The Nigerian Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO) says it has directed all its members to withdraw their petroleum trucks from product-loading activities from Monday, February 19, 2024.

The development follows the association’s request for oil marketers to review freight rates.

NARTO had said despite the deregulation of the downstream sector, oil marketers have refused its request to review the rates.

Deregulation removes the government’s control over the prices of petroleum products and allows private entities to make decisions in the sector.

In a letter dated February 15, 2024, addressed to the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), NARTO said it can no longer continue with operations due to the state of the economy.

The association said several efforts made to get the freight rates for their operations reviewed have had no positive results.

“We are deeply constrained to seek the support and understanding of your Union and members towards the excruciating challenges petroleum trucks owners are facing with the high operational costs in the Industry,”  the statement reads.

“As you are already aware of several efforts we have made to secure negotiations for appropriate and commensurate freight rates for our operations from all conceivable authorities concerned in the industry, most especially the Major Energy Marketers Association of Nigeria but which have received no positive responses from them.

“We have no other options but write to inform you that the NARTO National Executive Council (NEC) has resolved to direct all our members not to make their Petroleum Trucks available for Petroleum Products loading activities with effect from Monday, 19th day of February 2024.

“In the light of this directive, we implore all our employees (Petroleum Truck Drivers), who are your members to show maximum cooperation, support and understanding to our collective efforts for continued sustainability of the Petroleum Haulage business and effective service delivery by ensuring adequate and immediate compliance.”

NARTO added that “there is definitely no way we can continue in this business within the context of the current economic situation in the country”.

[TheCable]

This past week in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, AU, adopted a new treaty relating to the specific aspects to the Right to a Nationality and the Eradication of Statelessness in Africa.

The explanatory memorandum explains that this treaty “seeks to facilitate the inclusion of individuals within African States, by providing legal solutions for the resolution of the practical problems linked to the recognition and exercise of the right to a nationality, to eradicate statelessness, and above all to identify the principles that should govern relations between individuals and States in relation to these issues”.

This protocol plugs the omission of the right to a nationality in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and has been long in the making. The demand for it was launched in March 2007 by the Global Pan-African Movement, International Refugee Rights Initiative, and the Open Society Justice Initiative in a joint position issued by Dr. Tajudeen Abdulraheem, Dismas Nkunda and the present writer calling for a continental treaty “to guarantee the right to citizenship and prohibit statelessness in Africa”. 

A mere two years later, on May 25, 2009, Tajudeen was killed in a car-crash in Nairobi, Kenya. The drafting and negotiation of the Protocol has taken all of nearly 15 years since his death. In memory of Tajudeen, this column today substantially re-publishes the statement from 2007 which set in motion the process leading to the adoption of the treaty.

On March 6, 1957, the independence of 

Ghana promised for all Africans and our communities a new era of citizenship in full dignity and equality with the rest of humanity. Over 50 years later, in launching the Citizenship Rights in Africa Initiative, CRAI, we testify that this promise remains to be fulfilled and call on African governments as a matter of urgency to fully assure, respect and guarantee a right to effective citizenship in our continent. 

Africa’s peoples did not fight for independence to be reduced to non-persons or second class citizens by our own governments. Today, we say: our governments must stop foreignising our people.

This initiative is a necessary response to perhaps the biggest challenge facing Africa today – of guaranteeing the right to citizenship and enabling Africans within our continent to co-exist, pursue livelihoods, move freely, and participate in the government of our countries without arbitrary interference. For the average African, irrespective of country, these basic elements of effective citizenship do not exist today.

Thousands of Africans daily join the millions of victims of statelessness and arbitrary denial of citizenship in our continent. Although each case of statelessness or denial of citizenship produces unique experiences of victimization, common patterns are clear. These include the stripping of citizenship status and rights resulting in statelessness; forced expulsion or forced population transfers; elimination of minority groups through mass de-nationalization, followed – in many cases – by targeted killings of members of the affected groups; persecution of vocal opponents or critics of incumbent regimes; and refusal to recognize or accord the rights of particular (groups of) citizens in the absence of documentary proof. 

In several cases, governments make such proof extremely difficult or even impossible to obtain. For example, Kenyan Somalis and Nubians in Kenya are required, in order to prove their citizenship, to produce birth certificates of their grandparents, nearly all of whom were born when there were no birth records.

International law prohibits statelessness. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights similarly prohibits arbitrary and discriminatory interference with citizenship. The pattern is clear. Many governments across the continent daily strip certain people – usually political opponents, members of minority communities, or vocal critics – of their citizenship. For millions of our people, citizenship is no longer a right; it is now a privilege enjoyed at the pleasure of government of the day: 

*In 1995, Zambia’s founding President Kenneth Kaunda was stripped of his citizenship by his successor. 

*In 2000, Cote d’Ivoire’s former Prime Minister, Alassane Ouattara, was similarly stripped of his Ivoirien citizenship. 

*At this event today, we have two recent victims of this violation: Tanzania’s leading journalist and media proprietor, Jenerali Ulimwengu; and the publisher of the only existing independent newspaper in Zimbabwe, Trevor Ncube.

In many countries in Africa, there are millions more who are too poor to challenge this violation or too unknown to register in the frightening statistics of the stateless. 

Affected populations include: a majority of the continent’s estimated migrant and pastoralist population of 17.3 million persons representing the biggest population of persons at risk of statelessness in the world; an estimated 30% of Côte d’Ivoire’s 17.5 million people de-nationalized by the Ivoirité-inspired amendments to their country’s citizenship laws between 1995-2000; more than 1.5 million Banyamulenge of Eastern Congo, whose citizenship in the DRC remains disputed even today; another 1.5 million Zimbabwean mine and commercial farm workers born of parents descended from Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia whose nationality was arbitrarily cancelled by the government of Zimbabwe in 2001; and hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians of Eritrean-descent who had their Ethiopian nationality cancelled and nationality documents destroyed before their forced expulsion to Eritrea in 1998-1999 and hundreds of thousands of black Mauritanians expelled to Senegal in the 1990s. The list is endless.

Statelessness and mass denial of citizenship pose a clear and present danger to regional peace and security in Africa. Indeed many of Africa’s current wars, including those in Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Darfur region of Sudan, are linked directly to citizenship-related persecution and exclusion. 

The war between Eritrea and Ethiopia involved cancellation of nationality and tit-for-tat forced population transfers. The 1994 Rwandan Genocide is the logical extreme in Africa’s recent history of what happens when governments choose to arbitrarily put their own people beyond reach of citizenship.

Pastoralist and border populations around our continent, such as the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania; and the Somalis of Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia, have been rendered stateless because they straddle the borders of multiple African countries but are unable effectively to claim the nationality of any.

These examples easily demonstrate that statelessness and citizenship are together the most serious human security and human rights problems in Africa today. Statelessness and the arbitrary denial of citizenship violate human dignity, undermine the integrity of government and its institutions, dislocate families, destroy the livelihoods of those affected, render the victims open to further abuses of their rights and lead to war. That millions of Africans have to build their families and contribute to their communities in such conditions of unlawful persecution and uncertainty prevents free and productive economic development, making nonsense of public commitments to fighting poverty by Africa’s leaders.

The causes and consequences of statelessness and mass denial of citizenship in Africa clearly transcend national borders. One country cannot, without reference to another, unilaterally determine that a person hitherto known to be its national belongs to the second country. The history and shared experiences of African countries make a compelling and urgent case for a regional response to statelessness and citizenship.

To achieve this, CRAI will advocate for a regional treaty at the level of the African Union to guarantee the right to citizenship and prohibit statelessness in Africa. Such a treaty will establish principles and rules to eliminate arbitrariness and discrimination in access to as well as proof, acquisition, enjoyment, and loss of citizenship rights on our continent. Such legal instrument should ideally be adopted as a Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. 

CRAI offers to work with the African Union in ensuring the preparation, adoption, and entry into force of this treaty at the earliest possible date.

To end the pandemic of statelessness and denial of citizenship in Africa, a regional treaty is necessary but more needs to be done. Therefore, CRAI will use all lawful means to advocate against all forms of statelessness and the causes of statelessness in Africa.

This initiative requires the partnership and support of African communities, citizen groups and the Diaspora, women’s groups, media, academia and researchers, activists, Parliaments, diplomats, governments, regional institutions, as well as international partners outside the continent. We promise to vigorously monitor, investigate, highlight and denounce the numerous cases in different parts of the continent, which make the adoption of such a regional treaty both necessary and urgent.

•A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

The Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, CBCN, and the Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, yesterday, dissected the state of the nation and returned a grim verdict: hardship is paralysing socioeconomic lives in communities and hunger causing a serious humanitarian crisis. Besides, the Catholic Bishops lamented that Nigeria was in her worst times in terms of insecurity, economy, and corruption, and called for sincere, accountable, and collective effort to halt the current slide and steer her towards a more secure and prosperous future.

The Catholic Bishops and CAN spoke as the Federal Government, through Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, Senator George Akume, acknowledged the problems and restated its determination to tackle security and economic challenges, with a view to improving the quality of life for all Nigerians. The trio spoke at the opening session of the 2024 First Plenary Assembly of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria in Abuja yesterday.

Specifically, the CBCN President, Archbishop Lucius Ugorji, issued a stark assessment of the current situation in the country, describing it as the ‘ worst of times,’ particularly with regard to security and the economy, and described the state of affairs in the nation as tumultuous. The Archbishop drew attention to the stark realities facing Nigerians, emphasizing the persistent insecurity and economic turmoil, despite substantial security votes. “If we cast a cursory glance at the present state of our nation, we are inclined to conclude that this seems to be the worst of times for our country in the areas of security and the economy,” he said.

According to him, kidnappings for ransom, senseless killings, and the rise of banditry have left communities across Nigeria in the grip of fear and paralysis.

Unceasing killing of citizens

“Unarmed citizens are brutally slaughtered on our highways, in their homes and even in the sacred precincts of places of worship. Killer herdsmen, bandits and unknown gunmen seem to be on rampage. ‘’Many communities across the nation have been taken over completely by criminals. Families have lost their ancestral lands to armed invaders and land-grabbers,” the Archbishop lamented.

He emphasized the severity of the situation where citizens were brutally attacked in what should be sanctuaries of peace.

Faulty reform agenda

In the same vein, the Archbishop criticized the government’s reform agenda, which has led to the withdrawal of fuel subsidies and a steep decline in naira’s value. His words: “The reform agenda of the present government has added to the plight of Nigerians. With the withdrawal of fuel subsidies and the unification of the foreign exchange market, there has been a sharp increase in the pump price of petroleum products and a steep decline in the value of the naira. “Indeed, there is a free fall of the national currency. High, spiralling inflation has made it difficult for the average Nigerian to access basic commodities, including food items and medication.

Naira’s free fall, grinding poverty

“As a result of the government’s reform agenda, millions of Nigerians have been reduced to a life of grinding poverty, wanton suffering, and untold hardship as never before in our national history. In a bid to survive, an increasing number of the poor have resorted to begging.”

Govt’s lavish spending

The CBCN President also touched upon the government’s lavish spending amid a population crippled by poverty, saying “as the government demands additional sacrifice from the struggling masses, one would expect to see a drastic cut in the cost of running the government at all levels. “On the contrary, it is worrisome to watch top government functionaries living by the sweat, toil and tears of the poor. They continue spending huge public funds on ostentatious and luxurious lifestyles and seem incapable of feeling compassion at the outcry of the poor. “It is no less worrisome to note that corruption among many public servants has gone beyond scale and measure corruption.

Worsening corruption

“Corruption is a complex reality involving moral rottenness, defilement and loss of integrity. In Nigeria, it spans a wide spectrum, ranging from book- cooking, foreign exchange (FX) arbitrage, over-pricing, and over- invoicing to embezzlement, money laundering, forgery, and all sorts of manipulation.” Condemning the rampant corruption and mismanagement of resources, the Archbishop underscored the plight of Nigerian youth, many of whom are unemployed and resort to drugs, alcohol, or emigration in desperation. Archbishop Ugorji, who called attention to the longterm consequences of such a loss of human capital, said further: “The situation is worsened by the high unemployment rate in the country. Many of our youths are deeply wounded and degraded by unemployment and poverty, which make them feel rejected by the very society into which they were born. “Consequently, thousands of them seek relief from drugs and alcohol and eventually end up in violent crimes. In search of greener pastures, many others try to migrate to foreign lands where hard times often await them.

“Regrettably, an extensive brain drain continues in this way in our nation, where manpower is needed to revamp the ailing economy and foster national development. In the midst of the frenzy to Japa abroad for better job opportunities, many young Nigerians fall easy prey to human traffickers, who traffic them abroad for sexual exploitation, cheap labour or organ harvesting.” The Catholic Bishops were equally critical of government’s efforts to address these issues, calling the reform agenda ‘counterproductive’ and a ‘therapy worse than the disease.’

Where’re savings from fuel subsidy removal?

The CBCN challenged the government’s claims of savings from fuel subsidy removal, questioning the lack of operational refineries which leads to continued reliance on fuel importation. It said: “In withdrawing the fuel subsidy, the government assured Nigerians it would save a lot of money to be injected into other national development sectors.

Accumulation of foreign debt

“Rather than give evidence of money so far saved from the withdrawal of subsidies for which Nigerians are being afflicted with untold hardship, all we hear is the government’s accumulation of more and more foreign debt to balance its budgetary deficit, thereby mortgaging the future of our nation and generations yet unborn.

“This has led many Nigerians to conclude that all the extensive talks on fuel subsidies may be mere fairy tales. “Nigeria owns four refineries, two in Port Harcourt, one in Warri and one in Kaduna. How can we explain that these four refineries have remained moribund for years, despite turn-around-maintenance efforts, which have continued to gulp huge sums of money?” On the security front, the CBCN President described the government’s efforts as ‘woefully failing’ and urged for more proactive measures to protect citizens. “Without security, there can be no development,” Archbishop Ugorji asserted, pointing out the vital link between employment opportunities for youth and national security. According to the Bishops, corruption, too, remains a pressing concern but called for a more effective prosecution of corrupt officials to prevent the continued looting of public coffers.

The Catholic Bishops further touched on the controversy surrounding the recent Vatican document “Fiducia Supplicans,” which has stirred debate among the faithful. While the document prohibits blessings for samesex unions, it also encourages pastoral care for those in ‘irregular situations.’ The Bishops called for sincerity, accountability, and a collective effort to steer Nigeria away from its current trajectory towards a more secure and prosperous future.

CAN backs Catholic Bishops

In a show of ecumenical support and solidarity, the President of CAN, His Eminence Archbishop Daniel Okoh, commended Archbishop Ugorji for his unwavering commitment to addressing issues such as bad governance, insecurity, injustice, and economic hardship. Okoh said Ugorji’s “consistency in providing insight and guidance on issues that border on bad governance, insecurity (including food insecurity), injustice and extreme economic conditions is an inspiration to us all.”

Referencing the unique theme of the plenary, ‘’Synod on Synodality,’ Archbishop Okoh expressed intrigue and support for the Catholic Church’s efforts to foster inclusivity and dialogue. “Such conversations may bring challenges, but they are essential for unity and impactful evangelism,” he added, affirming his prayers for the Holy Spirit’s guidance during the plenary. Archbishop Okoh also acknowledged the daunting challenges faced by churches in Nigeria, from constant attacks on clergy to the struggle for the right to worship places. “As members of the Nigerian Christian community, we acknowledge the multi-faceted challenges faced by our churches on a daily basis. “From a deliberate attempt to edge out Christianity in certain parts of the country through denial of Right of Occupancy for churches that want to erect their worship places to targeted serial attacks, arson and kidnapping of clergymen for ransom that has now become a daily occurrence. The high level of insecurity, runaway inflation and hunger are areas of serious concern as well.”

[Vanguard]

Last week I wrote on “Is reciting the National Anthem by Force?”, and today this is the concluding part, also written some 18 years ago

I start this essay with the critics’ anthem, one that has always inspired me. It is by H.G. Wells and he says “we are going to write about it all. We are going to write about business and finance and politics and pretences and pretentiousness, and decorum and indecorum, until a thousand pretences and ten thousand impostors shrivel in the cold, ...we are going to write about wasted opportunities and latent beauties, until a thousand new ways of life open to men and women. We are going to appeal to the young, and the hopeful, and the curious against---the established, the dignified and the defensive. Before we are done we will have all life within this scope of the novel.

We at most, talk, write and discuss the Nigerian myth with a sense of fatalism.

I believe that If everyone thought as much as I did about justice and fairness, life would be better.

I am a critic, but I am also the critics’ critic, the unrepentant believer that the best way to keep the government on its toes is to keep harping on their flaws so they can improve.

Often, I say I believe the things I write on, are important for our nation as they are for other nations, but when it appears to me Nigerians especially those in authority do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

As is my practice I will crave the indulgence of us all as Nigerians to ask questions, some of which include can this project called Nigeria work, is it working, are we willing to make it work? I personally have an irrevocable belief in this nation but then collectively as a people and as a nation we disrespect the symbol of our nationhood.

Many years ago, …in the United States, Congressman Mark Foley was forced to resign over sexually suggestive emails he sent to young interns on his staff, when announcing his resignation, he apologized, through his lawyer he equally said he was receiving treatment for alcoholism. Away from all other factors of the entire episode, I bring out the following questions, would any Nigerian Senator resign...? Would anyone of them in the National Assembly accept that he had a problem that required treatment? Are we ready to accept that we need to take a break and reflect, reappraise and address issues that are mundane like the National Anthem yet unavoidably the instrument of nationhood?

How many of our leaders require treatment, do they know they are sick, and then, ready to seek treatment? How about the sick populace of followers?

Is it not a fact that between our leaders and the led, there is an abnormal level of greed, vengeance and unattainable ambition, and a psycho quest for power that requires medical attention? The problems of this nation are not because citizenry has refused to rise to obey the Nigeria call, we have allowed politicians to obey their insatiable lust for money and power, greed and gluttonous living?

Question is, are we really out to serve Nigeria, let’s ask, in the last one week, what one thing have we done for the benefit of Nigeria, despite the fact that the nation has not done much for us? In our experimental democracy, is it not true that leadership has only served themselves? It is safe to conclude from the actions of our leaders and we that are led that the driving force is hate for ourselves, weakness at taking the right decision, weakness at moving towards the opposite direction and it cannot be really argued that we have either lost faith or losing it at break speed.

Our heroes past, yes, our heroes, is it not true that we today have very few if any heroes to look up to, let me continue...Politically the present breed of politicians are no better described as jobmen than heroes. The labours of our heroes are already in vain now as every young and even old Nigerians are leaving (japa-ing) in search of new heroes.

Nigeria today is one which no one serves with his/her heart for fear that when you need her most she would let you down, are we not bothered with the increasing number of Nigerian Ibo-Americans, Yoruba-British, Ijaw/Urohbo-Italians and Germans...Arabian-Nigerians, do we really care about Nigerians that today serve Argentina, Brazil, Portugal, Japan, Gabon, Ethiopia and Ghana with their heart.

I shake my head sadly and hold my cheeks reflectively because our nation is not bound by freedom, hardly any state in the federation that has not witnessed an attack or two of some sort, all manner of freedom is alien, we fight for freedom of movement, freedom to know how we are led, freedom to life is deprived us, as freedom to eat is daily becoming unattainable; everything happens like magic, peace has eluded us.

Unity is a far cry, so the nation is certainly not one, we have many nations, which by my own reckoning is not bad at all if they were bound together by the common values of freedom, peace and unity, rather our diversity is destroying us, we fill forms, rather than our capability and merit, it is our local government, our state of origin that counts most, so the partition is one aided and abetted consciously or otherwise by us and no one else.

The National Anthem that some of us recite, was written by five persons, I mean the words were a collation from the first five in a national competition, and those five persons then were picked as the best on merit, the National item is not a Muslim or Christian song, neither is an ethnic group chant of Egbe Omo Oduduwa or Igbo Kwenu, it was written as a bond of unity. 

The second stanza is of importance because of the mention of our youths, sadly we see what has become of our youths, the often touted leaders of tomorrow. They suffer unemployment, they see as the government renders their parents redundant, the government and leadership treats them badly, the only driving force for them is poverty and this is either positive or negative, in many cases negative. They grow up and are living witness that truth is bad investment, and negative capital in their nation.

They grow up in hate, lies and see injustice as a norm of their society, lofty heights can only be attained by theft, corruption, and so they scheme their way to that top by all and any means necessary, a really sad future because leadership under the guise of elders and politics use them in destroying peace, and creating injustice blindly.

I leave us with the predecessor of the National Anthem written by a British expatriate, "Nigeria We Hail Thee". It is rich and often one has wondered why it was thrown away.

Nigeria, we hail thee,

Our own dear native land,

Though tribe and tongue may differ,

In brotherhood we stand,

Nigerians all, and proud to serve

our sovereign motherland.

Our flag shall be a symbol,

That truth and justice reign,

In peace or battle honoured,

And this we count as gain

To hand on to our children

A banner without stain

 O Lord of all creation,

Grant this our one request

Help us to build a nation

Where no man is oppressed

And so, with peace and plenty,

Nigeria may be blessed—May Nigeria Win!

Nigeria gained independence from British colonial rule in 1960, marking the beginning of a complex journey towards establishing a stable and effective system of governance. Over the decades, the country has experienced various political systems, transitions, and challenges that have shaped its political landscape. In light of the country’s over six decades of independence, it is important to explore the evolution of political systems in Nigeria since independence, highlighting key developments, transitions, and their impact on governance and the people of Nigeria.

As the country has for sometime been increasingly facing severe economic challenges, it is necessary to discuss a comprehensive overview of Nigeria's political development since achieving independence in 1960, which may or may not be the raison d’être of our economic quagmire. By tracing the evolution of political systems, including the transition from colonial rule to independence, the emergence of democratic governance, military interventions, and the adoption of different systems of government, a nuanced understanding of Nigeria's political history will be crucial in determining how we arrived at this sorry economic state. My brief analysis will delve into the challenges, achievements, and implications of these political transitions for governance and socio-economic development in the country.

Evolution of Political Systems in Nigeria Since Independence, can be categorized into the interphases between civilian republics and military interventions.

The years between the attainment of Independence in 1960, and Republic in 1963-1960, is known as the First Republic; and the Parliamentary System (1960-1966):
- Nigeria adopted a parliamentary system of government at independence, with a ceremonial president, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and a prime minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, as the head of government.
- The First Republic (1963-1966), saw the emergence of regionalism, ethno-political tensions, and inter-party struggles that culminated in the military coup of 1966.

Secondly, the first military incursion into political leadership and Authoritarianism, commenced with General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi, with four regional Military governors and ended with General Olusegun Obasanjo (1966-1979):
- Following a series of coups and counter-coups, Nigeria experienced a period of military rule characterized by authoritarianism, centralization of power, and suppression of dissent.
- The civil war (1967-1970) further exacerbated ethnic divisions and economic challenges, shaping the trajectory of governance in the country.

Thirdly, after the Murtala Mohammed/ Olusegun Obasanjo transition programme, Nigeria returned to Civilian Rule and the birth of the Second Republic (1979-1983): upon the election of President Shehu Shagari
- Nigeria transitioned back to civilian rule in 1979, adopting a presidential system of government under the Second Republic.
- However, political instability, corruption, and economic crises marred the Second Republic, leading to another military intervention in 1983, masterminded by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari and other coupists.

Fourthly, military dictatorship and transition to democracy(1983-1999):
- The period of military dictatorship under leaders such as General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha was marked by human rights abuses, political repression, and economic mismanagement.
- The death of Abacha in 1998 paved the way, for a brief government under General Abdulsalam Abubakar, who conducted and election for a return to civilian rule. This threw up the now retired army General, Olusegun Obasanjo, culminating in the Fourth Republic and the adoption of the current presidential system of government in 1999 to date.

The history of Nigeria's political development since independence reflects a complex interplay of democratic aspirations, military interventions, socio-economic challenges, and ethno-political dynamics. The evolution of political systems in Nigeria has been shaped by a legacy of colonialism, regionalism, corruption, and power struggles that have influenced governance and nation-building efforts. As Nigeria continues its journey towards democratic consolidation and sustainable development, it is essential to learn from past experiences, address historical injustices, promote inclusivity, diversity and strengthen democratic institutions to build a more resilient and prosperous future for all Nigerians.

Since historically the political landscape of Nigeria has been characterized by a tumultuous history of governance, with both the presidential and parliamentary systems being implemented at various points in time. There have been calls from a number of statesmen, academics and commentators who advocate a return to the Parliamentary system of government; while some others call for a return to true federalism, reminiscing the 1960 federal structure of the country. As a concerned citizen, I have personally advocated a return to the Parliamentary system, strictly from the point of view of cost of governance.

In the face of these advocacies for any of these systems of government, let me briefly compare and contrast the two systems of government in the context of Nigeria, examining their strengths, weaknesses, and suitability for the country's unique socio-political environment. As a concerned citizen, I have advocated a return to the Parliamentary system, strictly from the point of view of cost of governance.

Let me make it clear, that there isn’t any political system of government that is either infallible, imperfect or perfect. It all depends on the political actors, leadership and citizens advocacy. The presidential or parliamentary systems have their peculiar pros and cons and the different characteristics. And have worked in those climes, where democracy has matured. What really makes any of these systems work, depends largely on the voter’s education of the governed and the attitude of the political class about power grab, corruption, manipulation of the system and a total disregard for the rule of law. Like Paul the Apostle says: ‘The letter without the spirit kills’. The spirit of our political leaders, must be bigger than the letter.
It is not the system that is responsible for the sorry state of our country, and many African countries today. But our problem as a country hinges solely on the failure of leadership, corruption and total lack of accountability to the people of Nigeria, who in stricto sensus, ought to be at the heart of governance and leadership.

Comparing the Presidential and Parliamentary Systems in Nigeria:
* Structure and Separation of Powers:
- The presidential system in Nigeria features a clear separation of powers between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, with the president serving as the head of state and government.
- In contrast, the parliamentary system integrates the executive and legislative branches, with the prime minister being drawn from the parliament and accountable to its members.

* Accountability and Oversight:
- In the presidential system, the president is directly elected by the people and holds significant executive powers, which could lead to a concentration of authority and limited accountability.
- The parliamentary system emphasizes collective responsibility, with the prime minister and cabinet being subject to regular questioning and oversight by the parliament, enhancing accountability to elected representatives.

* Decision-Making Process:
- The presidential system allows for a more centralized decision-making process, as the president has the authority to make key policy decisions without direct parliamentary approval.
- In the parliamentary system, decisions are made through consensus-building and coalition politics, requiring cooperation among multiple parties to pass legislation and implement policies.

* Stability and Governance Efficiency:
- The presidential system can provide stability through fixed terms for the president and clear lines of authority, but it may also lead to gridlock between the executive and legislative branches.
- The parliamentary system offers flexibility in forming governments and passing legislation, but it can be prone to frequent changes in leadership and coalition instability.

In conclusion, both the presidential and parliamentary systems of government have their merits and drawbacks when applied to the Nigerian context. While the presidential system may offer stability and clear lines of authority, the parliamentary system emphasizes accountability, consensus-building, and closer representation of the people through elected representatives. Ultimately, the success of either system in Nigeria, or in any other country, depends on the commitment of leaders to uphold democratic principles, foster good governance, and address the challenges facing the country.

In light of the current political climate in Nigeria, a careful consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of both systems is essential to determine the most suitable framework for effective governance and sustainable development in the country. Only through informed debate and critical analysis can Nigeria progress towards a system of government that truly serves the interests of its people and upholds the principles of democracy.

Estate developers are increasingly facing challenges in meeting their project delivery timelines due to surging exchange rates.

This situation is exacerbated for those who had previously entered contracts with variation clauses, as they now confront significant losses owing to rising cost in building materials, cements etc.   

The ripple effect of this economic strain is felt across the nation’s real estate development sector, where the cost of building materials has seen an unprecedented surge. For instance, the price of cement has soared to over N9,000 per bag in the past few months.  

In a conversation with Nairametrics, under the condition of anonymity, one developer shared the dire impact of the rising cost of building materials on their project.  

• “I’ve had no choice but to abandon the project because the costs are just too high to bear. Although my contract includes variation clauses, the financial strain on buyers is so severe that many are unable to meet the increased prices. As a result, I’ve had to halt the project indefinitely,” the developer lamented. 

Homeowners Facing Challenges Completing Their Properties 

The fallout from these economic conditions is not limited to unfinished projects. In estates where construction has been completed, new homeowners are struggling with the additional costs of finishing and furnishing their properties.  

One homeowner, Mr. Wale, expressed his distress to Nairametrics, revealing that he has decided to sell his newly acquired property.  

• “The cost to furnish the house is nearly half of what I paid to acquire it. Selling seems like a more viable option at this point, especially when renting is comparatively more affordable,” he explained. 

Property sellers are also adapting to the changing economic landscape by dollarizing their assets, essentially pegging their property values to the fluctuating price of the dollar. However, this strategy has not necessarily facilitated sales, as potential buyers are scarce.  

• “With no other viable options, I’m forced to wait patiently and not sell at a loss. My strategy has been to adjust my prices in accordance with the dollar rate and sell whenever a willing buyer comes along. But for the time being, price adjustments are a constant,” a property developer, who wished to remain unnamed, stated. 

FX Crisis pushes Nigerians Abroad to Seek Real Estate Investments Elsewhere 

The exchange rate crisis has significantly dampened the enthusiasm of Nigerians living abroad for investing in their homeland. Traditionally seen as a lucrative opportunity for capital growth, the current economic climate has shifted perceptions, making such investments less appealing.  

For many diaspora Nigerians, the depreciating exchange rate has rendered the prospect of investing in anything other than passion projects, where financial returns are not the primary objective, unattractive. 

Mike Uzoma, a Nigerian residing abroad, shared his disillusionment with the diminishing returns on his investment.  

• “Last year, converting $50,000 gave me about N42 million, which I invested in a short-let apartment, generating roughly N3 million monthly. However, today, that same investment yields only $2,000, a stark decline from the $3,500 I initially projected. Given the worsening situation, I’ve decided to sell the asset,” he explained to Nairametrics. 

The allure of more stable economies with predictable investment returns, such as Dubai, is attracting another segment of diaspora Nigerians. The stability and predictability of the Dubai market stand in contrast to the volatility and uncertainty currently characterizing the Nigerian investment landscape.

Prolonged power outage leaves residents in total darkness  

The challenges extend beyond investment returns to affect the quality of life within estate developments, particularly those offering serviced arrangements.

For instance, MIGB Gardens, an estate in Lekki, has encountered difficulties in maintaining a steady power supply due to the surging prices of diesel.

The estate’s WhatsApp forum was abuzz with complaints from residents, who had not anticipated such a predicament and, consequently, did not possess personal generators, leaving many to endure prolonged power outages. 

Moreover, the situation has exacerbated security concerns across many estates. The correlation between rising poverty and hunger with increased insecurity is well-documented, and as these socio-economic conditions worsen, so does the safety of residents.  

This has led to a rise in estate dues and service charges, creating tension between residents and service providers. Some estate residents have met resistance to a raise in estate dues citing economic hardships.  

The situation is likely to continue to be challenging for most Nigerians if the rising cost of goods and services persists in the coming weeks and months. There is also a potential threat to the quality and standards of building materials sold as more developers look for options to deliver their projects on time and at cost.  

[Nairametrics]

Tiger Woods has broken his silence on his exit from the Genesis Invitational golf tournament and shared more about his health.

The golf champion’s withdrawal from the tournament was announced on Friday, after he was carted off the course during the competition that afternoon after suffering flu-like symptoms.

On Saturday, Woods, 48, addressed his exit and confirmed the details of his health condition in a statement posted on X (formerly Twitter). “I would like to confirm that I had to withdraw from @thegenesisinv due to illness, which we now know is influenza,” he said. “I am resting and feeling better.” 

“Good luck to the players this weekend. I’m disappointed to not be there and want to thank @GenesisUSA and all the fans for the support,” Woods concluded. 

Woods bowed out of the tournament when he was 1-over through six holes Friday after having back spasms along with flu symptoms. He was subsequently driven off the golf course by a rules official at 1:35 p.m. local time, according to an article posted on the PGA Tour website.

The hall of fame golfer was then treated for “potential dehydration and dizziness related to his illness” by emergency personnel at the Riviera Country Club course, per PGA Tour.

Woods had been suffering flu-like symptoms the previous night that worsened by Friday, Rob McNamara, EVP of TGR Ventures shared in a statement.

“He had a little bit of a fever and was better during the warm-up,” read McNamara’s Friday statement, per PGA Tour. “But then when he got out there and was walking and playing, he started feeling dizzy. Ultimately, the doctors are saying he’s got some — potentially some type of flu and that he was dehydrated.” 

“He’s being treated with an IV bag and he’s doing much much better and he'll be released on his own here soon,” concluded McNamara.

On Thursday, Woods discussed having back spasms after attempting to hit an 8-iron from the right side of the 18th fairway. 

"Well, my back was spasming the last couple [of] holes and it was locking up," he said, according to ESPN. "I came down and it didn't move, and I presented [the] hosel first and shanked it."

In April 2023, Woods had fusion surgery on his right ankle to manage post-traumatic arthritis he suffered in a car accident in February 2021. He then took a break from competing for nearly eight months, during which time he suffered from back spasms. 

After competing on Thursday, per ESPN, Woods said of his right ankle, "Things are a little bit sore, but that's to be expected.”

Through his physical strain, he managed to end the day tied for 49th  landing eight shots behind first-round leader Patrick Cantlay.

"I'm going to be rusty, and I have to do a better job at home prepping," Woods said, according to the outlet. "We need to do a better job with lifting and treating and continuation of rehab protocols, all those things. I just haven't done it in a while."

[People.com]