Former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, has sent his well wishes to Nigerian Chess Master, Tunde Onakoya, as he attempts to break the 58-hour chess marathon record.

The event is scheduled to take place from 10 am on April 17 to 8 pm on April 19, in Times Square, New York City.

Osinbajo wrote on his official X page: “Dear Tunde, Best of luck in Times Square as you attempt to set the Guinness World Record for the Longest Chess Marathon! Your resilience and spirit inspire us all. Remember your own powerful words: “It is possible to do great things from a small place.”

“Let the dynamic energy of Times Square amplify the greatness that you, a proud Nigerian, bring to the chessboard. We’re all behind you—show the world the strength and determination you are made of! God Bless You @Tunde_OD”

The Nation reported that Onakoya announced his attempt to break the record on his social media handle on Friday, April 12.

[TheNation]

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission have stormed the Abuja home of a former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, located in Wuse Zone 4, Federal Capital Territory.

Photographs seen by our correspondent on Wednesday show some armed EFCC personnel laying siege to the ex-governor’s home on Benghazi Street, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja.

As of press time, our correspondent could not independently confirm the reason behind the siege on Bello’s home as the spokesperson for the EFCC, Dele Oyewale, did not respond to inquiries concerning the development.

However, the EFCC had earlier dragged Yahaya Bello, his nephew Ali, one Dauda Sulaiman, and Abdulsalam Hudu before Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, in an amended charge in March 2024 over an alleged N84bn money laundering. 

According to the statement, the presence of the operatives in Bello’s residence negated the order of injunction granted on February 9, 2024, by the High Court of Justice, Lokoja Division, in Suit No. HCL/68M/2024 between Yahaya Bello v. EFCC, restraining the commission either by itself or its agents from harassing, arresting, detaining, or prosecuting him, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive fundamental rights enforcement action.

The statement read, “The EFCC was duly served with that order on February 12, 2024, and on February 26, 2024, the EFCC filed an appeal (Appeal No.: CA/ABJ/CV/175/2024: Economic and Financial Crimes Commission v. Alhaji Yahaya Bello) against the said order to the Court of Appeal Abuja Division. The appeal was accompanied by a Motion for a Stay of Execution of the order of the High Court, which the Court of Appeal adjourned for hearing till April 22, 2024.

“Furthermore, judgment in the substantive case between Alhaji Yahaya Bello and the EFCC will be delivered at 12 noon today in Lokoja.

“Contrary to all of the above, the EFCC has now laid siege to the home of H.E Yahaya Bello, seeking to arrest him in contravention of the extant orders!

“It is a surprise that an agency led by a lawyer could flagrantly disobey a subsisting court order by taking actions contrary to the reliefs granted.

“We are aware of the total commitment of President Bola Tinubu’s current administration to the rule of law and can say categorically that the EFCC leadership might have offered the agency on a platter of gold to desperate politicians to convert it to their score-settling tool without minding the effect on its integrity and the image of Nigeria as regards the rule of law.”

The ex-governor’s media office further alleged that the anti-graft agency was plotting to embarrass and harass him through spurious allegations, especially the latest one dating back to September 2015, long before he assumed office.

The anti-graft agency, in the 17-count amended charge, accused Yahaya Bello of money laundering, breach of trust, and misappropriation of funds to the tune of N84,062,406,089.88.

The EFCC had claimed in the amended charge that the former governor was at large.

Prior to the charge, the EFCC had arraigned Bello’s nephew, Ali Bello, before the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja for alleged money laundering involving N10bnn belonging to the Kogi State Government.

However, the state government faulted the charge, describing it as “ridiculous” and “laughable,” adding that it was impossible, as the former governor was not yet able to access or misappropriate state funds at the said time.

The state government, in a statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Fanwo, had on February 7, 2024, accused the EFCC of being “infested with persons whose intents disagree with the noble intention of ‘Mr. President’ to defeat corruption in Nigeria.”

Count one of the charges reads: “That you, Ali Bello, Dauda Suleiman, Yahaya Adoza Bello (still at large) and Abdulsalam Hudu (still at large), sometime in September, 2015 in Abuja, within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, conspired amongst yourselves to convert the total sum of N80,246,470,089.88 which sum you reasonably ought to have known forms part of the proceeds of your unlawful activity to wit: criminal breach of trust and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(b) and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended,” the EFCC said in a release sent to SaharaReporters.

“While ex-Governor Yahaya Bello and Hudu are still at large, Ali Bello and Suleiman, first and second defendants respectively, who were present in court “pleaded not guilty” to all the charges when they were read to them.

[Punch]

Bernardo Silva says an unprecedented double treble is an “inspiration and motivation” as Man City prepare to host Real Madrid on Wednesday with a place in the Champions League semi-finals at stake.

Last season, Pep Guardiola’s men became just the second club in English history to win the treble of Champions League, Premier League and FA Cup — 24 years after neighbours Manchester United achieved the feat.

Man City drew the first leg of their Champions League quarter-final with 14-time European champions Real Madrid 3-3 at the Bernabeu last week.

As the finishing line of the 2023/24 season approaches, they are two points clear at the top of the Premier League with six games to go and face Chelsea in the FA Cup semi-finals this weekend.

Silva told reporters on Tuesday he was not surprised by City’s relentless success but said there was still a long way to go.

“Obviously it is an inspiration and motivation because we know how well this team has done since I’ve been here — this is my seventh season,” he said. “We want to create that legacy.”

The Portugal attacking midfielder added: “We want to win another Premier League to do six in seven years and to do four Premier Leagues in a row.

“We want the Champions League twice in a row… and if we can do that and two trebles in a row that no one did, that would be a legacy so that’s definitely motivation, knowing that it’s very, very difficult.

“Because in one week we could be out of all the competitions but we’re fighting for it and we’re going to do everything to be a step closer to that goal.”

Man City are playing Real Madrid in the knockout stages of the Champions League for the third successive season.

After defeat in 2021/22, Guardiola’s side demolished Real Madrid last season with a stunning 4-0 second-leg victory at the Etihad Stadium.

Guardiola cautioned Man City were “far away from hypothetical dreams” as he prepared to face Carlo Ancelotti’s team.

“There are six games (in the league),” he said. “We have a lot of difficult games home and away with opponents, we have, they have.

“It’s just one game at a time. That means Real Madrid tomorrow, what you have to do to beat them, and step by step,” explained the Man City manager, who made his name as a player and coach with Real’s arch Spanish rivals Barcelona.

“I started to think of the treble when we beat Manchester United in the FA Cup final last season… but the success for me this season is that we are still there.

“So after winning the treble, still being in that position with four, five, six weeks (to go) is hats off, incredible.”

Vanguard News

Nigeria’s foreign reserves fell to $32.29 billion on April 15 — the lowest level in over six years. 

According to the latest data from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), TheCable Index observed that on March 18, the reserves moved from $34.44 billion — the highest level in 2024 — to $32.2 billion on April 15.

The foreign reserves dropped by $2,15 billion or 6.26 percent.

This brings to an end, a period of steady increase between February 5 and March 18, when the FX reserves rose by $1.28 billion.

CBN had attributed the growth to increased remittance payments from Nigerians abroad and heightened interest from foreign investors in local assets, including government debt securities. 

The last time the foreign reserves stood at this level ($32.29 billion) was on September 9, 2017, when the CBN reported N32.28 billion.

The decline in foreign reserves comes amid CBN intervention in the parallel market in a bid to crash the FX rate.

On February 27, the apex bank allocated $20,000 to each bureau de change (BDC) operator at the rate of N1,301/$, while the second tranche of $10,000 was sold to the BDCs at the rate of N1,251/$.

On April 8, the apex bank began the third tranche of sales to BDCs at N1,101/$.

Amid this intervention, the naira appreciated against the dollar in the parallel market, moving from N1,900 per dollar on February 21, to N1,100/$ on April 13.

During the same period, the local currency, at the official window, recovered to N1,136.04/$ per dollar, from N1,551.24/$.

[TheCable]

One question which has always agitated my mind was answered last Monday, 15th April, 2024 by retired Justice Andrew Alaba Omolaye-Ajileye in a keynote address he delivered at the 2024 Law Week of the Nigerian Bar Association, Warri Branch, whose theme was “Emerging trends in legal practice and administration of justice: Challenges and prospects''. Justice Omolaye-Ajileye’s paper was titled “Tomorrow’s legal profession today: Today’s legal profession tomorrow”

I have always wondered if two sets of referees pursuing the same goal(s) can act in the same manner and still achieve the same result. The first is an official refereeing a football match and the second is a judge adjudicating in a matter between litigants. What is expected of both is impartiality, fairness, thoroughness, and even-handedness so that one side is not given undue advantage and unmerited edge over the other. So that, in the course of maintaining an even keel, the cause of justice can be served.

Now, a football referee that (repeatedly or in strategic moments) makes decisions that favour one team against another is said to have stepped into the field or ring. He is deemed to be biased and the cause of justice cannot in that way be served. But can a judge afford to maintain similar aloofness and neutrality in all instances and still serve the cause of justice?

In my 39 years in the journalism profession, I have seen cases lost not because the litigant did not have a good case but because of poor handling by counsel; sometimes deliberately so contrived for varying reasons. Uncountable number of cases get dismissed or get lost (and won) for lack of diligent prosecution; again, sometimes deliberately and in some others because of incompetence or carelessness of the prosecution or counsel.

In that instance, the innocent may suffer and the cause of justice may not have been served. Should a judge step into the ring in certain situations to avert the miscarriage of justice? Oftentimes, we hear judges lambast counsel and bemoan the miscarriage of justice for lack of brilliance or diligent prosecution of cases. In that situation, can a judge step into the ring?

There was a time in this country when some of its brightest judges like Kayode Esho, Akinola Aguda, and Chukwudifu Oputa were not only described as philosopher-judges but also were well respected for what some have called their judicial activism. Yes, judges interpret the law but in interpreting laws, cerebral and conscious judges also make laws! Some even make statements.

Judges, when they are in their court, especially when reading their judgments, enjoy immunity, like the members of the Legislature when those ones, too, are in their hallowed chamber. Judges and the lawyers appearing before them are referred to as officers in the temple of justice, meaning that their primary obligation, even when lawyers represent opposing sides or views, is that justice is served, and not miscarried.

As such, even counsel not directly involved in a matter can chip in something as “amicus curiae”, that is, an impartial adviser to a court of law in a particular case or matter. This being so, are there instances that allow or, better still, is it incumbent on the judicial umpire to step into the ring to ensure that justice is not miscarried? Or should he or she simply maintain aloofness and rely only on the evidence brought before him or her to make a ruling?

Nowhere does this intrigue me more than in election matters and other cases that are as controversial or that have attracted a lot of public discourse and controversy. Judges, too, are members of the society. They read newspapers. They listen to the radio. They watch television. They may also be active on social media. They may or may not visit pubs and listen to gossip but they have friends and family members. Therefore, they must be aware, if I may so put it, of the merits and demerits of some of the cases coming before them before the arrival of such cases. Should they discountenance such information and only limit themselves to the evidence presented before them?

Omolaye-Ajileye provided what I consider to be an answer when he said: “I want to comment on a change of culture we can bring about in the way justice is administered. Administration of justice must shift from the orthodox adversarial approach to more collaboration between lawyers, parties and the court with the focus being an earnest effort to isolate the real issues in a dispute from a maze of ill-digested causes of action and defences.

"The judge’s role must be transformed from the traditional umpire role to that of active case manager. By this, I mean we must introduce in our Rule of Court situations where judges must take an active part - together with learned counsel - in identifying at an early stage of the proceedings what is the real dispute between the parties and, working together with the parties, charting a course that will result in the adjudication of the dispute as speedily as possible and at minimum costs. That is now the system of judicial case management that is taking hold in many jurisdictions across the world. We must move with the world in this regard.

"The days of over-pleading, raising as many issues that you can muster in the hope that one might just stick, should be something of the past. Courts should decide only the real disputes between the parties. In that way, the court’s time is saved and judges can dispose of more cases. Litigation should be limited to what is truly in dispute between the parties and not to obfuscate and terrorize the other side”

That is the answer I have been searching for! If the main objective is to serve the cause of justice at minimal costs and in record time, this is the way to go. I have watched such a system in operation in other climes and it is fun to watch, is not elaborate, is not long-drawn, adversarial and costly as the system we operate here.

Besides, the new system advocated by Omolaye-Ajileye will remove tension, enmity and bitterness amongst litigants. Our people have a saying, based on the adversarial system of administration of justice that we operate at the moment, that people who drag each other to court do not return from there to still be friends. We must change that narrative because it poisons the good health of our society.

Justice Omolaye-Ajileye may not have known or meant it; but he, like the Kayode Eshos, Akinola Agudas and Chukwudifu Oputas before him, is also seen by many as a fearless but even-handed judicial activist and icon. The judgments he delivered while on the Bench of the Kogi State judiciary testify to that. When he was retiring on 15 February, 2023, the outcry was much, as leading members of the Bar and others made a case that he be promoted to the higher Bench, which he eminently deserved, so that the Judiciary might still retain his services for an additional five years at the least. His pioneering work on the emerging field of electronic evidence stands him out as a leading authority in that field.

In the paper he delivered at Warri, the retired judge advocated what he described as “paradigm shift” in the practice of law and the administration of justice in the country “in order to secure tomorrow’s legal profession today". He said: "The advocacy here is that our conservatism should not make us resist change. We live in a changing world. It is a great momentous and exciting time. Change is happening around us in ways that we had not imagined just a few years ago. All aspects of human endeavour are changing. The legal sector - to be precise, the practice of law and the administration of justice - is not spared. We must be amenable to change. As lawyers and judges, we must constantly adapt and innovate or be prepared to be pushed aside and become irrelevant”

He advocated that lawyers and judges must imbibe technology because “we are in the middle of a technological revolution of a great magnitude, scale, scope, and complexity…To maintain relevance and remain competitive in any industry, profession or endeavour, one needs to understand the impact of emerging technologies on the future. Indeed, we need to go beyond the acquisition of knowledge. We must be prepared to integrate modern innovations strategically in our work to increase efficiency and productivity and improve our paradigms”

Chief Consultant, Forensic Electronic and Digital Law Consultancy, Omolaye-Ajileye is also a visiting professor at the National Open University of Nigeria. To corroborate what he said, I recall here a personal experience of how technology can make hitherto indispensable hands redundant and surplus to requirement: When I was editor of PUNCH newspapers, the advent of computers displaced compugraphic machines and cut-and-paste artists had to be sent for training to plan pages on computer. Ironically, one of our best cut-and-past artists, much sought-after by everyone, could not cope with the new technology and had to be sent away!

Those who have ears, let them hear what Omolaye-Ajileye is saying to the Bar and Bench!

President Bola Tinubu commends the enterprising feat of Dangote Oil and Gas Limited in reducing the gantry price of Automotive Gas Oil (AGO), also known as diesel.

The Group recently reviewed downwards the gantry price of AGO from N1,650 to N1,000 per litre for a minimum of one million litres of the product, as well as providing a discount of N30 per litre for an offtake of five million litres and above.

The price review represents a 60 percent drop, which will, in no small measure, impact the prices of sundry goods and services.

The President affirms that Nigerians and domestic businesses are the nation's surest transport and security to that glorious destiny of economic prosperity, noting the federal government's 20 percent stake in Dangote Refinery and why such partnerships between public and private entities are essential to advancing the overall well-being of the country.

The President calls on Nigerians and businesses to, at this time, put the nation in priority gear while assuring them of a conducive, safe, and secure environment to thrive.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

April is the month dedicated to drawing  societal  attention to the acceptance of autism. In some climes, this is done  in a way that brings the subject of our common humanity into a sharp focus. It is a period to express solidarity with autistic children and their families.  According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), autism  “constitutes a diverse group of conditions related to development of the brain.” 

It is estimated that one in a hundred children is autistic worldwide.

In generic terms, this month could also be regarded as a season to reflect on the struggles of those who are living  with various forms of  disability.

A fellow columnist, Olusegun Adeniyi, made an introductory reference to autism in   his column on this page a fortnight ago. The column was on  the widely reported inhuman treatment of  Debola Daniel   at one eatery located in  the Murtala Mohammed Airport, Ikeja.  Daniel was on a wheelchair. The lady at the till told Daniel, accompanied by four other persons including his wife and brother, that “wheelchairs are not allowed” in that  public place. Expectedly, this act generated outrage from members of the public and the aviation authorities have appropriately sanctioned the offending outfit.

Today’s column is a follow-up of sorts to Adeniyi’s conclusion: “What we must begin to deal with includes the exclusion, discrimination, isolation, lack of empathy and frankly, the absence of thought in all facets of our society for the weak and vulnerable among us.”

The good news is that there is already a trend of advocacy in the positive direction suggested above. It is good not only  for the Persons with Disabilities (PwDs); it is also in the interest of   the society at large.

Beyond  the perennial  lamentation about the  gross erosion of our collective humanity, the forces of hope and improvement on the state of things should be encouraged.  Physical and institutional reforms are necessary to achieve this noble purpose. Doubtless, the government should take  the lead in the conscious inclusion of fellow human beings with disabilities in all areas of life. But as Adeniyi rightly observed, it is not a task  for only the government.  Private individuals and organisations  have a huge role to play to humanise the public space and boost  consciousness sufficiently for the inclusion of the PwDs.

The heroic efforts  of the private individuals and organisations  constitute a magnificent basis for hope for the members of society living with disabilities.

Take a sample.

Jake Epelle is the president of the Albino Foundation of Nigeria.  A distinguished personality in the society, Epelle is an accomplished personality in his private life.  Yet, he has invested  his time, energy and resources in  the daily struggles of those with disability in Nigeria.  The sheer gamut of the  activities of Epelle and the Foundation have gone a long way  to cure not a few members of the society of their ingrained prejudices about albinism.  For instance, while the government of President Goodluck Jonathan was putting together the famous 2014 National Conference, Epelle noticed  the seeming exclusion of albinos. Here is how Epelle  made a case for his group: “We have six million albinos in the country and so we need a voice. We should be heard. This is what we have been saying to the government not only in Nigeria but in Africa and in the world.

“The integration of persons with albinism is very important. We need to mainstream some our issues and challenges into the national policy and discuss. We see this National Conference as a platform to push our cases.

“Many people who go to such forums to discuss issues that affect us don’t know ‘jack’ about albinism. I think this is the right time and platform for us to be heard and we need to be heard.”

That was Epelle’s position 10 years ago. Since then, his voice has become more strident in the advocacy for the inclusion of PwDs.

Epelle is also the convener of another non-governmental organisation, the Disability Inclusion in Nigeria.

While President Bola Tinubu was constituting  his cabinet, Epelle put up  a passionate appeal to the President  for equality, justice and inclusion  for PwDs. On that occasion, he made a case for inclusion  like this: “Appointing PwDs to influential positions in your government would serve as a powerful symbol of inclusivity, sending a clearer message that Nigeria embraces and values the contribution of every citizen, regardless of their abilities

“This act of leadership would inspire other sectors of the society to follow suit and create a ripple effect of positive change that extends far beyond the political realm.

“It will also send a powerful message to the society, dispel misconceptions and prejudices surrounding disability as well as serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration for countless PwDs who often face systemic barriers and limited opportunities due to societal attitudes and biases.” Epelle is certainly on point in this matter.

Of course, you can justifiably  talk of systemic barriers  when  ramps are not made available in public buildings for those on wheelchairs. The unacceptable  experience of Demola Daniel  at the airport  is a typical  case of prejudicial attitude of the society.

The advocacy of the Epelles in our amidst should inspire more persons and organisations to support and encourage those with disability in the struggles for justice and inclusion in the society, polity and economy.

Besides, hope is to be found in the examples of those who have turned disability into ability to make contributions to the society.  This point is amply demonstrated by  an American journalist, Steve Silberman, in his book, “Neurotribes: The Legacy of Autism and How  to Think Smarter About People Who Think Differently.” 

Silberman traced  the history of autism to make the point that autistic people are actually  people who think differently and should be accepted by the society as neurological tribes. The success stories of the autistic persons are told in the book.

The example of the 21-year old Swedish  climate activist, Greta Thunberg, has received global acclaim. Thunberg is autistic. At the age of 15, she was addressing world bodies and national parliaments, stressing the urgency of climate action. In  fact, Thunberg’s influence was such that former American president, Donald Trump,  in one of his ugliest outings, taunted her because  of the condition.  The bluntness of Thunberg, her commitment  to the cause of nature and the disdain for deception are said to be enhanced  by her autistic condition.

All told, those who live  with disabilities have  reasons to be hopeful despite their condition. The society should be structured in a way to make them  enjoy life to the fullest.

Ten years ago today, 276 girls were abducted in the night from their school in Chibok, northeastern Nigeria. The attack by Boko Haram pricked the conscience of the world. From London to Washington, protesters held placards reading #BringBackOurGirls—the hashtag the girls’ families had posted to pressure their idle government into action. It would take almost three weeks for then-Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan even to make a public announcement. Critical time had been lost.

When this March, 137 children were tragically taken from a school in Kaduna, northwestern Nigeria, the shadow of Chibok lay ever present. Why, Nigerians and the world asked, after the passage of a decade was such an atrocity still happening?

This time, unlike Chibok, the girls and boys were brought back a fortnight later, the security and intelligence agencies deployed immediately to rescue them. Nevertheless, legitimate concerns over kidnappings persist in Africa’s most populous country. Success in Kaduna has brought families relief and praise for the military, yet the government bears no illusions: The scourge of kidnappings must be routed once and for all.

It begins with recognizing the changing nature of the threat. Boko Haram translates to “Western Education is Forbidden” and reflects an ideological impetus as jihadi insurgents opposed to the very idea of a Nigerian state. Today, Boko Haram are splintered, and mass abductions are primarily the work of criminal gangs. There is no ideology here: kidnapping has become an illegal industry rewarded with ransoms. Within days of the Kaduna attack, the abductors were demanding 1 billion naira ($600,000).

Nothing was paid. As president, I have been clear that ransoms stop. Resolution through payment only perpetuates the wider problem. This extortion racket must be squeezed out of existence. Meanwhile, the costs for perpetrators must be raised: They will receive not a dime, and instead security services’ counter action.

But compressing the kidnap for ransom market only addresses the pull factors. If we are to avoid funneling the same people into other crimes that cause normal Nigerians to feel insecure, we must address the push factors: poverty, inequality, and a paucity of opportunity. Criminal gangs can find easy recruits among those without either a job, or the prospect of one.

Some 63 percent of Nigerians are multi-dimensionally poor. They are bearing the economic consequences of a failure by successive governments to get to grip with the Nigerian economy. Fiscal and monetary albatrosses have grounded the country’s flight, when surging demographics demand high economic growth to just maintain current standards of living.

A decades-old fuel subsidy was exhausting paltry public finances. By 2022, the cost had ballooned to $10 billion—more than the government’s combined spending on education, health care, and infrastructure in a budget of $40 billion. Currency controls that artificially propped up the naira deterred investment and led to shortages of foreign exchange. For decades we have been financially ransoming ourselves. When my government took office last May, we faced a pile of debt obligations.

Just as with kidnappers, we had to be tough with the economy. Unsustainable market distortions had to be removed. As expected, floating the naira caused it to plunge. Given Nigeria is a net food importer, the average shopping basket has consequently risen in price. The removal of the fuel subsidy, in a country where many businesses and households rely on generators for power, has also had far reaching effects. These reforms have caused pain across Nigeria; they are still painful. Yet there is no better alternative: These and other difficult reforms are necessary to arrest the economic rot that lies at the heart of insecurity.

Green shoots are now visible. In the first quarter of this year, foreign currency inflows have almost matched those for the whole of last year. A multi-billion forex backlog at the central bank has been cleared, giving foreign investors’ confidence to invest in Africa’s largest economy, safe in the knowledge they can repatriate earnings. The naira has begun to stabilize after its initial downward trend and has made huge gains against the dollar.

Talk of macroeconomics might seem remote from the challenge of insecurity. But without the fundamentals in place, it is impossible for an enabling environment where the private sector thrives, jobs are created, and opportunity is spread across the country. It is how we ensure children can go to school without fear.

For any who may have doubted our direction, it should now be clear. There will be no more ransoms paid—not to kidnappers, nor toward those policies which have trapped our people economically. Nigerians, and their economy, will be liberated.

Bola Tinubu is president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

This article was first published  April 15, by Newsweek Magazine

TUESDAY WITH REUBENABATI

The Yoruba Nation ‘Secessionists’ of Ibadan

On Saturday, April 13, a group of 18 masked persons dressed in army camouflage, armed with rifles, charms and Oodua Nation flags attempted to take over the Oyo State House of Assembly and Government Secretariat to proclaim the emergence of a Yoruba Nation. They caused some commotion as they insisted on hoisting a flag, but the rag-tag team of insurrectionists were soon overpowered and arrested by officers of the Nigerian Police Command. Well, not quite. They resisted the police but when soldiers from the 2 Div. of the Nigerian Army arrived on the scene, the Oodua boys took to their heels.  Cowards! They should have waited and argue with the soldiers over the integrity and sovereignty of Nigeria. But the twist in the tale turned out to be the appearance of a woman on several platforms – Modupe Onitiri Abiola, who endorsed the action of the Oodua 18 and proclaimed that a Democratic Republic of Yoruba had emerged with effect from April 13, 2024. The additional twist in the tale is that the woman introduced herself as a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, the undeclared winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, pillar of sports in Africa, entrepreneur, philanthropist and a martyr of democracy. 

Nigerians are probably used to persons, groups – ethnic and socio-cultural – threatening to leave Nigeria and declare their own separate country, to as they argue correct the mistake of 1914, so-called, or to seek meaning in a new association. Afterall, in February 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro, an Ijaw ethnic minority rights activist, formed a group known as the Niger Delta Volunteer Force and declared the formation of a Niger Delta Republic.  He and his group fought the Nigerian Forces for 12 days before they were overwhelmed, arrested, tried for treason and thrown into jail. This was the first major rebellion against the Nigerian state. The same year, following the Unitary Decree No 34 of the Aguiyi Ironsi military government, the people of Northern Nigeria were so dissatisfied with the turn of events in Nigeria, they openly talked about “Araba” – meaning “let us separate.”  In January 1966, there had been a military coup which resulted in the death of Northern leaders and others, notably Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Northern Region Premier, Chief Ladoke Akintola, Premier of the Western Region, and Festus Okotie-Eboh, Minister of Finance.

The coup was led by Kaduna Nzeogwu, an Ibo man, and with that collapse of Nigeria’s First Republic, the new leader was also an Ibo man, General Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, the first military Head of State of Nigeria. The North had wanted to separate but eventually there was a counter coup in July 1966, which ousted the Ironsi regime, which further widened the centrifugal ethnic fissures in Nigeria. In July 1967, the Ibos fought back. Led by Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu, they declared the Republic of Biafra, meaning they were determined to secede from Nigeria. The war that ensued lasted three years – 6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970. That was 54 years ago, but there are signs that the civil war in Nigeria has not really ended.  Nigeria took a turn for the worse. The rain began to beat us.

The separatist spirit would again show up on April 22, 1990 in the coup speech by Major Gideon Orkar whose plan, as announced, included the excision of five Northern states of Bauchi, Borno, Katsina, Kano and Sokoto from Nigeria. The Orkar group was convinced that the people from these five states were the problem with Nigeria and they should just get out and form their own country. Thus, Orkar and 41 of his colleagues wanted to seize government and re-draw the map of Nigeria. They were captured by government troops, charged for treason, convicted and executed by firing squad. However, the fact that treason attracts the punishment of death has not deterred those who think that Nigeria must be dismembered, or that the map must be re-drawn. The year 2012 witnessed the emergence of a separatist, nativist, Igbo nationalism, anti-Fulani, neo-Biafra group called the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) which aims to restore and actualize the dream of Biafra. IPOB is led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who has been facing trial for treasonable felony since 2016. Before IPOB, there was also Radio Biafra established by Mazi Kanu in 2009, there was Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra led by Ralph Uwazurike (1999) and there was the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) led by Benjamin Igwe Onwuka (2012). There have also been talks about the possibility of an Arewa Reepublic.

A common thread in the foregoing is that every attempt at separation in Nigeria has been driven by frustration with the Nigerian arrangement, protests against bad governance, cries of marginalization or victimization, with ethnic identity and questions of federalism, religion and resource control thrown into the mix. For example, in 1993, following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election which denied MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man, victory, the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) was formed to defend Yoruba rights and to remind the Babangida military junta that Yoruba people would not be cheated.  OPC was founded and led by Dr. Frederick Fasheun. It was also known as the Oodua Liberation Movement, or the Revolutionary Council of Nigeria. There would later be a more militant faction of the group, a breakaway faction, led by Gani Adams, who is now the Aaare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, that is the Yoruba Generalissimo, defender of the Yoruba realm. The OPC never really pushed the idea of leaving Nigeria: the group, Fasheun or Gani Adams faction has consistently focused on defending Yorubaland against any form of attack or aggression from other groups and to protect Yorubaland, covering both the South Western states and Itsekiriland in the Delta. The Itsekiri are cousins of the Yoruba. They share cultural, linguistic and political heritage

What we must note is that the Yoruba who had been maintaining a pacifist, federalist position in the matter soon began to talk about secession too, with the emergence under the Buhari administration (2015 – 2023) of the likes of Professor Banji Akintoye, and the militant Sunday Igboho who announced an Oodua Republic with a group known as Ilana Omo Yoruba in response to what they considered the Fulanization of Nigeria by the Buhari government and the assault on Yoruba territories by Hausa-Fulani herders. Ideologically, their objective was to protect Yoruba territory against Fulani invasion, to avoid a repeat of the seizure of Ilorin, a Yoruba town, in the 19th century.  The group petitioned the United Nations.  The mainstream Yoruba position however had always been restructuring and federalism, as canvassed by the Awoist group, the OPC and the Afenifere. The idea of an Oodua Republic looked like a fall-back position.

Sunday Igboho’s activism and militancy telegraphed what happened in Ibadan on Saturday. He is a self-determination activist who went beyond Professor Akintoye’s theoretical disposition to ask for an immediate declaration of an Oodua Republic. Of course, the Nigerian state went after him. He had to spend three years in exile and only recently returned for his mother’s burial. But that is another story.  It would be recalled, however, that in April 2021, more than 100 self-determination groups stormed Ibadan to declare an Oduduwa Republic, and a Yoruba nation. They included the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination (NINAS), the Youth Initiative, Itsekiri National Youth Council, Ilana Omo Oodua and the Homeland Group. They were dispersed by the police. Now in 2024, we have a Mrs Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, leading a relatively unknown Ominira Yoruba group, trying to take over power in Oyo State. Special attention should be paid to the fact that the group has been disowned by both Professor Banji Akintoye and Sunday Igboho whose real name is actually Chief Sunday Adeyemo. Professor Akintoye says the group must be an agent of the Fulanis still desperate to destabilize Yorubaland. Igboho says he does not know the group, and that they are so “low-brained”. Akintoye and Igboho seem convinced that the Ibadan secessionists must be insane. No Yoruba leader has come out to identify with Mrs. Abiola’s group.

My take however is that the Yoruba elite cannot distance themselves from what has happened. Each and every one of them who has been calling for this or that or else, is guilty. I refer them to Ebrahim Hussein’s Kinjekitile, a 1979 play written by the Tanzanian playwright on the Maji Maji war. The lesson of that play is that a word when spoken develops a life of its own, beyond the author of the word. You can break a community, nation and even the world, by the power of words spoken. Those who ask that the mistake of 1914 must be revisited and that Nigeria must be renegotiated have their point, but let them also think about the effect of their pronouncements. MASSOB created IPOB. Nnamdi Kanu gave birth to Simon Ekpa. Self-determination, the right of a people to decide their own destiny is a fundamental right under the UN Charter (Article 1 sub. 2), and we have seen that in the case of Kosovo, and Abhkazia, and the unresolved, ongoing cases of Kurdistan, Northern Cyprus, Quebec, Scotland, Western Sahara, Tibet and Taiwan. Nonetheless, the April secessionists of Ibadan led by Mrs Onitiri -Abiola and others of their ilk must be reminded that whereas Nigeria is a signatory to international laws and conventions, it remains a country governed by specific domestic laws, and this is where I think Mrs. Abiola and her band of 18 soldiers are in troubled waters. Section 2 of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution states clearly that Nigeria is “one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known by the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” Section 37 of the Criminal Code prescribes the death penalty for anyone who tries to tamper with Nigeria’s sovereignty. The offence is defined as treason. In Sections 40 – 43 of the same Code, the law refers to treasonable felony which attracts the punishment of a life imprisonment. Mrs Abiola and her gang have definitely ran foul of the law. They must be arrested, investigated, and prosecuted. Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola is said to be abroad; proceedings should be initiated post-haste for her extradition and interception wherever she may be in the world, and made to answer for her sin.

She reportedly disclosed with her own mouth that she is a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, a man who struggled and died in the process, to rescue this country from sheer hopelessness. In 1993, every section of Nigeria, including the North voted massively for Abiola in what was acknowledged as the freest and fairest election ever conducted in Nigeria. He was both a hero and a martyr of democracy.  And just like that, here comes Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, one of Chief’s many wives, suddenly showing up from Alhaji’s harem, many years after, spitting on his grave and legacy.  Is she truly of the MKO stock? I think the Abiola family owes us a duty of issuing a statement to clarify at least one point: that Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola does not speak for the family. MKO Abiola is one of Yorubaland’s major icons of the 20th and 21st centuries, and a Nigerian hero.  It is sad that anyone at all, would dare associate his name with less noble causes.  

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must feel personally embarrassed. He is President of Nigeria from the Yoruba stock and his own people, whoever they are, are trying to take over government? It is either he is terribly disconnected from his own people or he is not paying enough attention to certain details. The other month, he came to Lagos and on his way to the mosque, his own people trooped out to complain about hunger. When he came back home for the Eid-el-Fitri festival, a week ago, he conveniently restricted himself to Ikoyi and worshipped at a place not farther than the Dolphin Estate. Wait a moment. Are Yorubas in a position to even claim that they are marginalized now that they have their own kinsman and half of the tribe of Lagos in government? President Tinubu must address “the peculiar mess” that occurred in Ibadan on April 13. He should find out if there are certain fifth columnists seeking to embarrass his government, using Yorubaland as their play field. He took an oath to defend the Nigerian Constitution. Every Nigerian leader that I have worked or interacted with insists that they are sworn to an oath to protect the indivisibility of Nigeria under their watch. Tinubu must wake up. He must not allow a situation whereby his own people are the ones calling for the dissolution of Nigeria while he is President, whatever all the textbook arguments may be. Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola must be given the Nnamdi Kanu treatment!

We had Chief Olabode George on The Morning Show (TMS) of Arise News yesterday and he drew attention to the failure of intelligence in the Ibadan matter. The old man was right. I share his view. How on earth did the Yoruba secessionists plan, organize and move to the Oyo State Government Secretariat without anybody catching a whiff of their intentions. Their spokesperson lives abroad. They must have been in touch with her through phone calls, messages and all that. And nobody picked that up? They even bought and wore military camouflage. And all the spokespersons of the Service Chiefs will come and tell us that they are committed to the defence of the sovereignty of Nigeria? Please how do you and your troops defend this country when you sleep on duty? And where was the station manager of the Department of State Security (DSS) in Oyo State and all the other agencies?  They must all be called in for questioning. Sleeping on duty is not allowed. And one more point, where was the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps?  It is the duty of that agency to protect and defend public infrastructure. Section 3 of the Civil Defence Act as amended (2007) gives the agency broad powers “to assist in the maintenance of peace and order and in the protection and rescuing of the civil population during the period of emergency.” The agency also has powers under section 3 (f) “to arrest with or without warrant, detain, investigate and institute legal proceedings by or in the name of the Attorney General of the Federation in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria…” Where was Civil Defence even if the other agencies failed?

The bigger issue that we have to deal with perhaps is the increasing, creeping failure of the Nigerian state. Much fewer people today believe in the idea of Nigeria. This is why we have people challenging the state either through secessionist or separatist moves or complete abandonment of the country, the Japa phenomenon, with many believing or thinking that they would be better off in foreign lands. When Nigeria becomes attractive to its own people, we would have managed to create a nation.

The former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Prince Uche Secondus has sent out an advisory to PDP leaders assembling for the party's 98th NEC meeting tomorrow to do everything humanly possible and within the law to rescue and restore the party’s glory.

Speaking ahead of the party’s long-awaited National Executive Committee, NEC meeting tomorrow, the former National Chairman said the former Governor Neysom Wike’s busybodying gimmick should not distract them as the drowning Minister of FCT, is trying hard to create a non-existent crisis in the party to make himself relevant before his boss President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is already getting fed up with his nuisance of bringing politics into the governance of the FCT.

By deviously trying to create the impression that he is in a tussle of supremacy with the 2023 Presidential Candidate of the party and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Wike who is copiously losing political relevance everywhere from Rivers to Abuja is trying to give the impression that he is a factor in PDP and holding it for his APC interest.

‘The critical structures of this party, NEC, BOT, National Caucus, forum of Governors, Chairmen of states and National Assembly caucus of the party must rise to the challenge and isolate mischief makers and meddlers like Wike and move the party forward.

The former National Chairman then charged the party leaders not to fall into Wike’s trick by giving him undeserved relevance which he no longer possesses. I expect the founding fathers and other dedicated members to rise to the challenge and return this great party to its glory by ensuring as they always do at critical moments that nobody or group is greater or bigger than this party.

Signed

Ike Abonyi
Media Adviser

The Federal Government paid about ₦205bn as electricity subsidy in the third quarter of last year, according to data obtained from the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) latest report.

The commission’s third quarterly market report revealed the government incurred a subsidy obligation of about ₦205bn in 2023/Q3 (average of ₦68bn per month), which is an increase of ₦69bn compared to the ₦135bn (average of ₦45bn per month) incurred in 2023/Q2.

This increase in subsidy payment, according to the report, was largely attributable to the government’s policy to harmonise exchange change rates due to the absence of cost-reflective tariffs across all electricity distribution companies (DisCos).

In the absence of cost-reflective tariffs, the government undertakes to cover the resultant gap (between the cost-reflective and allowed tariff) in the form of tariff shortfall funding.

This funding is applied to the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading (NBET) invoices that are to be paid by DisCos.

The amount to be covered by the DisCo is based on the tariff that they are allowed to charge and set out as their Minimum Remittance Obligation (MRO) in the periodic tariff orders issued by the commission.

The NERC said the rise in the government’s subsidy obligation meant that in Q3/2023, DisCos were only expected to cover 45 per cent of the total invoice received from the commission.

The development comes on the heels of a report by NERC, that DisCos did not remit about ₦50bn to the power sector in the third quarter of last year.

According to NERC, the DisCos failed to remit about ₦50bn to NBET in Q3/2023.
Under the market remittance section of the Q3 2023 Quarterly report, NERC said that the cumulative upstream invoice payable by DisCos was about ₦208bn, consisting of ₦167bn for generation costs from NBET, and ₦41bn for transmission and administrative services by the Market Operator (MO).

Of the amount, NERC said the DisCos collectively remitted the sum of ₦158bn consisting of ₦124bn for NBET, and about ₦34bn for MO), leaving an outstanding balance of ₦50bn. This translates to a remittance performance of about 76 per cent in 2023/Q3 which is down by about 19 per cent, compared to the 95 per cent recorded in 2023/Q2.

In 2023/Q3, the MRO-adjusted invoice from NBET to the DisCos was ₦167bn, while the total remittance made was ₦124bn, which translates to a 74 per cent remittance performance.
The remittance performance of DisCos to NBET in 2023/Q3 (74 per cent) was a 25 per cent decrease compared to the 99 per cent remittance performance recorded in 2023/Q2.

The notable decline in remittance performance by DisCos is a result of the 18 per cent decrease in remittance in 2023/Q3 (₦124.53bn), compared to 2023/Q2 (₦152.48bn) even though the MRO adjusted invoice in 2023/Q3 (₦167bn) increased by about 9 per cent compared to 2023/Q2 (₦154bn).

The total revenue collected by all DisCos in 2023/Q3 was about ₦268bn out of the ₦349bn billed to customers. This translates to a collection efficiency of 76 per cent.

The DisCos’ overall collection efficiency increased by 1 per cent from 75 per cent recorded in 2023/Q2.
This is explained by the fact that, although there was a marginal difference in total collections in 2023/Q3 (0.09 per cent) compared to 2023/Q2 (₦268bn), the total billings declined by 1.4 per cent (compared to ₦354.61bn in 2023/Q2).

All DisCos except Eko and Abuja recorded improvements in collection efficiency in 2023/Q3 compared to 2023/Q2. The DisCos with the most significant improvements in collection efficiency were Kaduna, Ikeja and Yola with about 5 per cent, 3 per cent and +2.9 per cent increases in collection efficiency respectively, between 2023/Q2 and 2023/Q3.

Eko and Abuja DisCos had 3.1 per cent and 1.2 per cent decreases respectively in collection efficiencies.
The overall increase in collection efficiency in 2023/Q3, NERC said, could be attributed to the implementation of various collection campaigns by DisCos, to improve remittance from post-paid customers.

“The most proven method for reducing collection losses is the installation of meters (especially prepaid meters for non-maximum demand customers).

“Therefore, DisCos are expected to utilise one or more metering frameworks provided for in the NERC MAP and NMMP metering regulation (2021) to improve end-use customer metering in their franchise area.
‘’This will reduce commercial and collection losses and will ensure the flow of funds to upstream market participants in the sector.

“Furthermore, DisCos must also continue to evaluate options for improving the optimisation of their energy delivery in line with the Service Based Tariff (SBT) regime to ensure that sufficient energy is supplied to customer groups/clusters with the highest collection efficiencies.

“Prompt payment of upstream invoices is critical for securing the availability of generation and transmission capacities. The waterfall regime pushes DisCos to boost their collections because most of their allowed revenues rank low in the waterfall.

In 2013, the CBN set up an escrow mechanism as part of the conditions for the Nigerian Electricity Market Stabilisation Facility (NEMSF) intervention that was extended to the DisCos.
Under this arrangement, all the revenues of the DisCos are escrowed, with DisCos only having access to these funds after relevant deductions to meet their loans have been made.
This escrow mechanism also provided visibility into the financial performance of the DisCos concerning collections.

[ThisNigeria]