the democratic process altogether, leading to greater disillusionment and disengagement in the long run.

Governor Eno’s N310 million gestures could have been a powerful tool for genuine youth empowerment if it had been designed to benefit all youths, regardless of their political stance or willingness to protest. However, by explicitly excluding protesting youths, the administration has risked turning what could have been a positive initiative into a political tool of suppression.

True empowerment involves providing opportunities that enable young people to thrive independently, equipping them with skills, education, and access to resources that can improve their quality of life. Financial gifts with strings attached do little to create long-lasting change. Rather, they only serve to suppress genuine grievances and create a sense of complacency among beneficiaries.

In a democracy, the youth must be allowed to speak their minds, whether through peaceful protests, social media advocacy, or other forms of expression. Governor Eno’s N310 million gift may appear generous on the surface, but its underlying message is concerning. Silencing dissent by offering financial rewards to those who remain quiet undermines the democratic process and risks creating a generation of young people who are disengaged from political discourse.

Rather than trying to silence dissenting voices through financial gifts, the government should engage with the youth directly, listen to their concerns, and create sustainable programs that address their challenges. In the long run, only genuine engagement and true empowerment will ensure the growth of democracy and development in AkwaIbom and beyond.

The Chinese arm of PriceWaterCoopers (PWC) has been banned in China for six months with a fine of Rmb441 million, around $62 million slammed on it for auditing failures related to the collapsed property developer Evergrande, in Beijing’s toughest action yet against a Big Four firm. Techeconomy has reported.

The move follows a March announcement by China’s securities regulator that PwC China had approved Evergrande’s accounts even though the developer had inflated mainland revenues by nearly $80 billion in the two years before its default in 2021.

The penalty surpasses the $31 million fine and three-month partial business ban imposed on Deloitte last year for “serious audit deficiencies” related to its work with China Huarong Asset Management, one of China’s largest bad-debt managers.

China’s finance ministry said PwC issued “false audit reports” of Evergrande and that the audit procedures had “serious defects” in design and implementation, leading to many false conclusions. It also accused PwC of not maintaining “professional scepticism” and failing to point out errors and a lack of information disclosure by Evergrande during the audits.

The securities regulator said 88 per cent of the records kept by PwC regarding the real estate projects were inconsistent with the actual implementation and were “seriously unreliable.” When on-site investigations were carried out, some projects were still “a piece of vacant land” despite being considered to have met the delivery conditions, the regulator said.

“The work performed by PwC Zhong Tian’s Hengda audit team fell well below our high expectations and was completely unacceptable,” Mohamed Kande, global chair of PwC, said in a statement on its website. Hengda is the principal subsidiary of China Evergrande Group.

[Leadership]

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is yet to succeed in its bid to return to power at the national level after nine years and two consecutive attempts.

The acting national chairman of the party, Alhaji Umar Iliya Damagum, believes, however, that the party won in the 2019 and 2023 elections.

Though he assumed position as national chairman of the party after the 2023 presidential elections, he has not been spared blame for the loss.

Damagum, who spoke in an interview with Weekend Trust, said though he inherited the problem, he has chosen to remain calm so as to accelerate the healing process.

He says, “Well, when you have a fragmented party that is full of people that are not happy they lost, people have played different roles; so my duty here is to take the bullet for all sinners so that the party will remain an indivisible party.”

Just like other chairmen before him, Damagum has come under fire for the seeming inability of the party to mend its cracks ahead of the 2027 elections.

The different camps

Currently, the PDP is embroiled in a serious crisis with several of its leaders refusing to concede positions.

Within the last one year, the PDP has had cause to change its leadership for a record three times and has not been able to hold a convention to elect a new chairman due to internal crisis.

The party is yet to elect a substantive national chairman since the exit of Iyorchia Ayu and had to postpone taking a decision on the matter till the next National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the party while asking the acting chairman, Umar Iliya Damagum, to continue.

Split into two major camps – one led by former vice president, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the other led by former governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike – both sides have been implacable and have tenaciously held on to their positions with righteous indignation.

There also seems to be an emerging third camp which does not align with any of the two camps led by Bauchi State governor, Bala Mohammed, who is equally believed to be nursing a presidential ambition.

It is believed that it is the Atiku camp that is pushing for the election of a new national chairman from the North-central zone while Wike’s is okay with Damagum continuing as chairman.

Aside the issue of camps, the North-central zone of the party is insisting on Damagum’s removal, saying the position of national chairman ought to return to the region since the ousted chairman, Iyorchia Ayu is from there.

Even as the matter has temporarily been calmed, there are mixed feelings over whether the party would be able to put its house in order and do better in 2027.

Former Senate President and Secretary to the Government of the Federal, Anyim Pius Anyim, who served in both offices on the PDP mandate, and former deputy speaker, Emeka Ihedioha, recently left the party.

This is even as 60 federal lawmakers have threatened to leave the PDP if Damagum does not step down from his position.

How the problems started

National chairman of the party in 2015, Ahmadu Adamu Mu’azu, under whose  leadership the party lost the presidential election, also suffered the same fate.

Mu’azu resigned his position as the party’s national chairman on May 20, 2015, owing largely to this disagreement and that opened the flood gates to fresh issues.

A fresh crisis arose over the need to retain the chairmanship position in the North, after the then deputy national chairman, Uche Secondus, held the position in acting capacity for some months. In February 2016, a former governor of Borno State, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, who had joined the party, was asked to step in to replace Secondus.

Sheriff acted as chairman for three months when former governor of Kaduna State, Senator Ahmed Makarfi, was asked to take over as caretaker chairman leading to a legal tussle between Sheriff and Makarfi, which was finally won by the latter at the Supreme Court.

The party was able to hold a convention and Secondus was returned as chairman on 10th December 2017, in an election.

Another crisis erupted and Secondus who was said to have overstayed his tenure was made to leave and on October 31, 2021. One time Senate President Iyorchia Ayu emerged through a consensus as the new national chairman of the party.

Ayu led the party to the 2023 elections during which a major rift occurred in the course of electing a presidential candidate for the party.

After so much back and forth, the party for the first time jettisoned its principle of zoning which enabled former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, to contest the primary from where he was duly returned as the flag bearer.

This caused a major rift in the party as the then governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, who was eyeing the ticket, felt betrayed and decided to fight back.

Following the emergence of Atiku, Governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, insisted that Ayu should resign as chairman of the party. The problem continued up till the elections, in which the party lost the presidency, and even after the polls.

Damagum on his part attributes the party’s loss of power in 2015 to contests for the presidential ticket, adding, “the presidency was supposed to rotate after Yar’adua’s term, but when it didn’t, many people were aggrieved. Unfortunately, we couldn’t put those grievances aside to sit down and say, “Okay, even if it’s just another four years, let him finish, and then we’ll move on.” We failed to realise that the consequences of not addressing those grievances would be so severe for the party.”

Why erring members have not been sanctioned

The inability of the party to discipline erring members is seen as the biggest encouragement to such acts of defiance. This comes as surprising for a party which in the past did not condone any act of indiscipline and which at the slightest indication of anti-party tendencies moved to enforce discipline and order.

In the past, the party took disciplinary actions against powerful members like Alhaji Atiku Abubakar even as a sitting vice president and other state governors.

In the current dispensation, almost all the leaders of the party have been accused of working against the interest of the party at one time or the other but without consequences.

The G-5 governors led by Nyesom Wike, which had Samuel Ortom of Benue; Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia; Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, Enugu and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, as members also challenged the party at various instances with some of them working openly for presidential candidates of other parties.

Their stance is believed to have contributed to the defeat of Atiku, the PDP presidential flag bearer in that election.

Wike, who is the leader of the G-5 took the matter beyond the general elections by accepting to serve as a minister in the APC-led government and has continued to poke his fingers at the rib of the party.

Former Benue State, Samuel Ortom, has said openly that the G-5 governors would replicate its support for President Bola Tinubu’s candidacy in 2027 if he decides to seek re-election.

“Our leader, Nyesom Wike, has already made a declaration that in 2027, we are supporting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu,” he stated.

Resolving the crisis

In the bid to resolve the issues facing the party, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party recommended the setting up of two committees – the reconciliation and the disciplinary committees.

The disciplinary committee headed by a former minister of foreign affairs, Chief Tom Ikimi, has started work and has invited those accused of working against the party’s interest to appear before it.

Some believe not much can come out of the exercise because those accused are the leaders of the party.

In an interview with Weekend Trust, Sule Lamido said, “They are not ordinary Nigerians or voters. The erring members are former presidents, vice president, governors; I mean leaders who invented the PDP. They are supposed to lead by example and understand the legacies of the party and what is ahead of it.”

But the infighting has not abated even as the party is trying to show that it is capable of managing the crisis.

Only recently, Wike threatened the PDP governors for trying to intervene in the matter between him and the Rivers State governor Sim Fubara.

Why PDP is hopeful

Despite the crisis, the PDP believes its structures are still intact and is able to pull a surprise in the 2027 elections.

Inside sources in the PDP say though the perception outside is that the party is dying, happenings within it indicate that it has maintained its position as the ‘strongest’ party in Nigeria.

“I can assure that you will see what will happen once the whistle is blown. During our last congress, we know the number of people from the other parties who approached us,” one of the party leaders stated.

The view appears credible given that the PDP is recording a high number of interests in its presidential ticket even when political activities are yet to start.

So far, former vice president Atiku Abubakar is believed to be interested in vying, while the governor of Bauchi State, Alhaji Bala Mohammed, is also said to be interested, even as there are moves to convince former President Goodluck Jonathan to run on the platform of the party.

Evidence that the party is doing well, according to another source, lies in the fact that the PDP has held its National Working Committee and National Executive Committee (NEC) meetings as well as ward, local government and state congresses successfully in 24 states.

“So, how can anyone call such a party a dying party when it is doing all that a political party is supposed to do and functioning well?” the source queried.

[DailyTrust]

As transportation costs continue to rise in Nigeria due to the recent hike in petrol prices, the situation remains a source of anxiety for millions of Nigerians, especially low income earners.

For many, the daily journey to work, school, or the market has become a huge financial burden.

The situation is even more dire for low-income households, who are already struggling to survive on meager earnings.

Public outcry has been growing, with many calling on the government to address the rising costs.

It is one of the reasons for the recent nationwide protests with the hashtag #EndBadGovernance.

Protests have also been held in major cities, with citizens demanding immediate action to reduce the cost of living.

Findings by DAILY POST revealed that the increase in petrol price has driven up prices of essential goods and services, exacerbating financial hardships for many, especially the low income earners.

The price hike, which came into effect early last week, has seen petrol prices soar to a record high of between N850/litre and N1,400 per litre depending on the area, adding to the already mounting pressure on household budgets.

Due to the hardship this has caused Nigerian citizens, the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Dioceses, Archbishop Matthew Kukah, urged President Bola Tinubu and the leaders of the All Progressives Congress, APC, to take measures to alleviate the sufferings of Nigerians and also reverse the petrol price hike.

He said, “I once asked a girl if she is in the APC, PDP, or Labour and she said ‘I am hungry.’ And so, since I am speaking to those who are in power, please know that we, Nigerians, are hungry.

“Find a way of reducing the price of fuel. Find a way of keeping our country secure. That will be the greatest legitimacy of any government.”

In the same vein, the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, AYCF, also condemned the recent increase in the pump price of petrol and warned the federal government not to take Nigerians for granted.

The President-General of the forum, Yerima Shettima, in a statement criticised the hike in the pump price of petrol, noting that the government has lost touch with the reality of things in the country.

“The government urged Nigerians to refrain from protests with promises of improvement, only to exacerbate their struggles by unexpectedly raising petrol prices.

“For me, the federal government should have a rethink on the numerous challenges. President Bola Tinubu must allow Nigerians to breathe, because with the current state of affairs, angry and hungry Nigerians are being pushed to the wall, and the reaction of a hungry and angry person may be unimaginable,” he said.

Speaking to DAILY POST, a cross-section of Nigerian low income earners lamented the hardship the hike in the price of petrol has caused them, appealing to the government to revert to the old price.

A sales representative, Amina Abubakar said, “I’m finding it difficult to balance my budget.

“The increase in petrol price has added to my transportation costs, and I’m struggling to afford necessities like food and rent.

“We expected so much from this government, but what we are seeing now is heartbreaking.”

Another FCT resident, Eche John, complained that he usually spent N800 to work but now spends N1500 since the announcement of the new fuel pump price.

He said, “This transport thing is something else. The truth of the matter is that salaries have not increased while many people are already losing their jobs.”

Another Abuja resident, Glory Adetunji, expressed concern about how the rise in fuel price has not only affected the cost of transportation but also started to drive up the cost of goods and commodities in general.

Ojetunde said, “The fuel price increase has already led to an increase in the price of goods.

“I bought a sachet of milk recently for N300 instead of N200 that it was sold initially before the fuel price increase.”

Another low income earner, Johnson Okpe, who is a Point of Sale, POS, attendant said the situation has deteriorated, adding that he may have to stop going to work for lack of transport fare which has just skyrocketed.

“I don’t know how I’ll manage to feed and still have money to spend on transportation.

“House rent is still there staring me in the face. If nothing is done to ease this hardship, hunger will kill everyone. I virtually spend my salary on transport fare.”

A sales girl, Chioma Eze who commutes from Mararaba to Wuse market in the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja, Nigeria, said her transportation fare has gone more than double compared to how it was in the past year.

“I used to spend about N1000 on transport every day, but now it’s over N2000. It’s really getting out of hand.

“I might be forced to stop this work because how much are they paying me that I will be spending N2000 on transportation on a daily basis, excluding feeding,” she lamented.

A secondary school teacher, Auwal Ibrahim, who did not mention the name of his school, shared his struggles thus:

“My salary hasn’t increased, but transportation costs have gone up significantly. I now have to spend nearly over 50% of my income on transport alone.

“It’s hard to see how this can continue without some form of intervention.”

A private security personnel, Hassan Abdul, who resigned from his job recently, decried the hardship orchestrated by the hike in petrol price, saying he is confused over the next line of action.

“My salary was N40,000 and I have a wife and a kid to cater for. Now, after calculating how much I would be spending on transportation alone, I discovered I would still be borrowing money to meet up.

“Instead of continuing, I had to resign and begin to think of what to do next. I don’t even know what next as I speak with you now,” he lamented.

A housekeeper, Ekaete Frederick, also said she had to resign because of the same issue of hike in transportation fare.

“Imagine I go from New Nyanya to Garki, in the FCT on weekdays on a N50,000 job and I spend N2000 daily.

“Calculate it and then subtract it from the N50,000 and see what is left. Instead I better resign and then look for another job close by or go into hawking sachet water,” she lamented.

A commercial motorcyclist, Uche Emeka decried lack of passengers and the pain of getting fuel for his motorcycle, saying most people have resorted to trekking and that has affected their work.

“These days, people no longer enter okada. They rather choose to trek to their destinations.

“I don’t blame them anyway, because after they must have spent over N2000 on transportation already, they would like to cut down on the cost. How much is even the salary? We are just in trouble in this country,” he stated.

As for Paul Owoicho, he fears that the new development would increase the already inflated level of criminality in the land, calling for urgent intervention to avert a lawless society.

“People are hungry. Someone who does not want to do anything evil before might be tempted to do so just to survive.

“There will be a high rate of uncontrollable social vices in the land and the innocent Nigerians are the ones at the receiving end,” he cautioned.

[DailyPost]

The Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria has reopened the verification portal for nurses and midwives on its website.

Checks by our correspondent on the NMCN portal on Saturday showed that nurses and midwives can now submit verification requests.

Our correspondent confirmed that the verification portal was reopened on Friday.

When our correspondent checked the portal, it read, “Good news, verification requests are back online.

“Please note that henceforth expiration dates on renewal applications will be calculated based on the date you applied.”

Also, a nurse, Anthony Ijeoma at Nursingworld Nigeria, confirmed that the portal has been reopened.

Ijeoma commended the efforts of the National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives for bringing the change to fruition.

“I also commend NMCN for listening to reason and reopening its verification portal for nurses within and outside the country,” he stated.

PUNCH Online reported that the sudden deactivation of the verification portal by the council in February plunged countless Nigerian nurses and midwives working abroad into turmoil.

Already, some nurses without the necessary verification from the NMCN find themselves in violation of visa conditions and employment laws, resulting in legal consequences.

Many nurses abroad, including those in the United Kingdom and the United States, have been forced to return to the country over the issue.

On February 7, the council released a circular on the guidelines for requesting verification of certificates for nurses and midwives in the country.

By the circular, nurses and midwives must have a minimum of two years post-qualification experience from the date of issuance of the permanent practicing licence, and the council shall request a letter of good standing from the chief executive officer of the applicant’s place(s) of work and the last nursing training institution attended and responses on these shall be addressed directly to the Registrar/CEO, NMCN, among others.

This led to state councils and chapters of the National Association of Nurses and Midwives in Nigeria in Lagos, Ogun, Kwara, Ebonyi, Bauchi, Kaduna, Yenagoa, Ondo, Plateau, and others to petition the nursing council and the headquarters of their association to demand the withdrawal of the circular on certificate verification.

Some nurses and midwives also protested the guidelines, and some dragged the NMCN to court, and the court case was withdrawn.

On February 27, the House of Representatives also asked the council not to implement its revised guidelines for issuing verification certificates to nurses and midwives in the country.

The professionals have said that the council’s action is an attempt to hinder their freedom to pursue career opportunities abroad.

They also said it was not unconnected to the plan of the Federal Government to reduce the number of health workers emigrating out of the country to seek greener pastures abroad.

On Friday, NANNM appealed to the Federal Government to address the association’s demands with urgency.

The National President of the association, Michael Nnachi listed some of the pressing needs of the association as the re-opening of the nurses and midwives certificate verification portal, payment of salaries of all staff of Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria, constitution of the board, creation of special nurses salary structure or immediate review of nurses peculiar professional allowances.

More to come…

[Punch]

In what many may consider as the most provoking development leading to next weekend’s governorship election in Edo State, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP last Thursday walked away from a peace accord among the parties and candidates.

The accord was brokered by the General Abdulsalami Abubakar-led National Peace Committee, NPC.

However, as everyone knows these accords have been observed more in the breach by the parties. Perhaps the most striking illustration of the vacuity of these peace accords was in the run-up to the 2019 governorship election in Kogi State.

At the signing of the peace accord for that election on November 12, 2019, the candidate of the Social Democratic Party, SDP, Natasha Akpoti was beaten black and blue by thugs of a rival political party as she attempted to approach the venue of the peace accord signing ceremony.

Interestingly, the Inspector General of Police at the time, Mohammed Adamu and the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Prof Mahmood Yakubu were inside the hall while this ugly development occurred.

An INEC official asked of his reaction to the brutalization of a candidate invited for the assent to the peace accord replied thus “We were inside the hall and wouldn’t know what was going on outside.”

This predictable assertion of ignorance by INEC of the wanton molestation of rival candidates and violation of its procedures is what has shadowed the integrity deficit of the commission. The corollary is that the INEC is unable to defend the results of its elections.

How is INEC able to defend the result it produces that shows a 95% turnout of voters in particular constituencies? How?

Indeed, it is remarkable that the present leadership of INEC has come to see the signing of peace accords as a significant milestone in its conduct of elections. This ought not to be. In bringing the different parties to sign peace accords, the commission has invariably succumbed to the idea that election is a physical war.

The commission was constituted to manage and arbitrate the contest of ideas between political actors. It should be seen inclining itself into helping the electorate to sift out the qualities of leadership in candidates.

This correspondent submits that the charged atmosphere that we see in elections in the country these days is because of the failure of INEC to stand by the truth on the results.

We have severally seen ballot boxes snatched, elections disrupted and INEC keeping mum. In 2023, a lady was brutalised and blood spilled as she went to cast her vote in a voting centre in Lagos. INEC did not see that as a sufficient disruption of the election.

Political actors have indeed been emboldened by the seeming indifference of the electoral commission to the violent disruption of its procedures and processes.

It is against this background that the troubling developments in Edo State erupted into the walkout on the peace committee by the PDP.

At issue is the claim by the ruling party in the state that INEC appointed a former aide of Minister Nyesom Wike as the Resident Electoral Commissioner for the state. As everybody knows, Wike and Governor Godwin Obaseki despite being members of the PDP do not see eye to eye on many issues. While Wike is very comfortable serving in the APC administration, Obaseki believes that the administration and the APC do not mean well for the country.

Willy-nilly, the PDP also complained of the appointment of a police commissioner for the state who the party claims is also an associate of Wike’s. Even more troubling is the arrest of several officials of the PDP Campaign and their transportation to Abuja.

Indeed given the popular claim that Governor Obaseki does not know how to manage relationships following his falling out with Comrade Adams Oshiomhole and Chief Dan Orbih, the suggestion was that the governor would be dealt a heavy blow with the rejection of whosoever he supports.

However, the seeming brutalisation of the PDP appears to be winning the governor sympathy with many questioning the neutrality of the security forces and INEC.

The concerns of the PDP are germane and a sensitive election management body should be seen addressing every allegation that diminishes the credibility of its processes.

Whatever, as voters go to the polls next weekend in Edo State, what the state needs is a governor who will take it to the next level.

It is in that respect that we expect the candidates to bring forth their arguments as to why they should be elected. Whether through debates or any other platform, we expect the candidates to put forth their arguments on a clearer path for Edo.

 If this election is sabotaged and the will of the people mortgaged on the platform of avarice or suppressed, then the prospects of a free and fair election in 2027 could well be waved away. Indeed, Prof Yakubu or whoever succeeds him would not need the subterfuge of a technical glitch to explain away whatever electoral heist is forced on the polity.

The Federal Government, on Friday, disclosed that the supply of petrol from Dangote Refinery will commence tomorrow after both parties reached an agreement on pricing and supply.

NNPC will remain as the sole off-taker of petrol from the refinery with other marketers getting the product from the national oil company.

Speaking in Abuja, a member of the Presidential Committee on the Sale of crude Oil and Refined Products and Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service, Zacch Adedeji said in return NNPC Limited would commence the supply of 385,000 barrels of crude oil to Dangote Refinery on October 1, 2024.

Adedeji announced that “all agreements have been completed and loading of the first batch of PMS from the Dangote Refinery will commence on Sunday 15th September”.

He disclosed that Dangote Refinery will in return supply PMS and diesel of equivalent value to the domestic market to be paid for in Naira.

He said other decisions reached by the committee include the sale of Diesel in Naira by the Dangote Refinery to any interested off-taker while PMS will only be sold to NNPC.

“From 1 October, NNPC will commence the supply of about 385kbpd of crude oil to the Dangote Refinery to be paid for in Naira

“In return, the Dangote Refinery will supply PMS and diesel of equivalent value to the domestic market to be paid in Naira.

“Diesel will be sold in Naira by the Dangote Refinery to any interested off-taker. PMS will only be sold to NNPC, NNPC will then sell to various marketers for now. All associated regulatory costs will also be paid for in Naira”, he added.

The agreement is expected to ease the acute shortage of petrol across the country and also allow the government to continue the payment of subsidies on the product.

The Presidential Committee on the Sale of Crude Oil and Refined Product has announced that loading of the first batch of petrol from the Dangote Refinery will commence on Sunday, September 15.

A member of the committee and Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Zacch Adedeji, disclosed this in Abuja on Friday. Briefing journalists, the FIRS boss said that from October 1, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) will commence the supply of about 385kbpd of crude oil to the Dangote Refinery to be paid for in Naira.

[Vanguard]