Some residents who infiltrated the Internally Displaced Persons camps for flood victims in Borno State have stated that they were forced to enter the camps due to the current hardship in the country.

The residents, mostly women, disclosed this during an interactive session with our correspondent in Maiduguri on Monday.

They expressed that the economic situation in the country is no longer bearable, and they cannot sit idly by while trucks of food items and cash enter the camps daily without being beneficiaries.

Speaking with one of the residents who infiltrated the camp at Ajilari Community Secondary School, Aisha Kuda, she said, “We are suffering from hunger; our children have started stealing due to poverty. Our girls are getting unwanted pregnancies because they are lured with money.

That is why we are going there to get something to eat.”
“We are pleading with the government to help us as they are helping the IDPs because we are in a critical condition too,” she pleaded.

Safiya Abdullahi stressed that it is unjust to overlook those affected by the flood who are residing with relatives instead of in the camps.

“We are hungry. Not everyone can stay in the camp because some have relatives who are not affected, just like myself. This does not mean we should be exempted. When the flood came, my family was displaced from Gwange, and we left to stay with my relative in Wulari. When we heard about the food and cash distribution in Bakassi camp, we went there.

“Upon getting there, they said we were not eligible to receive items. This happened the day the governor visited to share 10,000 Naira in the camp,” she stated.

On her part, Hannah Johnson, a Maiduguri resident, mentioned that she was aware of the different church denominations that have donated to the camp.

“I know some churches, including Dunamis and Apostle Suleiman’s church, have donated. Even though it was meant for those in the camp, some of us were affected by the flood, and we decided to stay out of the camp. How can you remove us from the list of beneficiaries?”

She continued, “I was in Yerwa camp a few days ago, and they said we wouldn’t benefit as long as we are not living in the camp. I went back home with nothing. This is uncalled-for.”

PUNCH reported that the governor of the state, Babagana Zulum, alleged the infiltration of camps by people not affected by the flood.

Following the allegation, he directed that only camps being operated in schools would be closed to allow learning activities to fully resume across the state.

[Punch]

Anthony Joshua insists his career is “far from over” following his devastating knockout defeat to Daniel Dubois at Wembley, which raised doubts about his future in boxing.

Joshua was aiming to become a three-time world champion by claiming the IBF world heavyweight title on Saturday but was knocked out in the fifth round in front of a record-breaking official attendance of more than 98,000.

The 34-year-old was floored four times by Dubois and many people called for Joshua to retire afterwards.

But the British former Olympic champion released a video on X on Monday saying his journey in boxing is not over yet, with a potential rematch with Dubois as well as another all-British clash with Tyson Fury options in the future.

Joshua said he was determined to take the positives from the situation despite his mauling — the fourth defeat of a 32-fight career in boxing.

“What a rollercoaster journey, but do you know what the problem is? It is far from over yet,” he said.

“We’ve done it once, we’ve done it twice, doing it a third time hasn’t been easy but I believe it is something I can achieve. It’s about making the right steps forward, working hard, improving and it has to come from here (heart) more than anything.

“It’s only been a day but I know when I sit back I know I’ve got a lot of this (heart), thanks for your support, thanks for being on this rollercoaster journey with me.

“Keep your seatbelts tight because deep down in here I know we have a lot more to bring to this game.”

Vanguard News

The Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) says the construction of the $3.5 billion Bakassi deep seaport will commence soon.

Jobson Ewalefoh, director-general of ICRC, spoke on Monday at a high-level stakeholders’ meeting where a statement of endorsement for the port project was signed. 

On May 15, Bassey Otu, governor of Cross River state, said a $3.5 billion loan has been secured from the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) for the project.

According to Ewalefoh, the construction will be executed as a public-private partnership (PPP) project.

He also said the project will be completed in record time.

Ewalefoh said his assurance was premised on four factors, which include Cross Rivers’ commitment and zeal for the project, the newly streamlined ICRC public-private partnership (PPP) processes, securing a financier for the project, and the support of all other stakeholders present.

“We have streamlined our PPP processes to ensure that they are faster than they used to be,” he said.

“We are not compromising standards, we are only making the process more efficient and that I have commenced as the DG of ICRC.

“With the support of the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Nigerian Shippers Council and all the stakeholders, my good news for you is that in your tenure as Governor of Cross River State, we will do the groundbreaking and complete the project.

“You have demonstrated that you have what it takes to do it, just like President Bola Tinubu has given confidence to investors to bring their funds to Nigeria.

“This is not a project that you started, the baton was only handed over to you, but like the man on the last lap, you are running the fastest and you will cut the tape: With the team you have assembled and the activities that are going on, you will arrive at the destination of the Bakassi Deep Seaport.

“I am convinced that in your tenure, with your team, Bakassi Deep Seaport will be a reality to the people of Cross River state and Nigerians.”

Speaking on the significance of the port, the ICRC director-general said the facility would “diversify” the traffic from the western port and serve as a succour to the eastern parts of Nigeria.

He added that the Bakassi deep seaport is an agro-value-chain port that would explore the potentials in the nation’s agricultural sector in the south-south part of Nigeria, the north as well as all of Africa.

Ewalefoh also thanked AfreximBank for believing in Nigeria, reassuring investors that the country is a choice destination for investment opportunities.

[TheCable]

On Saturday, September 21, 2024, Yiaga Africa deployed the Process and Results  Verification for Transparency (PRVT) methodology to observe the Edo State governorship election. This involved 300 stationary and 25 roving observers,  covering a representative sample of polling units across all 18 LGAs. The PRVT enables Yiaga Africa to independently assess the quality of election day processes  and verify the accuracy of the official election results as announced by INEC.

Yiaga Africa observers also deployed to the State and LGA results collation  centers to observe the process, ensuring timely and accurate reporting of the election process. Yiaga Africa has successfully deployed this methodology in two Presidential elections and sixteen off-cycle governorship elections.

Yiaga Africa’s election day situation analysis statement highlighted logistical challenges that led to delays in the commencement of accreditation and voting at various polling units across the state. Inadequate planning in the supply of  vehicles for transporting ad hoc officials and election materials, along with the absence of accompanying security personnel, further exacerbated the delays.

Yiaga Africa also condemns acts of violence and disruption of voting and results collation process by political thugs and hoodlums, particularly violence directed at voters and election officials. These unwholesome acts undermine the integrity of the elections. Yiaga Africa extends its sympathies to citizens and polling officials who suffered severe injuries and loss of valuable properties due to these attacks and violence. Yiaga Africa calls on security agencies to thoroughly investigate these cases of attacks and intimidation against voters and polling officials.

Statement on INEC’s official results

Yiaga Africa’s estimates are based on official results announced at the polling unit, from a representative random sample of polling units. As highlighted in our pre-election report, Yiaga Africa will amongst other factors consider the quality of election day processes in assessing whether the 2024 Edo governorship satisfies the electoral integrity test. In this regard, Yiaga Africa considered the integrity of accreditation, voting, counting, and collation of results.

INEC consistently applied its guidelines in managing the accreditation and voting process in a significant number of polling units. Despite some isolated incidents of inadequate election materials, the BVAS machines functioned optimally, and all voters in the queue by 2:30pm were allowed to vote, despite the late opening of polls. The polling officials uploaded polling unit results on the IReV in a timely manner, making it possible for citizens to access polling unit level results.

However, the incidents of results manipulation and disruptions during ward and local government collation in Ikpoba/Okha, Etsako West, Egor and Oredo LGAs, including intimidation of INEC officials, observers and party agents and the collation of results contrary to the provisions of the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines, severely undermine the credibility of the election results.

Inconsistencies in the officially announced results

Based on reports received from the sampled polling units, Yiaga Africa can project the expected vote shares for each party within a narrow margin. However, Yiaga Africa is only able to verify the election outcome if it falls within its estimated margins. If the official results do not fall within Yiaga Africa’s estimated ranges, then the results may have been manipulated.

According to INEC, the All Progressive Congress (APC) received 51.1% of the votes, People’s Democratic Party (PDP) 43.3% of the votes, and the Labor Party garnered 4.0% of the votes. Based on reports from 287 of 300 (96%) sampled polling units, Yiaga Africa’s statistical analysis shows inconsistencies in the official results announced by INEC. For instance, the official results announced by INEC for APC in Oredo and Egor, LGAs fall outside the PRVT estimate. In Esan West LGA, the official results for PDP fall outside the PRVT estimates. Also, in Oredo LGA, the official results as announced for LP fall outside the PRVT estimates.

These inconsistencies with Yiaga Africa’s PRVT estimates indicate that the results were altered at the level of collation.

The disparities between the official results released by INEC and Yiaga Africa’s PRVT estimates indicate manipulation of results during the collation process.

Yiaga Africa strongly condemns the actions of some biased INEC officials who altered figures during collation including the actions of some security officials who interfered with the collation process. Yiaga Africa notes that the cases of disruption in Ikpoba/Okha, Etsako West, Egor, and Oredo LGAs in the course of collation created opportunities for election manipulation, raising significant concerns about the credibility and integrity of the results collation process.

Turnout Estimates

INEC’s turnout and rejected ballots for the 18 LGA released are consistent with Yiaga Africa WTV PRVT estimates. Yiaga Africa is able to estimate that turnout is between 20.9% and 24.1% (22.5% ± 1.6%), while INEC’s official result is 22.4%. Similarly, Yiaga Africa estimates for rejected ballots are between 2.2% and 3.2% (2.7% ± 0.5%).

Yiaga Africa notes that in terms of turnout, voters did not meet the resilience test as voter turnout plummeted despite high PVC collection rates recorded for the governorship election. In this election, only 22.4% of the voters turned out to exercise their civic rights, lower than the 27% turnout observed in 2020.

Nevertheless, Yiaga Africa commends the resilience of the voters who turned out despite the rain and voting delays, staying back to fulfill their civic duties.

Recommendations

1. Yiaga Africa calls for the immediate investigation and prosecution of polling officials and collation officers who are engaged in results manipulation and flagrant violations of the guidelines on results collation.

2. Yiaga Africa calls on INEC to urgently clarify the inconsistencies in some of the results, especially election results from Oredo, Egor, Esan West and LGAs.

3. INEC should issue detailed guidelines for exercising its powers to review declarations and returns made contrary to provisions of the Electoral Act and regulations and guidelines. This should include procedures for receiving complaints, timeframe, format and who is eligible to submit complaints.

4. It is imperative to integrate the IReV and electronic transmission of results into the electoral legal framework to confer legality on polling unit level results uploaded on the portal. To this end, the National Assembly should expeditiously amend the Electoral Act to make electronic transmission of results mandatory.

Conclusion

As noted in our pre-election reports, Yiaga Africa emphasized that the 2024 Edo governorship election would be assessed against three key parameters: the resilience test, impartiality test, and integrity test.

On the resilience test, despite early warnings of potential violence and adverse  weather conditions, voter turnout was low. While voters were given the  opportunity to exercise their rights, many chose not to participate, resulting in a partial failure of the resilience test. Nevertheless, Yiaga Africa commends the resilience and patience of voters who did turn out, particularly in the face of logistical challenges and rainfall that caused late opening of polls.

On the impartiality test, Yiaga Africa monitored the role of security agencies and their engagement with the process. While there were isolated incidents of  intimidation, the security forces largely acted professionally, ensuring a peaceful  and secure environment on election day. However, reports of interference

during the results collation process, including the denial of access to accredited observers and party agents at collation centers, cast doubt on the neutrality of some security personnel. Additionally, the disruption of result collation raises concerns about the distribution and effectiveness of security deployment for the election.

Lastly, on the integrity test, Yiaga Africa concludes that the 2024 Edo governorship election fails the electoral integrity test due to the lack of transparency in the results collation process, which led to the manipulation of results. While key processes such as accreditation, voting, counting, and recording of results at the polling unit substantially complied with procedures, the results collation process was compromised by the actions of some baised INEC officials in connivance with other actors. This manipulation severely undermines the overall integrity of the election.

As Yiaga Africa stated after the 2023 general elections and the off-cycle governorship elections of Bayelsa, Imo, and Kogi states in 2023, as well as the inconsistencies in the Edo state governorship election results, especially for the LGAs identified in the reports, it is abundantly clear that drastic steps are now needed for fundamental electoral reforms to restore public confidence in the electoral process, especially the urgent need for political actors to change their attitude towards politics.

The Watching The Vote project is “Driven by Data – For All Nigerians – Beholden to None!”

Signed.

Dr. Aisha Abdullahi

Chair of the 2024 Edo

Election Mission

Samson Itodo

Executive Director,

Yiaga Africa

For media inquiries, please contact Jennifer Dafwat, Media Officer, Yiaga Africa. Tel. +234 (0) 806 899 5644, Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Learn more about

#WatchingTheVote at www.watchingthevote.org or on social media on Facebook at facebook.com/yiaga.org or on Twitter @YIAGA.

The Context And Contradictions Of Nigeria’S Minimum Age Policy For University Admission

Let me today discuss an issue that is at once emotive as it is controversial: minimum age to enroll into a tertiary institution. My dissertation is therefore, understandably lengthy. I will try my best to explore them.

Education is for the well-being of every person regardless of age. It is a continuum and a necessity in this fast developing society of ours. Education is of two types. There is the formal education which is structured and regulated by the government, with the assistance of all the stake-holders in the education sector. The second, though not the focus of this writeup is the informal education. This form of education has no definite structure and operates at the whim and caprice of the proprietor. At the completion of the education, the attendees are given Certificates of Participation.

In the whirlwind of educational reforms across Nigeria, one policy has drawn more attention than others - the minimum age for university admission, recently mandated to be 18. This policy has triggered a nationwide debate, invoking questions about readiness, maturity, educational flexibility and perhaps more importantly, the future of Nigeria's youth.

The broader implications of such a policy - socially, legally and educationally - compel us to dig deeper. How did we arrive here? Does age truly reflect emotional maturity? Does this policy help or hinder Nigeria’s educational aspirations? And, more crucially, how does it sit in a country where other societal norms push young Nigerians into adulthood earlier than this policy anticipates?

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT’S POSITION

The Federal government of Nigeria, through the Minister of Education, Professor Tahir Mamman, has argued that this policy is designed to ensure that students are emotionally and intellectually mature before entering university. According to Professor Mamman, "It is not just a matter of academic readiness; it’s about emotional and psychological maturity. We have seen cases where students who entered university too early struggled to cope with the demands of higher education." This rationale has however been met with significant opposition from various stakeholders in the educational sector who view the policy as an unnecessary and regressive barrier to academic achievement.

Contradictions in Nigerian Society

The crux of the criticism lies in the paradoxical nature of the policy when juxtaposed with other societal practices in Nigeria. While the government insists that students under 18 are not mature enough to handle the rigors of university life, it simultaneously turns a blind eye to practices that thrust children into adult roles at much younger ages. This includes the widespread issue of child marriage, particularly in the northern parts of Nigeria, where girls as young as 12 or 13 are married off. According to UNICEF, Nigeria has one of the highest rates of child marriage in the world, with 43% of girls married before their 18th birthday.

Furthermore, the legal system in Nigeria also reflects these contradictions. Children as young as 13 have been incarcerated in adult prisons for various offences, raising serious concerns about the country's juvenile justice system. This practice therefore starkly contrasts with the government’s stance that students must be 18 to be deemed mature enough for higher education. As noted by journalist Oseni Rufai, "They say pupils can’t go to university before 18, but they can get married at 12. Is this alliance with the other side of the country really benefiting us? Their way of reasoning is becoming increasingly frustrating."

These contradictions expose the inconsistencies in Nigeria’s approach to child development and highlight the need for a more cohesive and comprehensive policy framework that aligns educational standards with the broader societal context.

The Legal and Educational Framework in Nigeria

Nigeria’s educational framework operates within the 6-3-3-4 system, which ideally sees students completing secondary education by the age of 17 or 18. However, various factors, including accelerated learning programs and early school enrollment, mean that many students complete secondary school before they turn 18. Under the new policy, these students would be forced to delay their progression to higher education, regardless of their academic readiness.

JAMB The Dictator

Admission into tertiary institutions in Nigeria is regulated by a body that appears to be an unhinged dictator. It is known as the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). Pursuant to the provisions of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board Act, 1989 (JAMB ACT), JAMB as a monopoly of tertiary education, is a body corporate with perpetual succession and a common seal and may sue and be sued in its corporate name. JAMB is responsible for the general control of the conduct of matriculation examinations for admissions into all Universities, Polytechnics (by whatever name called) and Colleges of Education (by whatever name called) in Nigeria. Under Section 6 of the JAMB ACT, the Minister of Education has the power to give JAMB “directives of a general character or relating generally to particular matters with regard to the exercise by the Board of its functions under this Act and it shall be the duty of the Board to comply with such directives.”

The Nigerian Constitution Speaks

The Nigerian Constitution of 1999 (as amended), particularly the Concurrent Legislative List, grants both the National Assembly and State Assemblies the power to legislate on matters of education. Section 4 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and Part II, items 27-30 of the Concurrent Legislative List, spelt out modalities for the establishment of formal education across all the sections of  Nigeria. For ease of reference, Items 27-30 of the Concurrent Legislative List read thus:

“27. The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the Federation or any part thereof with respect to university education, technological education or such professional education as may from time to time be designated by the National Assembly.

28. The Power conferred on the National Assembly under paragraph 27 of this item shall include power to establish an institution for the purposes of university, post-primary, technological or professional education.
29. Subject as herein provided, a House of Assembly shall have power to make laws for the state with respect to the establishment of an institution for purposes of university, technological or professional education.
30. Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs of this item shall be construed so as to limit the powers of a House of Assembly to make laws for the State with respect to technical, vocational, post-primary, primary or other forms of education, including the establishment of institutions for the pursuit of such education.”

However, the imposition of an age limit for university admission through a mere policy directive, rather than an enacted law, raises questions about the legitimacy of this approach. As highlighted by legal experts, the Constitution should be interpreted liberally and not restrictively, meaning that while the National Assembly may have the authority to prescribe a minimum age for university students, such a policy should be implemented through proper legislative processes, not through mere executive fiat.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a vocal critic of the policy, described it as a "disincentive to scholarship" and a step backward for Nigeria's educational advancement. "This policy belongs in the stone ages," Atiku remarked, emphasizing that such a rigid age limit stifles the academic potential of young Nigerians who are intellectually ready to pursue higher education. I agree with the Waziri.

The Societal Impact of the Minimum Age Policy

The societal implications of this policy are far-reaching. By imposing an arbitrary age limit on university admissions, the government risks creating a significant backlog in the education system. Students who complete secondary education before the age of 18 will be left in a state of limbo, unable to advance to higher education. This could lead to increased idleness among youths, a factor that has historically contributed to social unrest and higher crime rates.

Educational stakeholders have also expressed concern that the policy does not take into account the varying levels of maturity and intellectual development among students. Some students may be emotionally and intellectually ready for university at 16 or 17, while others may not be prepared even at 18. The one-size-fits-all approach of the policy fails to accommodate these peculiar differences and could have detrimental effects on the academic and personal development of young Nigerians.

The Chancellor of Afe Babalola University and foremost legal luminary, Aare Afe Babalola, OFR, CON, SAN, LL.D, in his article: “Admission: Age Limit and the discretionary powers of universities”, published on the 15th day of August, 2024, stated emphatically that “age is not maturity.” He described maturity as a function of the mindset, emotional intelligence and the ability to understand oneself and the world. He identified quite a number of children who have defied all the odds identified by the proponents of age limit for admission and achieved “even the seemingly impossible”. They are Soborno Isaac Bari, an 11-year-old genius christened as the Einstein of our time. There are also Yasha Asley, Alia Sabur, Colin Maclaurin, Erik Demaine, Charles Homer Haskins, Terence Tao. He also identified some notable Nigerians who would have made their marks in Nigeria if it weren’t for our retrogressive educational policies. They are Ekele Frankli, the overall best candidate in the 2020 UTME with a score of 347. He was denied admission into the tertiary institution because he was 15 years old. Another student, David Okorogheye, scored 332 in the UTME in 2021. Regrettably, he was denied admission on the ground that he was not yet 16 years. The list is endless. The learned silk noted that having a minimum age admission without any exception will affect the dreams and aspiration of the younger generation. I wholly share the views of this sage who should know, being the founder of one of the 300 leading universities in the world. Thank your Aare sir, for your constant illuminating national interventions even at 96.

Proponents of the 18 years university admission age

Many scholars have thrown their weight behind this directive of the Honourable Minister of Education. Farooq Kperogi, a great writer for example, said that the Honourable Minister did not create a new law and was merely implementing an existing law regarding admission into the tertiary institution, which had been serially violated by overeager parents who want their children to get ahead by any means. He referred to the 1982 Education Policy, also called the 6:3:3:4 system, which requires children to be at least 6 years before they start primary school. 3 years is for Junior Secondary School and another 3 years is for Senior Secondary School. Going by this system, anybody contemplating applying for an admission into the tertiary institution must be at least 18 years.

The courageous writer, Kperogi, in his article: “The 18-year-old age limit for School Certificate” published on the 31st day of August, 2024, submitted that students entering tertiary institutions at 18 are generally more mature, both emotionally and intellectually. They are more likely to handle the academic rigours, social pressures, and responsibilities that come with university life. At 18, he submits, students are legally considered adults in many jurisdictions, aligning with the legal age for various rights and responsibilities, such as voting, entering contracts, or being liable under the law. This consistency reduces complications around guardianship, consent, and legal obligations. He noted, further, that in the United States like in most countries, save exceptionally gifted students, students don’t begin their undergraduate education until they are 18. He concluded that the directive of the Honourable Minister is the extant law which is rooted and backed by psychology, neuroscience and social science. The President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, Prof. Emmanuel Osodeke, has also surprisingly thrown his weight behind the proposition of the Federal Government describing it as a welcome development. He noted in particular that the Union is in full support of the proposition and added that the issue of age benchmark was not a new thing.

THE LEGAL AND LEGISLATIVE DIMENSIONS

The debate over the Federal Government’s policy on minimum age for university admission extends beyond educational circles into the realm of legal interpretation and legislative authority. The policy raises significant questions about the extent of the government’s power to regulate educational practices and the potential infringement on individual rights and academic freedom.

Constitutional and Legislative Framework

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, outlines the division of powers between the federal and state governments, including matters related to education. Education is listed under the Concurrent Legislative List, which means both the National Assembly and State Assemblies have authority to make laws on educational matters. Specifically, Item 27 of the Concurrent Legislative List empowers the National Assembly to "make laws for the Federation or any part thereof with respect to university education."

However, the imposition of a minimum age for university admission through an executive policy directive, rather than a formal legislative process, raises concerns about the proper exercise of this power. Legal scholars argue that while the National Assembly may have the authority to set educational standards, including age requirements, such regulations must be enacted through a law passed by the legislative body (NASS), not through a mere policy diktat from the executive branch. This is crucial to ensure that any such policy has the necessary legal backing and is subject to the checks and balances inherent in the legislative process.

Furthermore, the Child Rights Act, 2003, which has been domesticated in several states in Nigeria, emphasizes the right to education for every child. This Act, along with the Universal Basic Education (UBE) Act, 2004, mandates the provision of free, compulsory and universal basic education for every Nigerian child. The imposition of an age limit on university admission could therefore be seen as a potential infringement on these rights, particularly for students who are academically qualified to advance to higher education before the age of 18.

The Role of the Judiciary in Protecting Educational Rights

The Judiciary plays a critical role in interpreting the Constitution and other laws to ensure that the rights of citizens are protected against arbitrary government actions. In the context of the minimum age policy, the judiciary could be called upon to determine the constitutionality of the policy and whether or not it infringes on the rights of young Nigerians to access education.

Legal challenges to the policy will likely focus on whether government’s directive aligns with the provisions of the Constitution and other relevant legislation. For instance, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), to which Nigeria is a signatory, asserts the right to education as a fundamental human right. Article 26 of the UDHR states that "everyone has the right to education" and that "education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality." It did not place any age limit.

In this light, the policy could be challenged on grounds that it restricts access to education for younger students who are otherwise qualified, thereby limiting their opportunities for personal and intellectual development. The judiciary’s interpretation of these legal provisions will be crucial in determining the future of the policy and its impact on Nigeria’s educational landscape.

Educational Autonomy and the Rights of Institutions to Administer Their Affairs

Another critical aspect of the debate is the issue of educational autonomy. Universities in Nigeria, particularly private institutions, have historically enjoyed a degree of autonomy in setting their admission standards, including age requirements. This autonomy is essential for maintaining the academic integrity and independence of these institutions.

The Chancellor of Afe Babalola University, Afe Babalola, SAN, has argued that the government’s policy infringes on this autonomy by imposing a blanket age restriction on all universities. He noted that university autonomy includes the discretion to admit students based on their academic qualifications and potential, regardless of age. Babalola’s stance highlights the importance of preserving the independence of educational institutions to make decisions that are in the best interests of their students and the broader academic community.

This view is supported by international best practices, where universities often have the flexibility to admit younger students who demonstrate exceptional academic abilities. For example, in the United States and the United Kingdom, students who excel academically are often allowed to enter university at a younger age, provided they meet the necessary qualifications. This approach recognizes that academic readiness and intellectual maturity are not solely determined by age and that students should be assessed on a case-by-case basis. I am a witness to this as all my children who schooled in tertiary institutions abroad did so at ages 16 or 17. They invariably graduated at 19 or 20. Some of them made First Class and others Second Class Upper. Thanks be to God.

IMPLICATIONS AND THE PATH FORWARD

The Federal Government’s policy on minimum age for university admission thus has far-reaching implications for Nigeria’s educational system, its legal framework, and the broader society. As the debate continues, it is essential to consider the potential consequences of the policy and explore alternative approaches that can better serve the interests of Nigerian students.

The Potential Impact on Nigeria’s Education System

One of the most significant concerns about the potential impact of the minimum age policy is its effect on the overall efficiency and accessibility of the Nigerian education system. The imposition of an arbitrary age limit risks creating a bottleneck in the academic progression of students, particularly those who have demonstrated the intellectual capacity to advance to higher education before reaching the age of 18.

Bottlenecks in Academic Progression

By requiring students to wait until they are 18 before taking crucial examinations such as the SSCE and JAMB, the policy will inadvertently create a backlog of students who are ready to move forward but are forced to delay their educational journey. This could lead to overcrowding in secondary schools, as students who would otherwise have progressed to tertiary institutions remain in the system longer than necessary to while away the time. Such overcrowding could strain already limited resources, including classroom space, teaching staff and educational materials.

Furthermore, the policy may discourage academic excellence among younger students, as the incentive to excel and move on to university as soon as they are ready is diminished. Gifted students who are capable of completing their secondary education at a younger age may feel demotivated if they are forced to wait until they reach an arbitrary age threshold, regardless of their academic preparedness.

Impact on Student Motivation and Mental Health

The enforced delay in progression to higher education could also have significant psychological effects on students. Being held back solely due to age, despite having the academic qualifications to advance, could lead to feelings of frustration and demotivation. For students who are particularly driven and focused on their academic goals, this policy could undermine their enthusiasm for learning and result in a decline in academic performance.

Moreover, the policy could have a broader impact on the mental health of students. Adolescence is already a challenging period for many young people, and adding an additional barrier to their educational progression could exacerbate stress, anxiety, and feelings of inadequacy. The policy may lead to a sense of stagnation among students who are forced to repeat courses or remain in an environment that no longer challenges them intellectually.

Potential Increase in Dropout Rates

Another significant concern is the potential for an increase in dropout rates as a result of the policy. Students who are ready to advance but are forced to wait may become disillusioned with the education system and choose to leave school altogether. This is particularly woorrisome in a country like Nigeria, where dropout rates are already a pressing issue, particularly in regions where access to quality education is limited.

For students in rural or underserved areas where economic pressures often compel young people to seek employment or take on adult responsibilities at an early age, the delay in advancing to higher education could result in more students leaving the education system entirely. This would undermine efforts to improve educational attainment and reduce poverty in these communities.

Widening Educational Inequality

The policy could also exacerbate existing inequalities within the Nigerian education system. Students from affluent backgrounds who attend private schools may be better equipped to cope with the enforced delay, as they have access to more resources, including extracurricular activities and specialized programs that can keep them engaged during the waiting period. In contrast, students from less privileged backgrounds may find it harder to remain motivated and engaged without the prospect of advancing to university.

This disparity could widen the educational gap between rich and poor students, further entrenching social inequalities. As former Nigerian Vice President Atiku Abubakar noted, "This policy belongs in the stone ages. It is a disincentive to scholarship and will only serve to deepen the divide between the haves and the have-nots in our society."

THE PATH FORWARD: A CALL FOR HOLISTIC EDUCATIONAL REFORM

Repealing the Minimum Age Policy and Its Implications

Repealing the minimum age policy is a crucial first step in addressing the concerns raised by educational stakeholders, legal experts, and the public. This policy, while obviously well-intentioned, fails to account for the diversity of student backgrounds, experiences and capabilities. By removing this arbitrary age barrier, government can prevent the potential stagnation of academic progress and ensure that students who are ready for higher education can advance without needless delays.

The implications of repealing the policy extend beyond the immediate benefit to students. It would signal a commitment by the government to prioritize educational equity and meritocracy, ensuring that all students, regardless of their age, are evaluated based on their abilities and readiness for the next stage of their academic journey.

Repeal would also restore a degree of autonomy to universities, allowing them to make admission decisions that reflect the unique needs and potential of each student. This autonomy is essential for maintaining the integrity and diversity of the higher education system in Nigeria, enabling institutions to develop specialized programs for gifted students and those who may need additional support.

Implementing a Merit-Based Admission System

A merit-based admission system offers a fairer and more effective approach to university admissions in Nigeria. By focusing on students' academic performance and readiness for university, rather than their age, this system would encourage excellence and allow students to progress based on their abilities.

Such a system would require clear and transparent criteria for assessing students' qualifications, including their performance in secondary school, standardized test scores, and other relevant factors such as extracurricular achievements and personal statements. Universities could also consider implementing interviews or entrance exams to further assess students' readiness for higher education.

The implementation of a merit-based system would likely necessitate changes to the current admission processes, including the development of new guidelines and training for admission officers. However, these changes would ultimately benefit students by creating a more inclusive and supportive educational environment.

Special Provisions for Gifted Students

Gifted students represent a unique group within the educational system, and their needs must be addressed to ensure they reach their full potential. Special provisions for these students could include early admission to university, access to advanced courses, or participation in accelerated learning programs.

Universities could establish talent identification programs that work with Secondary schools to identify and support gifted students from an early age. These programs could offer scholarships, mentoring, and opportunities for enrichment activities, such as research projects, internships, and participation in national and international competitions.

In addition, universities could develop specialized programs or schools within their institutions that cater specifically to gifted students, offering a challenging curriculum and opportunities for intellectual growth. These programs could be modeled on existing programs in other countries, such as the Johns Hopkins Centre for Talented Youth or the UK's National Academy for Gifted and Talented Youth.

By investing in the development of gifted students, Nigeria can cultivate a new generation of leaders, innovators, and scholars who can contribute to the country's development and global competitiveness.

Strengthening Legislative and Judicial Oversight

Legislative and judicial oversight is essential to ensure that educational policies are fair, effective, and in line with constitutional provisions. The National Assembly should take an active role in reviewing and debating educational policies, particularly those with significant implications for access to higher education.

To enhance legislative oversight, the National Assembly could establish a dedicated committee on education that includes representatives from all levels of government, as well as stakeholders from the education sector. This committee could be responsible for reviewing proposed policies, conducting public consultations, and making recommendations for improvement.

Judicial oversight is equally important, as it provides a mechanism for challenging policies that may infringe on constitutional rights or violate international obligations. The judiciary should be prepared to hear cases related to educational policies and to issue rulings that protect the rights of students and ensure that policies are implemented fairly.

To support judicial oversight, it may be necessary to establish specialized courts or tribunals that can handle education-related cases more efficiently. These bodies could provide a forum for resolving disputes over university admissions, access to education, and other issues that arise within the educational system.

Investing in Educational Infrastructure

Investment in educational infrastructure is critical to support the reforms outlined above. This includes upgrading school facilities, providing modern learning materials, and training teachers to meet the needs of a diverse student population.

The government should prioritize investments in areas where the need is greatest, such as rural and underserved communities. This could involve building new schools, expanding existing facilities, and ensuring that all schools have access to the resources they need to provide a quality education.

In addition to physical infrastructure, investment in digital infrastructure is also important. As technology plays an increasingly central role in education, the government should work to ensure that all students have access to the tools and resources they need to succeed in a digital world. This includes providing access to computers, internet connectivity, and digital learning platforms.

Teacher training is another key area for investment. To ensure that teachers are equipped to deliver a high-quality education, the government should provide ongoing professional development opportunities, including training in new teaching methods, technology integration, and inclusive education practices.

Reforming Secondary Education

Reforming secondary education is essential to ensuring that students are better prepared for the demands of higher education. This could involve revising curricula to focus more on critical thinking, problem-solving, and other skills that are essential for success in university and beyond.

Government should also consider expanding access to vocational and technical education, which can provide students with practical skills and qualifications that are relevant to the job market. By offering a broader range of educational pathways, government can ensure that all students have the opportunity to pursue their interests and develop the skills they need for their future careers.

Reforms to secondary education should also focus on improving the quality of teaching and learning. This includes providing teachers with the support and resources they need to deliver effective instruction, as well as implementing assessment systems that accurately reflect students' progress and achievements.

Finally, government should work to reduce the inequalities and inefficiencies that currently plague the secondary education system. By addressing issues such as overcrowding, dilapidated facilities, outdated curricula and inadequate resources, the government can create a more supportive and effective educational environment that prepares students for success in higher education and beyond.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria's minimum age policy for university admission reflects a complex intersection of legal, societal and educational challenges. While the intention to ensure emotional and intellectual maturity among students is clear, the policy obviously overlooks the diverse and peculiar realities of Nigerian society where children are often thrust into adult responsibilities much earlier in their age. By imposing an age restriction, government risks stifling the academic potential of young and intellectually gifted individuals and widening the educational inequality gap. The policy also highlights broader inconsistencies in Nigeria's approach to child development, particularly when compared to practices such as early child marriage and juvenile incarceration.

A more flexible, merit-based system would better serve Nigeria’s youth, allowing academically ready students to advance without unnecessary barriers. This approach, coupled with targeted reforms in secondary education and improved legislative oversight, would foster a more inclusive and supportive educational environment. In doing so, Nigeria can better align its educational framework with the aspirations and potential of its young people, ensuring that talent and intellect are not hindered by arbitrary age limits.

The future of Nigeria's education system hinges on finding a delicate balance between structure and flexibility, and this balance will ultimately determine whether the nation’s young scholars can contribute fully to its progress and development. I do not support a blanket imposition of age limit to attainment of tertiary education.

….Says he ‘ll honour Police invitation Wed

President of Nigeria Labour Congress , NLC, Joe Ajaero, has said all efforts to intimidate and silence organised labour would fail.

The labour leader also said he would on Wednesday, September 25, honour the last police invitation extended to him.

Recall that Ajaero had in recent times been under the radar of security agencies, especially the Police and the Department of State Services, DSS.

However, speaking to some workers and union officials in Lagos, Ajaero said:  “Recently, I was arrested and detained by the state, a clear attempt to intimidate and silence our movement. They hoped to find wrong doing but we have kept faith alive. We must all do the same.

“On August 29, we honoured the summons of the state to answer to some allegations and on the 25th of this month, we shall honour another one, this time at the police headquarters in Abuja.

“Let me say the strength of our movement lies not only in our resolve but also in the integrity with which we conduct ourselves.

”Our hands, must remain unsullied, our hearts pure, so that when the enemies of our movement come, as they will;, they will find nothing to use against us. Comrades, you have seen it firsthand.

“As we, therefore, prepare for the struggles ahead, remember they can imprison our bodies, but they cannot imprison our spirit.

”They can throw every obstacle on our path, but they cannot destroy our unity. We must be vigilant, united and ready to stand firm in the face of whatever may come.”

He expressed NLC’s gratitude to all the international organizations, particularly those within the global trade union family, who stood in unwavering solidarity with the labout movement during its recent challenges.

“We are especially thankful to the International Labour Organization, ILO, the International Trade Union Confederation, ITUC, ITUC-Africa, Public Services International, PSI, Congress of South African Trade Unions, COSATU, the Trade Union Congress, TUC, of the UK, IndustriALL Global Union, the German Federation of Trade Unions, LO Norway, and all the patriotic Nigerians.

“Your collective voices condemned the actions of the government against the NLC and its“leadership, and for this, we remain profoundly grateful,” Ajaero said.

I WAS part of an international trade union delegation to observe the potentially explosive 2002 Zimbabwean presidential election. It was like a contest between that country and the West, and Zimbabwe had denied visa to many observers. I had just a few days to get to Harare, so I needed a visa fast. My best option was to get across to the ambassador and convince him to issue me a quick visa. I got to the embassy in the evening and told the staff that I had an urgent message from the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, which I could disclose only to the High Commissioner.

I was ushered into his reception where I waited as he had a guest with him. Then the door opened, and there was Lindsay Carlton Eseoghene Barret walking out. He asked what I was doing there. I explained to him, and he went back to see the ambassador. The ambassador apologised that he had only been informed I was from the NLC, but Barret had just told him who I was. He asked me to submit my passport and return the next day as he was sure I will get a special waiver from Harare. Such was the reach and influence of Barret, the global citizen who had a choice to make any part of the world his home, but chose to navigate the oceans from Jamaica back to Africa, where his forebears had been snatched over 400 years before.

He was 25 when he left Paris in February 1966 to attend the First Festival of Black and African Arts and Culture in Senegal. His plan was to move on to Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana and if possible, work in that country which was the Black Star of Africa.

He wanted to explore the communities from which his African ancestors had been abducted to the Caribbean, and initiate the renewal of their African ancestry as Marcus Mosiah Garvey, the Pan Africanist giant had done five decades before. Unfortunately, before the festival ended, the Nkrumah administration had been overthrown in an American Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, coup.

Rather than be discouraged, Barret moved to Sierra Leone as a Correspondent of the West African Magazine. The then Vice Chancellor of the University of Sierra Leone, Professor Davidson Abioseh Nicol, suggested that Barret would fulfil his quest better in Nigeria. So in July 1966, he moved to Nigeria where he was already friendly with leading playwrights, John Pepper Clark and Wole Soyinka, both of whom he had previously interviewed in Europe. He had stayed ever since, naturalised as a Nigerian and adopted Bayelsa as his home state.

 Barret had come to Nigeria some months before the Civil War. He used his skills to promote the restoration of national unity under the Gowon regime. In fact, he was present at the 1970 ceremony in Owerri when the exchange of the peace instrument between Biafra, represented by the Chief Justice, Sir Louis Nwachukwu Mbanefo, and the Inspector General, P.C. Okeke, on one hand, and the Federal Government represented by then Colonel Olusegun Obasanjo, was made.

Barret also supported the consolidation of regional peace enforcement in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Former Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf said of his role in Liberia: “Lindsay gave his tremendous talent of thought and words, without meaningful compensation as he sought to promote gender equality and regional cooperation.”

The tremendous talents she alluded to include Barret the novelist, playwright, poet, essayist, journalist, publisher, broadcaster, literary critic and photographer; a jack of all these trades and master of all.

Barret’s service to the continent helped him to build wide connections and enduring friendship with people like Kofi Awoonor, author of the famous 1971 novel: This Earth, My Brother; Mohhamed Ibn Chambers and Abas Bundu, former Executive Secretaries of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, and Dr Amos Claudius Sawyer, the former Interim President of Liberia. Sawyer who affectionately calls Barret, ‘Sir Lind’ told him: “Liberia has benefited greatly from your dedication and loyalty to Africa and your enduring faith in the people of the Black World…all that your narrative on the significance of ECOWAS in Liberia was authentic, insightful and professional. You wrote from your head seasoned in experience, and your heart full of love.”

Expectedly, it is in Nigeria Barret has had the most impact deploying his creative and professional talents in helping to build a country he so loves. Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan told Barret that his most significant contribution is in traversing the world, telling the stories of the Black people, “amplifying their voice and sustaining a narrative of hope through your works.”

Former Foreign Minister, and one-time Labour Minister, retired General Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu, who has been Barret’s friend for decades, wrote about him: “He is calm as a dove yet strikes like an eagle. He is discerning and unafraid to report or comment on any matter of national interest. He stands by the truth, speaks to issues and stays on them until they are acted upon.”

Barret made his major mark in journalism, a profession in which he has many friends. When he turned 80 on September 15, 2021, two men reputed to be among some of the best columnists in Nigerian history, penned him hilarious pieces.

Peter ‘Pan’ Enahoro from his London home wrote: “Today is your commencement of real old age. Your experience until now was that you were not getting younger. You don’t feel any different from the person you were yesterday but there’s a style to being 80. If your wisdom was to think before you spoke, you must now learn to speak before you think.

“If what you say is a load of nonsense people will struggle to make sense of it thinking you profound. Drop off to sleep when you want, wherever you like. It is the privilege of the elders. Do not smile often; old men’s teeth should be seen only by dentists.”

Uncle Sam Amuka, publisher of the Vanguard Newspapers, who ran the witty ‘Sad Sam’ column, wrote: “Dear Lindsay, Jamaican-born who has become a cherished Naija idol, happy birthday. Look, Lindsay, you gave all your children native names from where you bore them. So, tell me, what name you go give the one you go born in Abuja. Cheers, boy!”

On Sunday, September 15, 2024, when the inimitable Barret marked his 83rd birthday, I went on a pilgrimage to his home in Abuja. Armed with a bottle of alcoholic wine which is the drink of elders in the Niger Delta; I genuflected and handed over the bottle. I was in the company of my elders, Epa Tom Odemwingie and Aare Agbaakin Wole Olaoye as we celebrated with the living ancestor.

When I was approached to be the guest lecturer for the 2024 Very Reverend Father Slattery Memorial Lecture, I quickly recalled the reputation and standing of Reverend Father Dennis Slattery, who, though an Irish missionary in Nigeria, was a foremost speaker and campaigner for Nigeria’s independence; he was a sports enthusiast and sports promoter of repute, a visionary administrator of education who pioneered technical education in post-primary institutions in Nigeria with the founding of St. Finbarrs College Akoka in 1956 and, above all, he was a moral compass for discerning Nigerian leaders, especially in the immediate pre-independence period. Indeed, these were the qualities and attributes that informed my conferment of the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) on him as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2001.  

Again, I recalled the exemplary moral disposition and courage of some of my younger colleagues in the military who attended St. Finbarrs College like Rear Admiral Patrick Koshoni, Colonel Mike Akanji, and Brigadier General Cyril Iweze, just to mention a few.  For those of us leaving secondary school in the mid-1950s or entering university, Father Slattery was a household name and we followed him, particularly in football.  He was a sort of hero. He made significant contributions to the development of the game in Nigeria in the 1950s.

Father Slattery set his feet on Nigerian soil for the first time in May 1941 during the 2^nd World War.  In fact, the convoy of ships among which Father Slattery was in, was attacked by the Germans and some of the ships got sunk.  From 1941 until his demise in July 2003, Father Slattery was in Nigeria except when he went for further studies or on leave.  He was Irish and white in skin colour but he was a Nigerian at heart, in action, orientation and in his missionary, educational, and militant anti-colonial, politico-religious weekly Nigerian Catholic Herald.

With the personality, reputation, and achievements of Father Slattery, I gladly and enthusiastically accepted to give the Lecture for this year to honour his memory.  I had hoped that I would be with you physically until I received the invitation from President Museveni of Uganda to be with him on 18 and 19 September.  Please accept my apologies.  The subject given by the organisers to give the Lecture is also very alluring and very topical and relevant, “The Imperative for Moral Rectitude in Governance”  There are four important words in this subject matter as we go along.  And they are Imperative, Moral and Morality, Rectitude and Governance.

Imperative indicates something of vital importance, something crucial and not to be ignored or neglected.  It is something that is very essential, of utmost importance and absolutely necessary.  It is something of a command and must be made to happen.  It is domineering and well above others.

Moral is an adjective from morality which entails and concerns principles, values between right and wrong and correct conduct, behaviour, thinking, saying and action with moral compass content – beliefs and process regarding right and wrong.

Rectitude goes along with morality and using the word ‘moral’ to qualify rectitude is just to underline the importance of rectitude which itself is morally correct behaviour, thinking, action and reaction.  It is both right and righteous.  Rectitude also entails acceptance and approval by the people concerned for their own good and in their own interest.

Governance is the action or manner of administering a state, organisation, or any human institution.  It is the act or process of overseeing and oversighting the control, management and administration, welfare and well-being of human institutions of any group at any level.  It entails ethics, character, attributes and values.

Going on from here, we can see that governance at any level is an important aspect of directing human affairs for good or for ill.  We have also seen that governance covers the administration of any human group, big or small, and the main objective is the welfare and well-being of all the individuals that make up the group.  This begins from the family level through the state level to the international organisation and corporate conglomeration.

The most important demand of anybody involved in governance at any level but particularly at the state level is accountability.  If you are going to be granted and trusted with governance of people – putting their welfare, well-being and interests in your hands -, they have right to make categorical and important demands of you.  This is where and how rectitude comes in.  It is again morally correct behaviour, thinking, action, reaction and saying.  But here, we want to focus on governance at state level where politics come into play.  Politics are the activities associated with the governance of a country, state or area.  These activities are normally aimed at improving and enhancing the status, welfare and well-being of citizens or members of the human institution or organisation.  Politics and governance go hand-in-hand.  Where there are bad politics, there is bad governance.  The foundation of good politics is moral rectitude – appreciation of right and wrong and doing the right, being righteous.

There must be morality and principles which must manifest from character, attributes and values in politics and subsequently in governance.  If you have no character, morality, principles and moral compass, you will have no rectitude which is must have for good governance and effective delivery for the welfare and well-being of the people.  If morality and character are essential for the path of rectitude in governance, the imperative of moral rectitude in governance is overwhelming and unsurpassed.  There can be no crown without a cross nor can there be gain without pain.  There can be no good governance without good character and moral rectitude.

Let us look at what we have today and we may be able to understand why we are where we are.  Some erroneously claim that there should be no morality, principles, rectitude and character in politics.  When they lie, they give politics as an excuse.  When they steal, they give politics as an excuse.  They turn politics into a bad thing but it is not politics that is bad but themselves.  If we have men and women of no character in politics, you will have bad politics and bad governance.  If you look clinically at the people in government today at both executive and legislative levels, some of them should be permanently behind bars for their past misdemeanour and criminal misconduct.  You cannot expect thieves to give good judgement in favour of the owner of the property.

The first thing that shocked me when I went into politics was the level of corruption of election officials which was taken as normal.  The second was the level of general and criminal misbehaviour which was taken with levity and impunity.  We were at a meeting and a man lied and I confronted him, and the next thing he said is, “It is all politics, Sir”.  Every bad thing they do is passed on as politics which means politics has no room for morality, principles, rectitude, ethics, good character and attributes.  These are, of course, not true.  People invariably bring what they are into politics and into governance.  And because of the suffocating and polluting influence of the bad eggs, the whole tray of eggs may be regarded as bad.  Therefore, those who are people of honour, integrity, and decency, following the path of morality, principle, integrity and rectitude should never deviate because it is imperative for good politics and good governance.  Where they are absent, there will be little hope for development, growth and progress overall.

Is there a way out from the dungeon that we are in – lack of peace, security, stability, and predictability and with almost everyone sinking into greater poverty, economic misery and deep despair?  Yes, there is.  We need transformational leaders rather than transactional leaders, truth instead of lies, honesty instead of dishonesty, integrity instead of disintegrity, hope instead of despair, the production instead of deduction, and inclusion instead of exclusion and marginalisation.  God has given us all we need to be a great country but we have often squandered it.  We need to go back to basics and for re-armament and those things that we did to make things good in the past – avoiding waste domestically, eliminating corruption, leading by example, and avoiding debt.  But we must work for togetherness, fear God, and seek the face of God in all things.  Where we are is not the right and proper place for Nigeria and Nigerians.

Thanks for listening.

Obasanjo, a former Nigerian president, spoke virtually on Thursday at the memorial lecture of Denis Joseph Slattery, the late cleric. The event was organised by the Old Boys’ Association of St. Finbarr’s College at Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos.

Hauwa ‘Jaruma‘ Muhammad, the self-proclaimed sex therapist, has revealed why she got married.

Jaruma was married to Ross Fahad Isabor between 2018 and 2021. The union was blessed with a child.

In an interview with ‘Issues and Society’ podcast, the sex therapist cited intense backlash from northerners for selling aphrodisiacs as a single lady as the motivation behind her marriage.

Jaruma said the criticism, rooted in her Muslim faith and single status, led her to marry. She also claimed her ex-husband was aware of her reasons.

“There was a massive heat from the north because I was selling sex products as a single lady,” she said.

“There was so much attack, me being a Muslim and a single lady. They wondered why people allow a single lady teach them what happens in the bedroom for lots of money.

“It wasn’t easy at all. The sex industry is a multi billion industry, the industry is never going to die and I have made N760 million in three years.

“So I thought the industry will not die and I have a booming business so I cannot just leave because of the heat I was going.

“I just said if marriage is the problem, let me just do it and get it over with so I got married.

“I didn’t get married because of love, being into the man or there was a long courtship.

“I just got married to get away from the pressure I got from the north. I got married just after a month of meeting.

“I told him about the reason I got married to him, he knew it was not for love but for the pressure.”

In 2022, Isabor revealed he divorced Jaruma a long time ago. He also warned her to desist from using his name to sell her products.

[TheCable]

Let me be upfront: I commiserate with everyone affected by the Borno flood. This is a catastrophe that goes beyond physical devastation; it is about systemic failures. I appreciate Governor Babagana Zulum’s leadership so far. In response to the crisis, he outperforms the typical Nigerian governor with swift action, pragmatic decisions, and an unflinching commitment to the people. I join the people of Borno, particularly those affected by the flood, in thanking everyone who has expressed concern about the terrible but avoidable humanitarian situation in Nigeria’s Northeast.

According to yet-to-be-verified accounts, exceptionally heavy rains in September caused the Alau Dam to collapse just a few kilometres outside Maiduguri. By Tuesday morning, September 10, about half of the city was submerged, displacing thousands of families, destroying homes, and crippling critical infrastructure. The flood has directly impacted over 150,000 people in Maiduguri alone, with several communities completely cut off due to submerged roads. According to the Borno State Emergency Management Agency, over 30,000 homes have been damaged or destroyed, and critical facilities, including schools, hospitals, and markets, have been inundated. The extensive damage to farmland, affecting more than 12,000 hectares, threatens food security in a region grappling with severe hunger and malnutrition.

This year alone, floods have affected multiple local government areas in Borno State, including Jere, Konduga, and Dikwa. Reports from the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) indicate that over 250,000 people across Borno and neighbouring Yobe and Adamawa states have been displaced by floods in 2024. The tragic death toll stands at over 50, with many more still unaccounted for. The economic losses run into billions of naira, exacerbating the region’s already dire humanitarian crisis. The tragedy starkly highlights our vulnerability to extreme weather events, exacerbated by climate change and lack of preparedness.

In line with global standards of response to humanitarian disasters of this nature, humanitarian organizations, the World Health Organization (WHO), local and international NGOs, and the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) quickly mobilized to provide relief materials such as food, healthcare supplies, and sanitation facilities to assist affected persons. Notable contributions also came from the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL), the Aliko Dangote Foundation, and the Presidential Committee on Flood and Disaster, showcasing a wide-ranging but often uncoordinated response.

Federal and state governments joined the “disaster relief donation club,” and politicians and the business elite, some genuinely altruistic and others merely grandstanding, started outcompeting one another in the publicized donation of funds and supplies. However, this influx of generosity was more about optics than solutions. The flood brought politicians and business people of all persuasions into a symbolic handshake—not to address the root causes of the disaster nor to create a system that prevents future recurrences but to protect elite interests and boost political capital. Amidst this, desperate and displaced Nigerians, struggling to rebuild their lives, began keeping mental records of who was donating what, hoping against hope that the show of support would somehow translate into lasting change.

But the real work remains undone. What was the root cause of this flooding that displaced millions in the Northeast? With a plethora of governmental institutions, including the Nigeria Meteorological Agency (NiMET), why did we not have accurate intelligence or early warning systems to forestall this disaster? Nigeria’s reactive approach to disaster management is a recurring theme; each year, communities face floods, and each year, relief arrives too late for many.

It is impossible to ignore the impact of climate change on these weather patterns. This flood is not an isolated incident but part of a broader, troubling trend of extreme weather events linked to global climate change. In 2022 alone, floods across Nigeria displaced over 2.8 million people, with Borno among the worst affected states. Yet, how seriously are we taking climate change? Our policies and actions seem disconnected from the urgent need to build climate resilience. Despite being one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable countries, Nigeria’s response to these challenges is often piecemeal and needs a more strategic vision.

The Borno flood is an exposé on deeper, systemic issues plaguing our government and country. Beyond the relief efforts, it is time for the government and stakeholders at all levels to address sustainable development, particularly poverty alleviation, environmental degradation, and the dire lack of requisite infrastructure that makes our communities vulnerable to disasters. It is high time governments adopt proactive policies that anticipate potential disasters rather than merely reacting after they occur. This includes monitoring dams and related infrastructure, regular updates to disaster response plans based on past experiences, and integrating climate adaptation strategies.

Prevention is key.

Nigeria does not have a comprehensive warning system for landslides, floods, and other natural disasters. We tend to wait until calamities strike before mobilizing resources for the affected, highlighting the inefficiencies and inconsiderate disposition of our political leaders. The urgent need for a comprehensive warning system cannot be overstated. Very often, short-term political agendas overshadow long-term flood and disaster prevention measures.

As I stated in my earlier essay on reactive governance, dated July 10, 2023, our political leaders cannot continue to prioritize short-term relief over long-term readiness and resilience planning. This shortsightedness hampers effective disaster management in situations like the Borno flood. The emphasis on short-term aid reflects a larger pattern in which political narratives precede genuine efforts to implement innovative measures to avert future disasters. Moreover, it undermines the efficiency of response efforts when disasters do occur.

The critical question is: what kind of flood management system do we need to implement to prevent a repeat occurrence? Here are some key strategies that Nigeria, should consider adopting:

First is building a comprehensive flood risk mapping and early warning systems. Flood risk mapping is essential for identifying flood-prone areas and implementing risk reduction measures. By investing in robust, real-time early warning systems, authorities can provide timely alerts to residents, enabling them to take precautionary measures. These systems should be integrated with weather forecasts from the Nigeria Meteorological Agency (NiMET) and real-time river basins and dams monitoring.

The second is improving and maintaining Dams and Drainage Systems. Critical infrastructure failures like the Alau Dam are a significant contributing factor to Borno’s flooding. Regular maintenance and upgrading of dams, levees, and drainage systems are vital to ensure they can withstand extreme weather events. Governments should establish a monitoring framework to regularly assess the integrity of such infrastructures and carry out necessary repairs and reinforcements.

Third is a Reforestation and Sustainable Land Management project. Deforestation and land degradation significantly increase flood risks by reducing the land’s natural ability to absorb water. Reforestation, particularly in flood-prone areas, helps stabilize soil and reduce runoff. Promoting sustainable agricultural practices and managing land use can also mitigate flood impacts.

Fourth is executing urban planning and Flood-Resilient Infrastructure. Urban areas in Nigeria often suffer from poor drainage, unregulated building practices, and inadequate flood defences. Enforcing stricter urban planning regulations and investing in flood-resilient infrastructure, such as elevated roads, floodwalls, and permeable pavements, can reduce the impact of flooding. Moreover, relocation of communities from high-risk zones to safer grounds should be considered.

Fifth is to create a Community-Based Flood Management. Engaging local communities in flood management initiatives ensures that responses are tailored to the specific needs and vulnerabilities of the population. This includes raising awareness about flood risks, emergency preparedness training, and involving communities in maintaining flood defences. Community-led initiatives can enhance resilience and ensure faster, more coordinated responses when floods occur.

The sixth is to develop and implement a Climate Change Adaptation Strategy. As extreme weather events become more frequent due to climate change, Nigeria must develop a comprehensive climate adaptation plan. This includes integrating climate risk assessments into national and regional planning, adopting water conservation techniques, and creating policies that promote climate-resilient agriculture. Proactive climate action can significantly reduce the long-term impact of flooding.

Finally, providing Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). Effective flood management requires a holistic approach that considers upstream and downstream impacts. IWRM promotes coordinated development and management of water, land, and related resources, ensuring that flood prevention measures are harmonized across sectors and regions.

Natural disaster prevention and management are intrinsically linked to how seriously we take climate change. All stakeholders must take urgent and sustained action to address the issue at stake because the severe threats posed by climate change demand it. This is especially true in Nigeria, where a sizable part of the population depends on agriculture and other climate-sensitive sectors for their livelihood. Therefore, the government must implement practical, tangible, and fit-for-purpose measures to mitigate climate change risks and ensure sustainable development.

This is a clarion call for change. The Borno flood must not just be another tragic entry in our history books but a pivotal moment that sparks transformative action. The path forward demands courage, commitment, and the will to prioritize our collective future over the moment’s politics.