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American entrepreneur and crypto king, Sam Bankman-Fried was sentenced Thursday to 25 years in prison for his role in defrauding users of the collapsed cryptocurrency exchange FTX.

In a federal courtroom in lower Manhattan, United States District Judge Lewis Kaplan called the defense argument misleading, logically flawed, and speculative.

 

Kaplan said Bankman-Fried had obstructed justice and tampered with witnesses in mounting his defense — something Kaplan said he weighed in his sentencing decision.

 

After a two-hour hearing the judge, Lewis Kaplan, said Bankman-Fried knew what he was doing was criminal and regretted making a bad bet about the likelihood of being caught.

Bankman-Fried, wearing a beige jailhouse jumpsuit, struck an apologetic tone, saying he had made a series of “selfish” decisions while leading FTX and “threw it all away.”

“It haunts me every day,” he said in a statement. “There are a lot of mistakes that I made.” 

Bankman-Fried, however, told the court that FTX had the ability to repay customers when it collapsed.

Meanwhile, the prosecutors said Bankman-Fried took more than $10bn (£7.9bn) from unsuspecting customers in “one of the biggest financial frauds” in US history.

FTX was valued at $32bn before it went bankrupt in 2022 and SBF crafted a public image that drew in celebrities, politicians and business titans.

Prosecutors had sought as much as 50 years, while Bankman-Fried’s legal team argued for no more than six and half years. 

 

He was convicted on seven criminal counts in November and has been held at the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn since.

[Vanguard]

South Africa’s electoral commission said on Thursday it had excluded former president Jacob Zuma from standing in the May 29 general election.

“In the case of former president Zuma, yes, we did receive an objection, which has been upheld,” commission president Mosotho Moepya told reporters, without giving details.

 

“The party that has nominated him has been informed” as have those objecting to the move, he added. 

Yaba Tech security guard completes OND, says he was inspired by senior staff members....
 
The decision can be appealed if lodged before April 2.

Zuma, 81, was forced out of office in 2018 under a cloud of corruption allegations.

He is campaigning for the opposition uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party in an attempt to relaunch his career and weaken his former party, the ruling African National Congress (ANC).

The general election, after which the victor will appoint a president, is set to be tense.

The ANC is on the brink of dropping below 50 percent of the vote for the first time since it came to power at the end of apartheid.

That would force the party once led by Nelson Mandela to form a coalition to stay in office.

The ANC is bleeding support amid a weak economy and allegations of corruption and mismanagement.

 

The electoral commission said in a statement that under the constitution “any person who was convicted of an offence and sentenced to more than 12 months imprisonment without the option of a fine” cannot stand in an election.

Zuma was sentenced to 15 months in jail in June 2021 after refusing to testify to a panel probing financial corruption and cronyism under his presidency.

Besides his 2021 contempt conviction, he is facing separate charges of corruption in an arms procurement scandal in the 1990s, when he was vice president.

AFP

 

The Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) says it has shut down Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), an international fast food restaurant chain, at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, over discrimination against a passenger.

On March 27, Debola Daniel, son of Gbenga Daniel, former governor of Ogun state, had posted on his official X page about his experience at KFC, MMIA branch.

 

According to Daniel, the restaurant had stopped him and his family from entering, stating that “no wheelchairs were allowed”.

 

“Just as we were about to sit, the lady at the till – who was apparently the manager – called out loudly, ‘No Wheelchairs Allowed’,” he posted.

 

“She refused to listen to reason and stood her ground that at kfcnigeria Murtala Muhammed branch, wheelchairs and wheelchair users of all shapes and sizes were not permitted in the premises and we should leave immediately.

“I have never been the type of person to make a fuss or complain about my disability.”

Reacting to the development in a statement on Thursday, Obiageli Orah, director, public affairs and consumer protection at FAAN, said the authority had investigated the matter and made their decision.

 

Orah added that the shutdown will take effect from today, March 28.

“In line with Lagos State law on people with special needs, Part C, section 55 of General Provisions n Discrimination which states that, ‘A person shall not deprive another person of access to any place, vehicle or facility that members of the public are entitled to enter or use on the basis of the disability of that person’,” FAAN said.

 

“The management of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) has closed the KFC facility at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport in Lagos with effect from March 28, 2024.

“This is as a result of a social media report by a Passenger with Reduced Mobility (PRM), alleging discriminatory treatment he received at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos.

 

“The MD/CE of FAAN, Mrs Olubunmi, Kuku intervened swiftly by deploying a management team comprising the Director, Public Affairs and Consumer Protection,  Mrs Obiageli Orah, the Regional  Manager  South West, Mr Sunday Ayodele, Ag. General Manager Public Affairs, Mrs Ijeoma Nwosu-Igbo and the International Terminal Manager, Mr Kerri, to investigate the allegation. 

“It is based on the findings of the team that FAAN  has shut down the KFC facility at the MMA, where the incident occurred.”

 

Orah said the authority has instructed KFC management to tender an unreserved apology, in writing, to the affected PRM and a policy statement of non-discrimination be written and pasted conspicuously at the door post of their facility at MMIA before it resumes operation.

The authority also apologised to Daniel and assured all airport users that they will continue to work tirelessly to ensure that the rights of every passenger are not infringed upon.

[TheCable]

When Lt. Colonel Abdullahi Hassan Ali, 49, assumed duties as Commanding Officer of the 181 Amphibious Battalion of the Nigerian Army, all his mother, Hassana, could do was pray.

Three years ago, Ali’s younger brother, Jamilu, a captain, had been killed in action by bandits in Katsina State. As an officer in the North-east, Ali himself had escaped death a number of times in battles against Boko Haram insurgents.

His father had died after retirement from the Army. After his death, Ali’s ageing mother has been nursing her loss, in addition to coping with the death of her son in Katsina, and later, the deaths of her daughter and son-in-law in a road accident.

But Ali, a soldier’s soldier promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in November 2020, knew better than to demur when he was moved from commander of the 63 Brigade Garrison in Asaba to head the amphibious battalion. The battalion was part of efforts by the military to restructure the Joint Task Force (JTF) in 2016, following widespread oil theft in the region which, according to the Financial Times, had reached $1billion monthly.

Task force dilemma             

In a statement at the time, the military said the restructuring of the JTF was to “tackle the emerging security challenges in the Niger Delta region such as piracy, bunkering, vandalism and other criminal activities prevalent in the area.”

The task force comprising other services, but led by the military, as expedient as it was, was also an official admission that the Police could no longer cope with the situation. Oil money, mixed with militancy and violent local politics in the area, has created and nurtured private armies with money, weapons and political clout comparable to rogue states.

The relationship between the state and some of these private armies is complicated, even incestuous. With revenues in billions of naira monthly, for example, a few are better equipped than the military.

But politicians don’t mind. In their desperate search for solutions to the problem of oil theft and also to consolidate their political hold, they have indulged the private armies. Officers deployed in the area are left to invent their own ways of serving two masters – the state and the communities on the one hand, and the powerful private armies on the other.

With a population of about 31 million and over 40 ethnic groups, the Niger Delta is a cauldron, radicalised by decades of poverty, agitation, militancy and violent politics. A quarrel between a husband and wife could spill into an intra-communal dispute; an intra-communal dispute could engulf the community.

On March 14, a lingering spark of dispute between Okuama and Okoloba (one Urhobo and the other Ijaw, two of the largest ethnic groups in Delta State) over a fish farm, erupted in violence.

More questions…

How did the officer from the amphibious battalion who led a team to Okuama on March 14 on what was supposed to be a peace mission understand and define his mandate? Was the mission to Okuama over the alleged kidnap of one Anthony Aboh from neighbouring Okoloba (in retaliation for an Okuama youth allegedly killed by persons suspected to be from Okoloba), his job as a soldier or that of a first responder, say, the police? Was the officer like many others, too embedded in the local politics to draw the line? Or did he anticipate that after the failure of the peace accord facilitated by the Delta State government, military mediation was necessary to quench the fire?

Media reports suggested that leaders in Okuama broke kola nuts with the officer (some accounts say he was a major) and his team when they arrived. At what point did murderous violence erupt? If people in the community were opposed to the officer taking their leader away for statements at the army base in Bomadi, as was reported, was murdering him and his team and seizing their weapons the answer? 

Meanwhile, back at the base on the same day, Lt. Col. Ali did not know what was happening in Okuama. He was in Kano only two weeks earlier to visit his ailing mother, his wife, Hauwa, and six children, and may have visited again at Sallah, if he got a pass. Okuama was the last thing on his mind.

And then, it happened. Soldiers who had been waiting in a boat at the Okuama creek escaped after the peace team was attacked and reported to Ali what had befallen the major and the three other soldiers believed to have followed him into the town.

Hindsight

Hindsight is 20/20. There has been no shortage of opinions about what might have been. Given the enormity of what happened to the major and his men, couldn’t Ali have done a recce, and possibly mobilised other services before going in? Did the alleged use by the military of boats belonging to a private security company perceived to have a vested interest in the conflict further endanger this mission?

In a conflict zone where the private armies have gunboats, specially fitted crafts, and relatively modern arms, while the military depends largely on improvisations, how is a commanding officer supposed to respond to an emergency like the one in Okuama, where his men had been murdered and their weapons seized?

Perhaps, out of a sense of holy rage, Ali took the plunge. He gathered his men and went to Okuama. Sadly, that was his last journey. He and his men were ambushed and brutally killed by people they had sworn to protect.

The savagery has called to question the humanity of the perpetrators. Okuama has been compared with Odi in Bayelsa State in 1999, and Zaki Biam in Benue State, two years later where military operations killed hundreds of people extrajudicially.

“Those who make such comparisons are mistaken,” a retired top military officer told me over the weekend. “In Odi and Zaki-Biam the communities were harbouring persons believed to have committed crimes against the state. Okuama was savage militancy.”

Perhaps one thing common to the three, however, is the increasing mismanagement, if not weaponisation of conflicts by politicians, a posture that has further damaged and compromised an undertrained, undermanned, underfunded and under-equipped military. Command and control is fuzzy.

In a crime scene like Okuama, for example, a commanding officer has to worry about what his chief would say and where Abuja stands with the private armies and local strongmen. Being in good standing with the host states, and of course, the morale of his troops, are also not far from his mind. The art of serving many masters, itself an enemy of a single-minded mission, complicates the terrain.

Tail wags dog

It’s hard to say at what point the tail of a savage few started wagging the dog of what by several accounts had been a largely peaceful community. It’s improbable that the major and his men who went first would have done so if the community had a reputation for collective savagery. Now, the entire community has a bad name and a difficult future.

The memory of the dead deserves justice and it’s just as well that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made this clear. Perhaps, also, it is time to review the role of the military in domestic conflicts.

Sadly, the harvest of heart-wrenching violence in many parts of the country today, and in this instance, the Niger Delta, was largely seeded during Nigeria’s civil war. During the war, swathes of the region were ruined and radicalised by the extrajudicial killings of thousands of innocent civilians. We can’t afford to let the mission to Okuama haunt us 57 years from now.

If two wrongs don’t make a right, we’ll do well to avoid a third, not just for the sake of the dead and their grieving families, but also to break this cycle of violence and grief.

 

 

My Muslim friends know how much I enjoy Ramadan Iftar—the sumptuous meal with which they break their fast in the evening. I am therefore regularly invited to their homes to feast. There are even places where I have a ‘permanent seat’ at the table. Over the years, Hajiya Kulu Abba Kyari, Princess Hassana Onoyiveta and Hajiya Zulahatu Adamu Waziri have also made it part of their annual Ramadan agenda to send Kunu, Kose (Akara) and other delicacies to my family. But I had an Iftar with a difference on Tuesday atthe Al-Habibiyyah Mosque in Guzape, Abuja where I joined in serving packs of jollof rice and eggs to more than 2,000 underprivileged young men. It was done in a seamless manner that did not take away their dignity, thanks to the visionary leadership of Imam Fuad Adeyemi. But I don’t want to get ahead of myself.

In 2024, according to a 29 January publication of the World Bank, “food security is likely to remain one of the critical challenges for the world to face.” Anticipating this problem, putting in place the necessary structures and identifying sufficient resources, the World Bank added, are “essential for effective policymaking and developing responsive plans.” Unfortunately, there are no indications that Nigerian policymakers anticipated the current challenge of hunger, which has been worsened by government’s reforms on foreign exchange rates and petrol subsidy removal. Even if we assume the government anticipated the dire situation, it is doubtful that it has put in place serious measures to tackle the challenge. Today, we live in a country where desperate citizens are now needlessly dying in the process of trying to find something to eat. 

Last Sunday in the Bauchi State capital, no fewer than four people, including women, lost their lives along with scores of others who were injured in a stampede during food distribution at Shafa Holdings Company Plc. Ahmed Wakil, the Bauchi State Police Command spokesperson, who explained that the tragedy occurred when hundreds of young men and women scampered for the food being distributed, also confirmed that of the five people rushed to the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa Teaching Hospital Bauchi following the stampede, “four were confirmed dead by medical doctors.”

Less than 48 hours before the Bauchi tragedy, two female students at the Nasarawa State University in Keffi also died while 17 other students were injured following a stampede inside a hall on the campus where bags of rice were kept. At the instance of Governor Abdullahi Sule, students of tertiary institutions in the state were to receive two 7.5kg bags of rice and NGN5,000 each as ‘palliatives’ to cushion the effect of the difficult times in the country. The explanation provided by the National President of the Nasarawa State Students Association, Yunusa Yusuf Baduku, on last Friday’s stampede, depicts a high level of desperation. “After our arrangement for the distribution of palliatives to the students that was to be held at the university’s convocation square, they (students) suddenly arrived at the venue in their numbers and overpowered security,” Baduku told reporters. “They (the students) broke through the gate into the hall where the bags of rice were to be shared. Unfortunately, most of our female students sustained injuries. We rushed several students to the school clinic and Federal Medical Centre Keffi. I learned that two female students died from suffocation.”

This same desperation accounted for the death of seven people in Lagos State on 23 February during the distribution of 25kg bags of rice at a discounted price of N10,000 by the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS). Three days earlier, the NCS had announced that it would facilitate the direct disposal of food items forfeited to the federal government at NCS’s zonal headquarters in Yaba. That was what attracted the crowd. “Unforeseen challenges arose when we ran out of stock and announced the continuation of the exercise the following day, leading to a regrettable outcome,” spokesperson for the service, Abdullahi Maiwada, explained. “The crowd became desperate and charged through our barricades in search of rice bags inside emptied containers. In the stampede that ensued, some fatalities and injuries were regrettably recorded.”

Before I continue, it is important to stress that food insecurity is a global challenge. For instance, statistics from the 2022 Household Food Security in the United States released by the Department of Agriculture reveals that 44 million American people are food insecure while 49 million turned to food programmes in 2022. But we must accept the reality of our dire situation as a nation. In part because of recent economic reform policies, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) , which measures the rate of change in prices of goods and commodities, increased to 31.70 per cent in February compared to 29.90 per cent in the preceding month. Perhaps more troubling, going by the figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), is that food inflation rose to 37.92 per cent in February 2024 up from 35.41 per cent in the preceding month and from 24.35 per cent in February last year. In a country where citizens, on the average, spend about 60 per cent of their incomes on food and where more than 40 per cent live below the income poverty line, the continuous spike in food inflation should be concerning to policy makers and the rest of us.  

Ordinarily, one would expect a sense of urgency, especially from the federal government, but nothing seems to have changed in Abuja. According to a report by The Cable, an online newspaper, as many as 40 of the 63 government-owned enterprises have allocations for ‘welfare packages’ in their 2024 budgets. The sums so allocated by ten of these agencies collectively amount to N83,495,293,002. Here is the breakdown according to the newspaper: Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), N50,426,691,710.60; Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), N13,617,615,408; National Agency For Food And Drugs Administration Control (NAFDAC), N6,673,059,750; Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), N5,319,679,087.60; Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON), N2,512,603,454; Nigeria Export Processing Zones Authority (NEPZA), N1,224,697,757; Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), N953,729,000; Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), N950,000,000; Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NIMET), N925,976,298; Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS), N891,240,537. These welfare packages are mostly to augment the already hefty remunerations of just a few thousand staff members of these agencies and should not be confused with their salaries, allowances, pension and health insurance benefits. What this shows is that government can find the money within its present budget to provide succour to the increasing number of our citizens reeling under the pangs of hunger. If properly structured, the N83 billion welfare packages for a few staff of the ten agencies can make a world of difference to millions of people who would otherwise go to bed hungry. That much I learnt from the Al-Habibiyyah Mosque in Abuja on Tuesday. 

Based on the reports I had read about the ‘Al-Habibiyyah Society Food Programme’ and how organised they are, I decided to visit last Tuesday without notice. I arrived at exactly 6.15PM and mingled with the crowd within the mosque’s premises. Shortly before 7PM, I sought to see the Imam, Fuad Adeyemi, who I was meeting for the first time. He was most gracious to me. I was surprised to learn that the money with which they feed thousands of people daily for 30 days come from donations by individuals, including in some instances non-Muslims. But there are now three challenges. One, due to the economic situation in the country, the number of their donors (as well as quantum of donations) has reduced. Two, the number of people who come for the free meals (and since nobody is asked any question it stands to reason that beneficiaries cannot all be Muslims) has increased. Three, according to the Imam, the prices of foodstuffs have also dramatically increased. That was how they moved from chicken and beef to egg as the protein component for the jollof rice.

With the Maghrib prayer (to mark the end of the day’s fasting) concluded Tuesday evening, one of the volunteers (a prominent man who had identified me), asked whether I would like to join in serving the food. I didn’t hesitate. The mosque has seven doors. Six were used as serving points. I led the group that served in one. All the people to be served sat in rows and filed in a single line when it was their turn. Distributing the food packs was seamless and efficient. It took just 18 minutes from the beginning to the end to serve about 2,200 people. At the end, there were two other lines by the mosque’s main entrance door. That was for the ‘Oliver Twists’ who desired a second ration from whatever remained after everybody had been served.

Although the food bank has been on for the past 20 years, it wasn’t part of Adeyemi’s original plan. He had set out to teach mostly well-heeled Muslims and others how to read the Quran in Arabic within four months. The informal academy later expanded into regular Friday prayers, then reflections and teachings during Ramadan. The idea of the food bank started marinating in 2003 after a group of women said they needed food to feed their families. Members of the society taxed themselves to support the women. The Imam then set up a committee on how to formalise providing food for the needy during Ramadan, headed by Kunmi Olayiwola, (a former senior colleague at Concord newspaper now an insurance broker.) In 2005, the Imam (who graduated with a master’s degree from the Nigerian Defence Academy) was able to clarify the plan while participating in the American State Department International Visitors’ Leadership Program in Washington DC. After he encountered a Santiago-based Catholic Reverend Father offering a food bank to the needy. Back home, during the Ramadan of that year, the Al-Habibiyyah Food Bank became formalised. From a few hundreds, the beneficiaries have expanded to thousands who are served hot meals daily for the 29 or 30 days of Ramadan.

I commend Imam Adeyemi for what he is doing and call on public-spirited individuals and corporate organisations to support his efforts so he can expand their food programme beyond the Ramadan period. More importantly, relevant authorities should learn a lesson in food distribution logistics at the Mosque. You don’t have to dehumanise people or put their lives at risk just because you want to give them food – whether raw or already cooked.

I hope the authorities in Abuja and the 36 states are paying attention to developments around us. The United Nations World Food Programme has projected that no fewer than 26.5 million Nigerians will “face acute hunger in the June-August 2024 lean season.” It is described as “a staggering increase from the 18.6 million people food insecure at the end of 2023” even as “rising inflation, high food prices and food shortages across the country have left millions of people in Nigeria struggling to feed themselves.”

Enough said! 

Senegal, Faye and Destiny

Bassirou Diomaye Faye will on Tuesday be sworn in as the 5th President of Senegal. But it was the structure of his mentor, Ousmane Sonko, that has catapulted him to power. Sonko, a popular opposition figure and leader of Patriots of Senegal (PASTEF), had been disqualified from contesting on account of a contrived defamation conviction. He was subsequently detained with his 44-year-old protégé and tax inspector, Faye for leading the street protest that upended President Macky Sall’s attempt to self-perpetuate in office. With both ‘dissidents’ released a few days to the election and PASTEF banned, Faye contested as an independent with the endorsement of Sonko. The rest is now history.

It is remarkable that twice, the people of Senegal have thwarted attempts by an incumbent president to elongate his tenure. In 2012, President Abdoulaye Wade, then 85 (will be 97 in July) was defeated by Sall, after the former had tampered with the two-term limit, using the constitutional court. This time, the same court upended President Macky Sall’s move to postpone the election. Samson Itodo, Executive Director YIAGA Africa, a civil society group, has summarised the three significant lessons from the election in a brilliant manner. The first one is the strength of critical institutions in Senegal, a country that has never witnessed a military coup since independence. “Despite Macky Sall’s insistence on extending his tenure and changing the date of elections, the constitutional council stood up against the president and said, ‘no we must respect the constitution and the constitution provided that by April you ought to leave office’”, Itodo said.

The second lesson identified by Itodo is that of leadership anchored on public trust. “Leaders need to learn that when your time has come to an end, please leave because you are not the only one who can solve the problems.” I want to put the third lesson more graphically: A people united can never be defeated. “One of the things we celebrate about Senegal is the resilience of the people,” Itodo said. “The people of Senegal have taught us as people that we have power in a democracy, we just need to use that power and use it consistently.”

I congratulate the people of Senegal, but Faye must also understand that as the youngest elected president in Africa, he carries not only the hope of his people but that of a generation in a continent where there has long been an assumption that the wisdom of Solomon had something to do with the age of Methuselah!

The Message of Easter

Like it happened two years ago, Christians will mark Easter at a period Muslims are observing the Ramadan fast and I want to repeat a story that best exemplifies the message of Easter. It was reportedly told by the late Charles Wendell Colson, a former special counsel to President Richard Nixon, who resigned from office in the wake of the Watergate scandal in 1974. Colson was also jailed for his role in that scandal but following that experience, he became an Evangelical Christian leader who founded Prison Fellowship International. 

According to Colson’s story, during the Second World War, a group of American prisoners of war (POWs) were made to work in a prison camp. One evening, 20 POWs were lined up after the day’s work and when the shovels handed them were counted by the prison guard, only 19 were found. In rage, the prison guard demanded to know which of the prisoners did not bring his shovel back. When no one responded, the guard drew his gun and said he would shoot five men if the guilty prisoner did not step forward. After a moment of tense silence, a young soldier, aged 19, stepped forward with his head bowed down. The guard grabbed him and shot him in the head. He then turned to warn the others that they would suffer a similar fate if they exhibited the same carelessness. When the prison guard left, the 19 remaining POWs gathered the shovels only to discover there were 20. The guard had miscounted. 

In his commentary on the story, Pastor John Piper wrote: “Can you imagine the emotions that must have filled their (the remaining 19 POWs) hearts as they knelt over his (their slain colleague) body? In the five or ten seconds of silence, the boy had weighed his whole future in the balance—a future wife, an education, a new truck, children, a career, fishing with his dad—and he chose death so that others might live…” 

As I wish my Christian brethren Happy Easter, may the resurrection power of our Lord Jesus Christ avail for us all. 

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

 

The CEO of X (formerly known as Twitter), Elon Musk, has announced that all accounts with 2500 verified subscriber followers will get Premium features for free.

Musk, a billionaire who purchased X in October 2022, also said that accounts with over 5000 will get Premium+ for free.

He made this known in a post on his X handle on Thursday.

 

“Going forward, all X accounts with over 2500 verified subscriber followers will get Premium features for free and accounts with over 5000 will get Premium+ for free,” Musk said.

DAILY POST reports that the X Premium subscription gives account owners access to a number of features such as reduced ads, access to apply for revenue sharing and more.

While the X Premium+ subscription comes with some additional benefits such as no ads and reply prioritisation.

Musk had confirmed on Wednesday amid the growing rivalry with OpenAI that the Grok AI chatbot which was only accessible for X Premium+ users before now will now be accessible to all Premium users soon.

The billionaire has focused his efforts on getting users to pay a nominal subscription amount in order to bolster the social media giant’s revenue.

[DailyPost]

Google has said that it has blocked over 5.5 billion adverts and suspended 12.7 million others for violating its policies.

The search engine giant also said in a statement on Wednesday that it had removed adverts from over 2.1 billion pages.

“Billions of people around the world rely on Google products to provide relevant and trustworthy information, including ads. That’s why we have thousands of people working around the clock to safeguard the digital advertising ecosystem. Today, we are releasing our annual Ads Safety Report to share the progress we’ve made in enforcing our advertiser and publisher policies and to hold ourselves accountable in our work of maintaining a healthy ad-supported internet,” it said.

In 2023, it said scams and fraud across all online platforms were on the rise.

 

It added: “Bad actors are constantly evolving their tactics to manipulate digital advertising in order to scam people and legitimate businesses alike. To counter these ever-shifting threats, we quickly updated policies, deployed rapid-response enforcement teams and sharpened our detection techniques.”

[DailyTrust]

Fortuitously, we now have some discordant voices coming from northern political elite, once united only by their opposition to our independence article of faith – “that each federating unit develops at its own pace without interference from others”. This is however coming after over 50 years of our nation’s nightmare, 15 years of Boko Haram’s mindless killings and devastation, nine years of terrorism by immigrant herdsmen and 10 years of banditry by subsistence farmers and cattle herders. 

For other federating nationalities held down by the conspiracy of the dominant, this was nothing but a betrayal of the ideals of visionary Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the first Premier of Northern Nigeria who was assassinated in 1966 by misguided young soldiers.

First was the hypocrisy of Ango Abdulahi’s Northern Elders Forum who, after serially betraying the aspirations of the northern masses that look up to them for direction, like the proverbial Ostrich that hides its head in the sand, now turns around to find whipping dog in President Tinubu and his less than one year old administration. Speaking on the abduction and release of the Kuriga school children, it declared: “The Northern Elders Forum firmly declares that enough is enough… Unfortunately, just months into the Tinubu administration, there have already been clear signs of failure in providing the vital aspects of security of life and property to citizens.”

 

Of course no one should hold brief for President Tinubu. The buck stops at his table. But it is sad that the northern leaders continue to live in denial. Except northern leaders, every discerning person cannot but see the linkage between the self-inflicted crisis in the north and their feudal system which is ideologically opposed to any form of egalitarianism including sending children of the poor that are today on rampage to school.

 

 But it was just as well that there was the dissenting voice of Dr Shehu Mahdi, President Buhari’s former controversial executive Secretary of NHIS, who chose not to be economical with the truth. For him, northern leaders are the scourge of the north and they alone can find peace for their people. For him, “With northern vice president, northern Speaker, northern head of the military, northern NSC, Northern Secretary etc, it is time for northern leaders to lock themselves up in a room, look at themselves in the mirror and admit they have failed their people and resolve on how to bring peace to our lives”.

 

But sadly, it has not always been like this. Ahmadu Bello, the great grandson of Sultan Muhammad Bello, the second Sultan of Sokoto after Usmanu Dan Fodio, was proud of his ancestry. Some even described him as arrogant for referring to the Bantus of Benue trough as his great grandfather’s slaves. But he was a decent and selfless leader. His controversial northernisation policy was designed to protect his people. And it “reflects the cotemporary desires for modernization, struggle over who would direct and benefit from such changes and concern over the cultural and moral scaffolding of independence Nigeria”. (Douglas Anthony, Decolonization, Race and Region in Nigeria, Northernisation revisited (International Journal of African historical studies Vop.51, No.1 (2018)

Ahmadu Bello’s policies were never designed to impede the development of Nigeria but to make the north more competitive in an emerging Nigerian state where most of the ethnic nationalities wanted their own nation within the greater Nigerian nation state. If Ahmadu Bello and his northern pathfinders had insisted on 50% of membership of the national assembly in 1950, it was a survival strategy in an emerging Nigeria where the less educated north unlike other nationalities did not have their first doctors and lawyers until mid-fifties. 

 

He and his group copied what was good from other regions and strived to build a formidable northern bureaucracy and academic institution. We have no evidence that ABU that produced a world-acclaimed intellectual such as the late Professor Ayodele Awojobi, alias ‘the Akoka Giant’, whose PhD thesis from UK University was said to be responsible for off-shore oil mining on the high seas, and the famous architect, Fola Alade, the designer of abandoned Federal Secretariat, Ikoyi could not be said to be inferior to the nation’s other institutions.

 Ahmadu Bello, a man of great vision,  will today be probably troubled in his grave  to discover that beneficiaries of his visionary leadership have become ethnic irredentists collaborating with less endowed military soldiers of fortune who joined the military in order to climb the social ladder (many initial recruits were picked from motor parks in Kaduna while Buhari attested to the magnanimity of Ahmadu Bello who picked him up from his Daura village saving him from remaining a herdsman) to foist disruptive and self-serving policies such as quota system that kills meritocracy and creation of  more LGAs for the north without objective criteria beyond cornering resources of more productive members of the union.

 That the north at the beginning was not as economically endowed as the south, the major incentive for the 1914 British amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates was a settled issue. But there is no evidence that Ahmadu Bello and his northern political elite opposed revenue allocation based on derivation all through the constitutional debate leading to independence. Instead, he went on to supervise the groundnut pyramids, the sources of revenue for building the biggest business conglomerate in Africa as well as other infrastructures including roads, Ahmadu Bello Stadium and Ahmadu Bello University and was still able to provide security for the whole of the north.

The rain started to beat us after the civil war with the emergence of northern soldiers of fortune and self-serving northern politicians who found Bello’s shoe too big. Murtala Muhammed destroyed the academia and bureaucracy without which a nation decays; Shehu Shagari smoked while his NPN wrecked the economic ship of state despite Awo’s warning it was heading for the rocks. Babangida destroyed our budding industries by opening our nation to importation of goods from Europe and its satellite nations. He manipulated the religion sensibilities of the north by illegally taking the country into OIC. Abacha who according to Alli Mazrui was too unintelligent to know fears, stole the country blind while he waged a five-year war against Nigeria’s pro-democracy groups. Abdulsalami Abubakar authored the 1999 constitution derisively referred re to as ‘Decree 24’ by Nigerians. Finally, Buhari, caged by Fulani ethnic irredentists left the country more divided than he met it.

But it is not getting better with only 33% of Boko Haram infested Bornu in school, 70% of Nigerian out-of-school children from the north and with a large expanse of ungoverned territories spanning over 200 kilometres from Kaduna to Zamfara.

The question those who care about our country are asking is whether the northern leaders including NEF, Gowon, Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar, herders’ patron such as Lamido Sanusi Lamido, are aware of these ungoverned territories. And if they are, why did they not rein in Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders’ Association before they carried out their threat to make Nigeria ungovernable unless they were given license for open grazing in places like Rivers, Ekiti, Ondo and Oyo?

Why would they not persuade those who killed and confiscated their victims’ land to relocate to Kano following ex-governor, Abdullahi Ganduje’s undertaking to rehabilitate all herdsmen in Kano?  There was similarly not a whimper from northern elders as the battle line over attempt to export armed killer herdsmen from north’s ungoverned territories to Ondo’s reserved forest over which daggers were drawn between President Buhari’s ‘loyal gate keepers’ and the late Governor Akeredolu of Ondo.

Northern leaders not only betrayed Ahmadu Bello, their illustrious forbearer, they remain the nation’s cancer.

The measures introduced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to rescue the naira have triggered volatility among currency dealers.

A survey yesterday by The Nation showed that inconsistent pricing and cautious optimism characterised the parallel market in Lagos and Abuja where traders grappled with the implications of the apex bank policies.

The triggers are the reduction of dollar sales to Bureau De Change operators from $20,000 by half and the hike in interest rate by the apex bank to 24.75 per cent from 22.75 per cent at the 294th Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting on Tuesday.

 

According to a CBN circular released on Monday, BDC operators will as from today, be able to buy $10,000 worth of forex at N1, 251 per dollar as against the $20,000 allocation and N1, 301 per dollar rate offered last month.

It was confusion for potential forex buyers yesterday at Wuse Zone 4, a major foreign exchange hub in Abuja, as currency traders offered the dollar at varying rates. Some quoted N1, 250 per dollar and others offered to sell as high as N1, 330 per dollar. The inconsistency created uncertainty for those seeking to exchange the naira for the dollar.

 

But despite the price disparity, there was a general consensus among traders that holders of foreign currencies were cautiously selling their holdings.

The measured approach suggests a wait-and-see attitude, where market participants gauge the long-term impact of the CBN’s actions.

 

Traders at the parallel market remain unconvinced that the dollar price will experience a significant drop in the days ahead.

The Nation learnt that the apex bank’s decision to sell $10,000 to BDC operators at N1, 251 per dollar with a 1.5 per cent spread is viewed with skepticism.

Many believe that the price point may not be enough to entice a substantial downward movement in the parallel market.

 

The MPC decision to raise the interest rate benchmark has instilled a sense of panic in the parallel market with traders anticipating an influx of portfolio investors seeking to capitalize on the higher interest rates offered on naira-denominated assets.

The potential inflow of foreign exchange could theoretically lead to a decrease in the dollar price.

 

Many forex dealers in Lagos turned down requests by ambitious sellers – mainly speculators – insisting on old dollar rates despite appreciation of the naira against dollar.

 

At the Central Business District (CBD), in Marina, Lagos, the naira exchanged at N1, 300 per dollar (a N34 appreciation from N1, 334 it exchanged on Tuesday).

Many speculators, who had recorded heavy losses, were forced to sell at the new rate after initial hesitation.

Hassan Abdul, a BDC trader in Central Lagos, said the naira was trading at N1,300 per dollar around 12 noon, and sustained the rally till the close of business yesterday.

 

He said: “Many currency dealers, who bought on Monday when the rate was higher, were initially not ready to absorb high level of losses based on today’s rates. But they sensed that delay meant more losses, and decided to offload at the new rate.  The improved liquidity in the market makes it even more risky for those holding back dollars,” he said.

Another forex dealer, Abiodun Mohammed, blamed the losses at the parallel market on the CBN policies.

He He said: “The new policies, especially the discounts given to bureau de change operators drastically reduced the rates of the dollar against naira. Many of us that bought when the dollar was high are recording major losses. But, we understand the risks involved in the business”.

 

Mohammed said he will slow down new purchases to avoid further losses.

“The risk in this business is too high at the moment. I have to slow down until the rates settle at a more market-friendly rate,” he said.

Naira will continue to stabilize, says Shettima

Vice President Kashim Shettima has assured that the naira will continue to stabilise in the coming weeks and months.

Shettima gave the assurance at the inauguration of the National Design and Innovation Competition organised by the Interior Designers Association of Nigeria (IDAN) at the Presidential Villa in Abuja yesterday.

[TheNation]

From the description of the VIP treatment given the two Binance executives abducted by the Nigerian government in a Mohammed bin Salman’s Ritz-Carlton style, one gets the impression that they did not think their tactic through. They detained the men (Nadeem Anjarwalla and Tigran Gambaryan) deemed economic sabotages, still allowed them several privileges, somehow forgot to put them on a watch list, and one of them managed to escape. Nigeria’s handling of the Binance affair suggests that their detention and proposed trial were half-hearted. So desperate was the government to find a scapegoat that they invited Binance officials, detained them, and demanded $10bn from their employers.

The government alleges that some unscrupulous elements use Binance for money laundering, terrorist financing, currency speculation and market manipulation, thus distorting the Nigerian economy and weakening the Naira against other currencies. Nigeria also accused them of offering taxable services without remitting taxes to the country. The government said over $21.6bn was traded by Nigerians whose identities were concealed by Binance. These accusations are grievous, and I agree that they should be addressed. However, it was foolish to arrest, detain the Binance officials, and demand money. Even the bandits that abduct schoolchildren for a living are far more tactical. By doing that, Nigeria overplayed its hand.

People like to come up with how the United States similarly extracted $4.3bn from Binance to justify the detention of Anjarwalla and Gambaryan, but seem to forget that the US—despite the leverage it has over Binance since the country is their major market— did not resort to abducting company officials and demanding payment. They spent years piling up evidence and going to court. Their prosecutors demonstrated that Binance violated federal anti-money laundering and sanctions laws through lapses in its internal controls. They failed to report more than 100,000 suspicious transactions involving designated terrorist groups including Hamas, al Qaeda, and ISIS. Prosecutors also alleged that Binance’s platform supported the sale of child sexual abuse materials and was among the largest recipients of ransomware proceeds.

Nigeria has relatively little leverage over transnational corporations like the US does, and we would have done far better by addressing the situation through the instrument of the law, diplomacy, policies, technical expertise, and moral suasions. If Binance has not been remitting taxes to Nigeria, we should create a policy framework and technical structure that facilitates it. The fact that they sent two of their workers to Nigeria suggests good faith on their part. We should have worked hand in hand with the company to resolve the issues raised.

 

But trust Nigerian officials. They like gragra. Thinking through situations can be too tasking for them, so they quickly resort to the sole weapon of their warfare: force. Everything must be remedied through a blatant show of force. What exactly did they think they would achieve by abducting two Binance officials and demanding $10bn?

Think about it: if you were the CEO of Binance and asked to give up information regarding transactions worth $21.6bn in exchange for two company officials, would you? You would consider that paying the ransom might not secure your company officials. Besides, if you allowed yourself to be blackmailed, what would stop other broke countries and individuals from seizing your officials and demanding payment you respond? So, how should you respond?

Well, you will first disconnect the men’s access to any of the company’s operating systems so that they will have no means of giving up valuable information, even under duress. You will make the necessary diplomatic and legal moves to get your officials released, but you will also steady yourself to wait out Nigeria. What you will not do is hand over money or information to the abductor.  Even if those men die in Nigerian custody, it would still be far cheaper to pay their families some compensation than to yield grounds. Even if you pay their families N100m each, it is still not up to one per cent of the sum at stake.

I listened to a television interview where a talking head said Nigeria should extradite Anjarwalla. Why keep escalating errors? It was bad enough that Nigeria started what it had no idea how to finish, it is imprudent to keep expending resources over inanity. Did anyone study the company organogram to determine that these “executives” are central to decision-making in Binance to the point that taking them hostage ever made sense? Even now, it is more than likely that their job with Binance has been terminated. If an abducted employee manages to return in a dramatic escape, you would rightly wonder if it were not a ploy by the abductors to get access to the company by other means. In case the abducted had been brainwashed, you would either place him on an administrative leave or pay him a severance pay. Of what use would further pursuing Anjarwalla be to Nigeria?

The trouble with the Binance affair is the Nigerian tendency to blame spurious factors for its economic woes. Nigeria vs. Binance is a recrudescence of that time when CBN governor Godwin Emefiele blamed abokifx—a website that reports exchange rate figures—for tanking the national currency. I thought that had to be one of the most thoughtless moves ever in the history of national banking until the present administration repeated it with Binance. At some point, they started arresting BDC owners for driving up forex through their speculative activities. There was also a time when the Emefiele clown also blamed the Nigerians who collected Business Travel Allowance and ended up not travelling abroad for driving up the exchange rate. Everything, except the real issues of our mono-economy as administered by our perennially visionless leaders, is to be blamed.

It does not seem these people think through the implication of blaming national woes on singular entities. Not only do you display imprudence by thusly broadcasting your vulnerability, but you also give yourself away as inept and lacking the capability to think through situations other countries face but choose to approach with reasonable solutions.

The Binance charade is another misstep by Nigerian leaders dealing with transnational corporations in the age of the internet. We are so wired into demonstrating forcefulness on issues that require rational judgment that we seem to forget that our local gragra ways go nowhere on the international market. Unlike our local cases where a tomato review gets a poor woman arrested, global capitalism is complex and cannot brook the puerility of the Nigerian extrajudicial methods. We did the same unsophisticated thing with the then Twitter (now X). We even inaugurated a committee of old men to go to Silicon Valley to negotiate with Twitter, but what came out of it? Twitter comfortably neglected Nigeria and their share price did not even drop. They proved that the Nigerian market is negligible in the global scheme of things. Binance too had no problem barring Nigerians from its app and that in itself is quite telling. If we were a profitable market, they would not have walked away from us so easily.

I hope the incident teaches our aged leaders who like to make a show of how much they support youths, digital economy, and global technology that the world is no longer what they know it to be. The internet has changed the world in such drastic ways that countries like Nigeria where lawmakers debate social media regulations waste their time. To succeed in the new world being unfolded, you must drop gragra tactics and commit to learning so you can propose reasonable solutions.

As for Gambaryan, they should let him go his way. That these men were labelled “executives” and sent to Africa does not mean they have any real power in the corporation. Even if you abduct their CEO for $10bn, you will be surprised how the company board of shareholders will rather give him up than give up money. Binance trades capital, not sentiments.