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CALLS FOR NEW CONSTITUTION…NASS Turns A Deaf Ear, Proceeds With Amendment
The National Assembly has shut down calls for the creation of a new constitution, instead of the statutory amendments or reviews which have been ongoing in the last 20 years.
The federal legislature said the process of creating a new constitution would lead to anarchy and chaos, adding that a country cannot throw its existing Constitution away on any account.
The National Assembly, which is resuming from its recess, added that a country cannot discard its grundnorm but will fine-tune it to meet emerging realities after promulgation or enactment.
Meanwhile, the House Committee on Constitution Review, chaired by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, has so far received 13,500 memoranda on various subject matters.
The Nigerian Constitution has been subjected to five alterations since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, with the first and second alterations providing for the Financial Independence of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and granting the Supreme Court jurisdiction on appeals from the Court of Appeal on the election of governors and their deputies.
The third and fourth alterations, among others, established the National Industrial Court under the Constitution as a superior court of record and provided for the funding of the Houses of Assembly of States directly from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the state.
The fifth alteration under the 9th Assembly, amongst others, reinforced financial autonomy for State Houses of Assembly and Judiciary, decongested the Executive List, and deleted reference to the provisions of the Criminal Code, Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Act, Criminal Procedure Code or Evidence Act.
However, in the current National Assembly, the committee on the constitution amendment was set up in the Senate on February 14, 2024, while that of the House was inaugurated on February 26, 2024.
Since the 10th National Assembly began the process for the sixth Constitution amendment, there have been renewed calls for the abolishment of the present laws of the land and enactment of a new one.
Such demands had emanated from eminent leaders, elder statesmen, and serving and former governors who called for the complete abolishment of the 1999 Constitution, citing its lack of legitimacy and inability to address the country’s challenges.
Some of such calls were made at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) in Lagos during the National Dialogue on the Constitutional Future of Nigeria in honour of renowned legal luminary, Prof. Ben Nwabueze, organised by the Patriots with the theme: “Lawful Procedures for Actualising a People’s Constitution for Nigeria.”
A former secretary-general of the Commonwealth and Chairman of the Patriots, Chief Emeka Anyaoku had stressed that the current constitution lacked the legitimacy expected in a pluralistic country like Nigeria, and called for the adoption of the recommendations of the 2014 National Conference or the convocation of a nonpartisan constituent assembly to develop a truly federal constitution.
Leader of the Pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, also called on President Bola Tinubu, who he said had been an advocate for a new constitution, to set up a committee to deliver a new constitution within three months, arguing that the National Assembly cannot oversee the process due to its origins in the flawed 1999 Constitution.
For a constitutional lawyer, Prof. Mike Ozekhome (SAN), the 1999 Constitution is fundamentally flawed and cannot be amended. “One million amendments multiplied by one million amendments added to another one million amendments cannot change the constitution because it is fundamentally flawed,” he said.
Also, a former Sokoto State governor, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, noted that the National Assembly could promulgate a law to begin the process of a new constitution, similar to the doctrine of necessity used during the health challenges of the late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua.
Tambuwal, a former speaker of the House of Representatives, said, “We can as well resort to another doctrine of necessity to come up with the legislation to enable us to commence the process of having a new constitution.”
Similarly, former governors James Ibori, Kayode Fayemi, and Obong Victor Attah have also emphasised the need to secure the support of Tinubu for a new constitution while Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State threw his weight behind the agitation for a truly federal constitution in Nigeria to devolve power to the federating units.
In the same vein, the National Christian Elders Forum (NCEF) said the perennial amendment of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution by the National Assembly should cease and that the lawmakers should instead commence work on a new grundnorm for the country.
The forum’s chairman, Dr Samuel Gani said after five alterations to the Constitution without any significant positive impact on the country, the National Assembly should commence work immediately on adopting the report of the 2014 National Conference which included a draft Constitution.
This is just as there have been agitations for the return to parliamentary system of government to replace the presidential mode, which is being championed by some members of the House of Representatives who have introduced three bills to that effect.
The bills seek to alter the Constitution to transition from the current presidential system to a parliamentary system at all levels – federal, state, and local government.
But speaking to LEADERSHIP, spokesperson of the House Committee on Constitution Review, Hon Philip Agbese declared the demands for abdication of the current Constitution as a call for anarchy and chaos as a country cannot throw its supreme law away on any account under a democratic dispensation.
Speaker Abbas Tajudeen had admitted that some citizens are calling for the Constitution to be entirely discarded instead of amendment, but that even more mature democracies have accepted this position as the United States had ratified 27 amendments to its Constitution.
“While some citizens argue that the document should be entirely discarded, it is important to remember that democratic consolidation can only be incremental and gradual,” Abbas said.
Giving an update on the Constitution amendment process in the House, Agbese disclosed that the Committee is still receiving memoranda till Tuesday, April 30, while 13,500 memoranda had so far been collected on various subject matters.
The Constitution Review Committee’s spokesperson also said the panel will be holding town hall meetings to train experts on the various subject matters on which memoranda had been submitted.
“We are still receiving memoranda. We have extended deadline for the collection of memoranda. We initially set the deadline for April 10 but that has been extended to April 30. We have so far received 13, 500 memoranda on various subject matters.
“These include state police, state creation, devolution of power, local government autonomy, etc. We have subcommittees looking at the various subject matters. By next week (Tuesday or Wednesday) we are holding a town hall meeting to train experts on the various subject matters,” the lawmaker said.
Constitution Reforms Will Be Taken Seriously – Senate
Speaking to LEADERSHIP, the chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Yemi Adaramodu, said the issue of the amendments will be taken seriously as the lawmakers resume on Tuesday.
“The issue of constitutional review will be taken seriously. Issue of electoral reforms will be taken seriously also. Already, committees had been constituted in the Senate before we went on recess. We are going to hold critical meetings with stakeholders.
“We are going to move to the zones, which is necessary, to get the input of Nigerians and their desires in the constitution amendment and the electoral reforms,” Adaramodu said.
LEADERSHIP reports that bills and memoranda have been received with the issues of devolution of power, true federalism, local government autonomy, parliamentary system, state police, and giving roles to traditional rulers, among other issues being raised.
The bills are coming as private and member bills while the executive has announced it will submit bills in the amendment process.
All the bills, if passed by the National Assembly, must get two-thirds approval from the 36 state houses of assembly.
[Leadership]
State Police Non-Negotiable – Ex-AIG
A retired Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Ambrose Aisabor, has said adopting state police is non-negotiable.
According to him, the clamour for state police raged over the failure of the federal police.
Daily Trust reports that the discussion on state police has been revived recently with President Bola Tinubu and state governors supporting it.
Aisabor in a chat with our correspondent yesterday, said the new dynamics in security have made state police imperative.
He said, “The argument is that state governors will misuse the outfit. Is the federal government not presently misusing the federal police? So many civilized countries are practicing multilevel policing. There are always safeguards for checks and balances. When you look at what we are having now, most of the police requirements are already being borne by the various state governments.
“Apart from salaries and allowances which the federal government is responsible for, other logistics needs of the police are being handled by governors.”
Governors will hijack it – Ogun traditional ruler
A first-class traditional ruler in Ogun State, the Eselu of Iselu kingdom, Oba Akintunde Akinyemi, has rejected the call for the establishment of state police, saying the country was not ripe for a decentralised policing system.
Oba Akinyemi expressed fear that the state governors may hijack the apparatus of state police to intimidate and victimise members of the opposition parties in their states.
Oba Akinyemi spoke in an interview with journalists on the sideline of his birthday ceremony, held in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital.
The traditional ruler argued that if the existing police force is well equipped, funded and motivated, it will be better positioned to fight insecurity and other criminal activities confronting the country.
[DailyTrust]
Many feared dead, others injured as herdsmen attack Enugu community
Nimbo community in Uzo-Uwani Local Government Area of Enugu State has again come under attack by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
DAILY POST learnt that the attack, which occurred late Sunday evening, claimed some lives, with many others critically injured.
Sources disclosed that the herders attacked mourners at Ugwuijoro Nimbo community, leaving behind tears and sorrow.
Some of those killed were identified as Okeh Simon Ugwu Oruku, Okeh Chukwuebuka, Julius Ogbonna Odiegwu and Gabriel Ugwor Ezea.
A gruesome video sighted by DAILY POST Monday morning showed a deserted community.
The voice in the video cried out that the invaders took the villagers by surprise and shot sporadically at the mourners.
Tables and chairs could be seen scattered in the compound where the mourners had gathered, with lifeless villagers also seen in the pool of their blood.
DAILY POST recalls that Nimbo was also attacked in 2016, leading to the death of scores.
The incident attracted a nationwide outrage then.
Meanwhile, the Police Public Relations Officer, PPRO, Enugu State Command, DSP Daniel Ndukwe is yet to respond to an enquiry sent by DAILY POST on the latest attack.
[DailyPost]
Electricity crisis: Lagos, Edo,Oyo await NERC authorisation
- •Enugu, Ekiti, Ondo get the nod to generate, distribute power
Can state governments truly take on the challenge of generating, transmitting and distributing electricity, given the substantial capital required for such projects? Would governors prioritise investing in initiatives that may not yield significant returns during their limited tenures? The Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu, consistently highlights the prolonged gestation period of electricity projects as a major hurdle. Rather than solely blaming weak regulation for the industry’s challenges, he advocates for the recapitalisation of electricity Distribution Companies (DisCos) or involvement of core investors capable of meeting the sector’s financial and technical demands. He actively seeks new investors to help reduce Aggregate Technical Commercial and Collection (ATC&C) losses.
Since the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) delegated oversight powers to Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states last week, energy experts have raised pertinent questions about their potential impact on operations. Will these states merely regulate existing underperforming firms, or can they enact meaningful changes? Shedding light on the country’s energy mix, NERC’s Vice-Chairman, Musliu Oseni, revealed on April 3, that gas plants and hydroelectric sources account for 75 per cent and 25 per cent, respectively. However, the feasibility of state governments generating, transmitting and distributing electricity remains a subject of debate. While some doubt their financial capacity and question their motives, others ponder whether they will explore renewable energy opportunities or solely focus on leveraging existing power infrastructure for revenue. With NERC’s recent decision to cede regulatory power to state bodies such as the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission (EERC), the landscape of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) has shifted after 19 years of NERC’s monopoly.
On April 22 2024, this move marked a significant departure from the status quo, as regulatory authority was transferred to the Ekiti State Electricity Regulatory Bureau and the Ondo State Electricity Regulatory Bureau the following day.
According to NERC Chairman Sanusi Garba and Commissioner Legal, Licensing and Compliance, Dafe C. Akpeneye, regulatory oversight was transferred to Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states effective May 1, 2024. This decision, rooted in the amended Electricity Act 2023, marks a significant shift from the previous centralisation of the electricity market. The NERC management emphasised that decentralisation became feasible after presidential assent was granted to relevant amendments of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on March 17, 2023.
Sanusi and Akpeneye added that “Paragraph 14(b) Part II of the Second Schedule to the 1999 CFRN which provides that “a House of Assembly may make laws for the state with respect to generation, transmission and distribution of electricity to areas not covered by a national grid system within that State” was amended to “a House of Assembly may make laws for the State with respect to generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity to areas within that state.”
The NERC management highlighted that this amendment granted legislative autonomy to federating states in Nigeria, allowing them to legislate on electricity generation, transmission and distribution within their jurisdictions. As Enugu, Ekiti and Ondo states seize this opportunity to separate their electricity markets from NERC control, other states like Oyo, Kaduna, Edo, Nassarawa, and Lagos are reportedly following suit. This shift not only alters the landscape of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry but also redefines the states’ roles in power generation and distribution.
However, the true test lies ahead as these states must now demonstrate the financial capacity to operate independently beyond mere legislative authority.
It’s important to remember the presence of the Federal Government-owned Nigerian Electricity Supply Company (NESCO) in Jos, Plateau State. Originally established to support the thriving tin production business of the Nigerian Tin Mining Company, NESCO continues to operate even after the decline of tin mining in the area. Today, it remains active, supplying electricity to various customers in the city.
Before the 2023 Electricity Act, several states had expressed interest in establishing and managing their own power plants. Lagos State, for instance, embarked on this path over 15 years ago, seeking to generate its own electricity. Similarly, Edo State stands out as a success story with its 550MW Ossiomo Gas Power Plant, supplying power to various consumers. More recently, the Aba Geometric 188MW Power Plant, in partnership with Aba Power Limited Electric (APLE), resumed electricity supply to the Aba business cluster, marking a significant departure from the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC). While these power plants may not be operating at full capacity, they continue to operate and contribute to the electricity supply.
But how has the order transferring power to the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission changed the landscape of the power market in the state? Basically, NERC has, in compliance with the Act, granted the ESERC power to regulate its intra-state electricity market activities once the order takes effect.
NERC ORDER NO: NERC/2024/039 states that: “On completion of the transfer under subsections (2) and (3), whichever occurs later in time, the commission shall have no further regulatory responsibility whatsoever for electricity market activities carried on entirely within the state to which regulatory responsibility has been transfered.”
The law has further empowered the state commission to incorporate and license a company: powers firm that it oversights. NERC said: “B. EEDC shall complete the incorporation of EEDC SubCo within 60 days from (1st May, 2024), the effective date of this Order and, EEDC SubCo shall apply for and obtain a licence for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from EERC. C.EEDC shall identify the actual geographic boundaries of Enugu State and carve out its network in Enugu State as a standalone network with the installation of boundary meters at all border points where the network crosses from Enugu State into another state.”
In essence, the state commission will now grant licenses to companies owned by the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC) for operation within the state. However, the EERC will not regulate the activities of the EEDC in areas beyond the state’s territorial boundaries.
Additionally, any significant electricity firm emerging within the state will also be subject to licensing and regulation by the EERC. Despite its name, the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission lacks regulatory authority over the EEDC’s franchise areas in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, and Imo States. These states will continue to fall under the oversight of the NERC until they establish their own regulatory commissions. This is so because the EA 2023 says, “Notwithstanding the provisions of section 63(1) and subsection (5), the generation, transmission, system operation and distribution of electricity in a State that has not exercised its option under subsection (2) shall continue to be regulated by the Commission in accordance with the provisions of this Act until such a time as that State exercises the option.”
In the instance of transferring regulatory oversight of the electricity market in Ekiti State to the Ekiti State Electricity Regulatory Bureau (EERB), NERC stated that it has issued an order based on the state’s application for a regulatory bureau. This action aligns with the amended Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN) and the Electricity Act 2023 (Amended), facilitating the transition of regulatory responsibilities from the Commission to the EERB.
Accordingly, the transfer Order by NERC has the following provisions:- Direct Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) and Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company PLC (IBEDC) to incorporate a subsidiary (BEDC SubCo and IBEDC SubCo) to assume responsibilities for intrastate supply and distribution of electricity in Ekiti State from BEDC and IBEDC. BEDC and IBEDC shall complete the incorporation of BEDC SubCo and IBEDC SubCo within 60 days from 22 April 2024 and the sub-companies shall apply for and obtain licences for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from EERB, among other directives. All transfers envisaged by this order shall be completed by 22 October 2024.”
But unlike Enugu State that all its notable electricity market activities are hitherto under the franchise of only Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC), Ekiti State electricity market business has been under the operation of Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC) and Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC), hence the above NERC order. Similarly, NERC also transferred regulatory oversight of the electricity market in Ondo State to Ondo State Electricity Regulatory Bureau (OSERB) in compliance with the same Act. The commission said: “The transfer Order by NERC has the following provisions: Direct Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) to incorporate a subsidiary (BEDC SubCo) to assume responsibilities for intrastate supply and distribution of electricity in Ondo State from BEDC. BEDC shall complete the incorporation of BEDC SubCo within 60 days from 22 April 2024 and the sub-company shall apply for and obtain licence for the intrastate supply and distribution of electricity from OSERB, among other directives. All transfers envisaged by this order shall be completed by 22 October 2024.”
The EA 2023 is explicit that the BEDC shall now register a distribution branch company that is licensed by the OSERB. From the view of the foregoing, the Act has brought the operators nearer to its customers in the above mentioned states. Since the new commission or bureaus will oversee their licensees, there is the high hope that it will result in a better customer relation and improved service delivery. However, some industry players have always raised the questions about source of funding since Nigeria’s commercial banks seem to have shut their doors of lending against the power sector. Owing to their huge exposure to the industry and the unwillingness of both governments and private investors to service the debts, the local banks are out of the options. Thus, only the next few years shall tell whether the new electricity legislation has induced more light or darkness.
Political chess: Wike, Fubara resume Rivers supremacy battle
IN the run-up to the 2023 general elections, the relationship between Nyesom Wike, then governor of Rivers State and Siminalayi Fubara, the state Accountant-General, as he then was, was like that of a father and son.
Wike, at the twilight of his administration, did everything to ensure that he installed a loyal successor, which he found in Fubara, against the wishes of many party bigwigs and faithful in the state, who argued that the latter, being a political rookie and having not contributed anything to the Peoples Democratic Party, should not have been given the plum job.
Wike, however, appealed to the heavyweights to accept Fubara for reasons best known to him. His plea was received with mixed feelings among party men and women, especially among the majority of the aspirants seeking the party’s ticket ahead of the election.
The likes of former governor of the state, Celestine Omehia, erstwhile deputy governor, Tele Ikuru, former Minister of Transport, Dr Abiye Sekibo, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Chief Austin Opara, Senator Lee Maeba, among others, were party stalwarts Wike locked horns with and stepped on their toes before having his way, causing a major crack in the party fold.
Even before Fubara was declared winner of the primary, it was said that some of the aspirants, including Dr Sekibo, in objection, walked out of the Dr Obi Wali International Conference Centre, the venue of the exercise where Fubara was elected as the party’s standard-bearer.
One of the fallouts of the disagreement was that Dr Sekibo, Senator Maeba, and Chief Opara, who were governorship aspirants of the party, along with Sir Omehia and other chieftains of the party, like former Commissioner for Employment and Economic Generation, Dr Leloonu Nwibubasa, turned their backs on Wike.
Needless to say, the aggrieved party stalwarts also opposed the group of five governors, known as the G-5, aka Integrity Group, led by Wike, who rejected the Peoples Democratic Party presidential candidate and former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, as the political permutations then gathered momentum for the poll.
While Wike saw them as state enemies for aligning with Atiku, one of them and former senator, Maeba, voiced his concerns bluntly thus, “A candidate has emerged for our party. So we don’t need anybody to tell us who to support for the president in the coming election. What we should do is to come together and support the candidate that has emerged.”
Fubara contested the election, won by a landslide and was sworn in as governor in a well-attended ceremony, held at the Yakubu Gowon Stadium, Elekahia, in Port Harcourt, on May 29, 2023, after Wike had handed over state power and authority to him in the public glare.
Within the first three to four months of the new administration, things were going smoothly between the godfather, Wike, and his godson, Fubara, until somewhere down the line, when some strange developments were noticed.
Like a bolt from the blues, Wike and Fubara were no longer seen together exchanging the usual banters, even at important state functions. Tongues started wagging and, as it is said, the walls have ears, so that from within there were whispers that the house was falling.
Noticeably among the cracks in the wall was the former governor ensuring that four commissioners – Works, Education, Attorney-General/Justice, and Finance, who worked under him when he held sway, were reappointed and assigned the same portfolios by his successor.
Subsequent appointments of commissioners were, according to the ‘whispers,’ determined by Wike, while the incumbent governor was limited to appointing special advisers and related aides, coupled with the fact that he hardly took any major decision without the express approval of his predecessor, which he (Fubara) began to find nauseating.
An elder statesman and pioneer spokesperson of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, High Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, during an interview with The PUNCH correspondent, bare it that Governor Fubara had expressed worry over the trend and had dared to resign from office following the high-handedness of his predecessor, which he considered a mouthful.
In search of a breath of fresh air, Fubara resorted to relating his travails to some top politicians, including known political foes of his predecessor and followed it up with a private visit to Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa State in Yenagoa, and his Edo State counterpart, Governor Godwin Obaseki in Benin.
Again, it was said that Governor Fubara, against his godfather’s advice, started attending PDP stakeholders’ meetings outside the state and interacted with bigwigs and heavyweights, a development that Wike neither found funny nor palatable.
The result was the commencement of the moves to unseat the governor, who was barely six months in office, by the state House of Assembly, led by Wike’s kinsman from Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Martin Amaewhule.
After the move to impeach the governor failed, Wike, who was already the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, himself had alleged that there was a move by Fubara to change the leadership of the state legislature and install one loyal to him in a bold effort to start building his political structure as a sitting state chief executive.
“You want to remove an Obio/Akpor man, you will go first,” Wike was quoted as saying during one of his famous outings in the media.
While the unfolding political drama had set the stage for 27 members of the state House of Assembly loyal to the FCT minister to execute their plan, the night before the planned impeachment proceeding, precisely on October 30, 2023, an explosion rocked the state House of Assembly and destroyed the hallowed chamber.
Not deterred, the 27 lawmakers went into the bombed chamber under heavy security and announced a notice of impeachment against the governor, who demanded to know the sin he committed to warrant the plan by the lawmakers, amid all the hullabaloo and pandemonium that occurred, including teargas and water shelling on Fubara.
According to Newton’s Third Law of Motion, ‘every action has an equal and opposite reaction’. A day after, on December 13, 2023, Governor Fubara supervised the demolition of the imposing Assembly complex with several earthmoving equipment and the complex has since then been under lock and key to date.
Justifying the demolition, the state Commissioner for Information and Communications, Joseph Johnson, at a news briefing in his office, said the facility had integrity issues, made worse by the bombing, adding that engineers had advised that the facility was no longer safe for legislative business due to the structural defects.
During the melee, former House Leader, Edison Ehie, who had earlier been removed and suspended, claimed that he had been elected Speaker by his colleagues and announced the suspension of some of his colleagues, including Martin Amaewhule.
A few days afterwards, Fubara presented an appropriation bill of over N800bn to four members of the state Assembly loyal to him at the Government House, Port Harcourt and 24 hours after, the bill was passed into law and assented to by the governor, going down in the annals of democracy as the fastest in the country.
In the heat of the political crisis, President Bola Tinubu stepped in and intervened, inviting warring parties to Abuja, a development which culminated in an eight-point peace agreement, which directed Fubara to represent the budget to the whole House and reappoint about nine commissioners loyal to Wike who had resigned from his cabinet in the wake of the faceoff between godfather and godson.
Back home and across the country, the presidential truce was greeted with disapproval and outright rejection by a plethora of Governor Fubara’s supporters, including the Rivers State Council of Elders. However, amid several youth and group protests, Fubara pledged his commitment to implementing the agreement, saying, “It is not a death sentence,” though Rivers’ elders argued that it was.
The governor went ahead and fulfilled almost all the terms of the Abuja peace agreements, including payment of allowances due to the lawmakers and reinstating the resigned pro-Wike commissioners.
However, the governor had yet to represent the budget to the Amaewhule-led Assembly, the centre of a lingering faceoff with the majority lawmakers and the state caretaker committee of the All Progressives Congress, led by Chief Tony Okocha.
Chief Okocha had, at a media interaction, said, “The governor cannot be cherry-picking which agreement to implement when he appended his signature to the document before Mr President.”
On December 22, a mother-of-all-all protest by various groups, including the Ijaw National Congress, led by its President, Prof Benjamin Okaba, the Ijaw Youths Council, Eastern zone, the Nigeria Labour Congress, Rivers State branch, National Youths Council of Nigeria and the National Association of Nigerian Students, South-South zone, grounded the state with a clear message of rejecting the presidential peace agreement, which they said favoured Wike.
One of the leaders of the protesters and the state chairman of the NYCN, Chijioke Ihunwo, put it succinctly thus, “We reject the eight-point agenda because it was not written by Rivers people who gave the governor their mandate. We, therefore, warn that if the governor makes the mistake of trying to represent the budget, we will occupy the Government House.”
While the issues of representing the budget, the status of the lawmakers and the presidential intervention are currently before the court awaiting adjudication, Governor Fubara, at a recent public function, reiterated his commitment to the peace accord, saying his honest decision to implement the pact was because of his respect for President Tinubu.
Fubara stated, “Mr President invited all the parties to Abuja and came out with a resolution that we should go and implement. That resolution, I am implementing. It is not a constitutional implementation. It is a political solution to a problem. And I’m doing it out of the respect I have for Mr President.”
He, however, warned that he would surprise those who thought his decision to implement the agreement was a sign of weakness.
In analysing the political situation, some pundits said Fubara’s refusal to represent the budget was in order, emphasising that it would be a grave tactical error for him to do so. They further averred that Fubara would be stepping on a minefield planted by the pro-Wike lawmakers to enable them to finally nail him if he attempted to represent the budget.
But be that as it may, the recent outburst of the FCT minister ruling out any reconciliation with his estranged political godson seems to sound the death knell on any hope of reconciliation between the duo. This was just as Fubara himself was proving to be a good student of diplomacy, preaching peace and practising war.
But the pro-Wike lawmakers are not backing down, as they have vetoed the governor to amend some extant laws in the state, including the Rivers State Local Government Law, the state Advertising and Signage Law and the Rivers State Assembly Commission Law, which limits the powers of the governor in more ways than one if allowed to sail through
Only recently, on March 30 precisely, the 27 lawmakers threatened Governor Fubara with impeachment, saying they would be compelled to do so as a last resort if it would take to enforce their responsibilities and uphold the constitution of the land.
Speaker Amaewhule, flanked by 26 of his colleagues, while issuing the threat at a news briefing at his official residence, accused the governor of refusing to implement all the agreements reached in Abuja, adding that he (Fubara) had continued to act outside the law, including running the state without an approved budget.
Amaewhule also took a swipe at the former Director General of the PDP Presidential Campaign Council in the state, Dr Abiye Sekibo, for casting aspersions on the FCT minister in a bid to paint him black before President Tinubu, knowing well that the president is happy with the good works Wike is doing in Abuja.
Speaking directly to Dr Sekibo and his pro-Atiku supporters, he said, “They must not forget that the Rivers State House of Assembly has the mandate of the people and that we swore an oath of allegiance to the constitution to do the needful, including the impeachment of the governor as a last resort.”
There is no gainsaying the fact that in the coming weeks and months, it will be needless to peep into the star to predict the impending outcome of the political imbroglio in Rivers State. It is also an open secret that as of today, the Abuja peace agreement, which led to a semblance of temporary peace (of the graveyard) in the state, had crumbled.
Though Fubara has been talking tough lately, acting with aplomb and gaining the support of many stakeholders, a cursory look shows that Wike still holds the aces, as he still controls the political structure, especially of the PDP in the state.
The former governor still commands the loyalty of all chairmen of the 23 local government areas of the state, who were elected during his tenure as governor. Similarly, the three senators, including Senator Barry Mpigi of the Rivers South-East, the district of the incumbent governor, remain Wike’s loyalists any day.
Similarly, the FCT Minister still enjoys the support of the majority of the 13 members of the green chamber of the National Assembly from the state, save for three dissenters.
However, Fubara is not unaware of the challenges ahead as he is gradually endearing himself to the people, especially civil servants and the labour unions. The approval for payment of salaries arrears, promotion of workers who had been stagnant for about nine years, and approval of N100,000 as a Christmas bonus for workers last December lends credence to this.
Some groups, including members of the ‘Grassroots Development Initiative,’ a political arm of the PDP set up before the 2015 general election, and which has the FCT minister as its grand patron, paid visits to the governor at the Government House, Port Harcourt, to pledge their loyalty and support for his administration.
A case in point was on March 10, 2024, when former coordinators of the GDI in 12 local council areas of the state pledged their support for Governor Fubara. The coordinators represented Obio/Akpor, Ogu/Bolo, Port Harcourt City, Opobo/Nkoro, Gokana, Bonny, Ahoada West, Ahoada East, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Oyigbo, Asari-Toru, and Akuku-Toru local government areas, according to a statement issued by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Nelson Chukwudi.
The former coordinator in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Collins Onunwo, led the delegation of former members of the GDI All Coordinators’ Forum on the solidarity visit to Fubara, where they explained that their decision to resign from their positions in GDI to join the Simplified Movement was in the interest of the Rivers people.
The governor thus continues to entrench his hold on the party, with the recent redeployment of two loyalists of the FCT minister in his cabinet, namely, Prof Zacchaeus Adangor, SAN, the state Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, and Isaac Kamalu, the state
Commissioner for Finance, to whom the governor redeployed to the Ministries of Special Duty (Governor’s Office) and Employment Generation and Economic Empowerments, respectively.
Watchers of political events in the state described the deployments as attempts by Fubara to whittle down their powers and influence in his administration and render them somewhat redundant.
Prof.Adangor and Kamalu’s rejection of their deployment and consequent resignation from the cabinet a day after their deployments, to all intent and purposes, thus achieved what political analysts described as a subtle way of asking them to take a bow and leave without necessarily firing them, which otherwise would have been a violation of the Abuja peace treaty.
But another school of thought said that aside from the commissioner for youths and that of information and communications, and perhaps one or two others believed to be his staunch supporters, the governor may still be eating with the devil as other known loyalists of the FCT minister are still in his cabinet.
The appointment of 16 new Permanent Secretaries with gifts of new Sports Utility Vehicles in January this year, was said to be a masterstroke to enable him to work with those he feels comfortable with, while the commissioners in those ministries may be the mere status of symbols or ceremonial heads going forward, especially as it may be difficult for him to appoint new commissioners, knowing full well that they would be subjected to screening and confirmation by a legislature which is not his best of friends.
Another twist to the tale is the list of the state PDP caretaker committee members, released over a fortnight ago by the party’s national secretariat, which was populated by Wike’s men, suggesting that the former governor still has a handful grip on the party in the state and at the national level.
Of particular importance and interest is the fact that while the state publicity secretary of the PDP, Sydney Gbara, is working with Governor Fubara, the chairman of the ruling party in the state, Aaron Chukwuemeka, is loyal to Wike.
It is also noteworthy that in his bid to keep his loyalist base secure and intact, and maintain his stranglehold on the party in the state, the FCT minister has influenced the appointment of some of his confidants into key positions at the federal level so that they don’t change their minds and become ‘SIMPLIFIED’.
Some of the appointments are that of the former state PDP chairman, Amb. Desmond Akawor, who is now a federal commissioner of the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission; his predecessor, Mr Felix Obuah, is now the coordinator of the Abuja Metropolitan Management Council.
Also, the former commissioner for works under Governor Fubara, Dr Des George Kelly, was appointed the Director-General of the Border Communities Development Agency, and Prof. Henry Ogiri was appointed as federal commissioner in the National Population Commission, among others approved by President Tinubu himself.
Meanwhile, with the tenure of the current LG chairmen winding down, it is yet unknown whether Governor Fubara will conduct local government election as the state, just APC caretaker committee chairman, Chief Okocha, has alleged plans by Fubara to install council administrators at the expiration of the tenure of the council chairmen.
Also, the state legislature had amended the local government law by fiat, empowering the government to extend the tenure of the council chairmen by not more than six months, if the governor fails to conduct council elections.
Wike’s camp is however, unsettled with the recent support Governor Fubara received from Atiku’s loyalists in the state, including Dr Sekibo, Secondus, Opara, Sir Omehia, Senator Meaba, Dr Nwibubasa, all of whom Wike recently described as ‘expired politicians,’ and a couple of others who openly declared loyalty and support for Governor Fubara and chided Wike.
[Punch]
[OPINION] Adenuga @71: Jack of all trades, master of all - Justice Okamgba
Mike Adenuga is one of the brightest stars in Africa—a remarkable man who has proven his adaptability and excellence in different industries. Today, the 71-year-old Nigerian billionaire celebrates his birthday as a symbol of his continued impact and creativity.
One of the few Nigerians on this year’s Forbes World Billionaires list is Mike Adenuga. He is currently the second wealthiest man in Nigeria, having made his mark in the banking, real estate, oil and gas, telecommunications, and aviation industries. Adenuga epitomises a self-made man.
Born on April 29, 1953, in Ibadan, Nigeria, to Oloye Michael Agbolade Adenuga Snr. and Omoba Juliana Oyindamola Adenuga, Mike Adenuga’s journey began in humble surroundings, with his father a schoolteacher and his mother a businesswoman.
His educational journey began at Ibadan Grammar School, and he then earned his higher school certificate from Comprehensive High School Aiyetoro.
Despite his modest beginnings, Adenuga’s determination propelled him forward. He worked tirelessly as a taxi driver to fund his university education.
He graduated from Northwestern Oklahoma State University and Pace University with degrees in Business Administration before pursuing an MBA at Pace University in New York.
Adenuga attributes much of his success to his mother’s influence, acknowledging her role in shaping his formidable work ethic.
At 26, his relentless drive struck gold. His diverse business ventures culminated in his first million dollars, a stepping stone to his grand ambitions.
His business acumen is undeniable, as reflected in his estimated net worth of $6.7bn by Forbes. But Adenuga’s legacy extends beyond wealth. He is a true inspiration, demonstrating the power of hard work, vision, and an unwavering entrepreneurial spirit.
His diverse portfolio spans telecommunications (Globacom), oil exploration (Conoil Plc), banking (Sterling Bank), real estate (Cobble-Stone Properties), and construction (Julius Berger). Adenuga is a true “Jack of all trades” and a “master of all”.
Telecoms
Adenuga’s fearless approach to risk-taking was evident when he delved into the telecommunications industry race after Nigeria opened its doors to GSM licenses.
Despite initial setbacks, his determination remained unwavering. Eventually, in 2003, he successfully secured a license and launched Globacom.
By 2001, Adenuga had already established himself as a prominent figure in Nigeria’s economy. When the opportunity arose with the Obasanjo administration offering GSM licenses, he naturally joined the competition. Despite facing a setback and losing $20m in the process, Adenuga was resolute.
His persistence paid off handsomely as he returned stronger, securing a license that paved the way for Globacom’s emergence as a future national telecom leader.
Launched in 2003 with the ambition to become Nigeria’s telecom giant, Globacom swiftly established itself as a game-changer under Adenuga’s astute leadership.
Despite entering the market two years after its competitors, the company, propelled by Adenuga’s vision, became known for its innovative approaches.
It championed per-second billing, a revolutionary concept that democratised phone usage for Nigerians, solidifying Globacom’s status as a trailblazer in the telecommunications industry.
Globacom, with over 60 million subscribers, has continually pushed boundaries in the telecommunications industry, pioneering various network technologies such as 2.5G, 3G, and 4G LTE.
Constantly setting new standards, Globacom has been at the forefront of innovation.
One of its most significant achievements was the launch of Glo-1, a groundbreaking intercontinental submarine cable project that transformed internet connectivity in Nigeria.
With a staggering investment of $250m, solely funded by Globacom, Glo-1 marked the first of its kind in Africa.
Stretching over 9,800 kilometres, the cable links Nigeria to Europe and America, with landing points along the West African coast and Europe.
This monumental infrastructure upgrade significantly enhanced internet speed and reliability for voice, data, and video services.
Beyond its impact on individual users, Glo-1 provided vital connectivity for key sectors such as oil and gas, banking, and education.
This transformative project underscores Adenuga’s foresight and dedication to shaping Nigeria’s technological landscape.
Despite the chaos that ensued a few months ago due to a major cut in submarine cables, telecommunications subscribers across Nigeria and several other African countries found themselves in a state of panic.
There were reports that the outage, which affected internet users in South and West Africa, might continue for several weeks. Among those significantly affected were banks and telecom organisations, heavily reliant on those cables for internet services.
However, amid the turmoil, Globacom subscribers remained unaffected. They continued to enjoy uninterrupted internet connectivity and other services throughout the outage.
This resilience serves as a testament to the strength and foresight of Globacom, a company that has made substantial investments in infrastructure development.
Such an achievement directly reflects the vision of Adenuga, the founder and chairman of Globacom.
His forward-thinking approach to prioritising infrastructure has firmly positioned the company as a dependable service provider, capable of weathering unforeseen disruptions with ease
Oil and gas
His influence extends beyond the realm of telecommunications; he is also a significant figure in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. Adenuga saw an opportunity when Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s (retd.) administration opened the door for indigenous participation.
Despite initial hesitations, Adenuga boldly invested over $100m in exploration and drilling activities.
His gamble paid off in 1991 when Consolidated Oil, his company, achieved a historic milestone by becoming the first Nigerian company to discover and produce oil in commercial quantities.
Today, Conoil Producing Limited, formerly Consolidated Oil, stands as a trailblazer in Africa’s indigenous oil and gas exploration and production sector.
This pioneering spirit continued as Adenuga identified potential in the National Oil and Chemical Company. He acquired the company, infused it with fresh investments, and rebranded it as Conoil Plc.
Conoil’s success story is remarkable. It has become a household name in Nigeria, boasting a network of over 450 retail outlets across the country.
Adenuga’s vision and strategic investments have solidified Conoil’s position as a key player in Nigeria’s oil and gas landscape
It is a leader in modern retail formats, including mega stations and non-space pumps, and holds the top spot in the aviation fuel market.
His leadership has propelled Conoil Producing to operate six promising oil blocks in the Niger Delta, with a daily production of approximately 20,000 barrels.
Its 27-year track record is further bolstered by substantial oil reserves, estimated in millions of barrels, and vast gas reserves in trillions of cubic feet.
Adenuga’s significant stake (74.4 per cent) in Conoil Plc underscores his commitment to the company’s continued success.
Conoil’s strong market presence is built on its expertise in supplying a wide range of petroleum products, from petrol and diesel to kerosene and aviation fuel.
Its “Quatro” brand of lubricants is another testament to its diversified product line.
Banking
Adenuga’s foray into banking began with the establishment of Devcom Bank and Equitorial Trust Bank. Both institutions became trailblazers in their fields, contributing significantly to the development of the public, commercial, and retail sectors.
Their financial strength shone brightly during the 2005 banking consolidation exercise. ETB effortlessly met the N25bn capital requirement, a testament to its stability and avoiding the need for a stock market offering.
This achievement solidified their position as major players in the Nigerian financial landscape.
However, Adenuga’s vision extended beyond individual success. Recognising the potential for further consolidation, he orchestrated the strategic merger of ETB and Devcom Bank, which laid the groundwork for an even more formidable presence in the industry.
Years later, the merged entity consolidated further, joining forces with Sterling Bank Plc.
Today, Adenuga remains a significant shareholder of the resulting behemoth, Sterling Financial Holding.
This publicly traded giant, a testament to Adenuga’s astute financial strategy, operates two key subsidiaries: Sterling Bank Plc, a cornerstone of traditional commercial banking services in Nigeria, and Alternative Bank Limited, a pioneering force in Nigeria’s non-interest banking sector that offers innovative financial solutions.
Aviation
The billionaire businessman is also playing actively in Nigeria’s aviation sector. His company, Conoil, boasts an aviation arm, Conoil Aviation, actively involved in the aviation sector.
Conoil Aviation plays a key role in keeping Nigerian airplanes fuelled. It handles the entire process, from production and storage to transportation and delivery of jet fuel in at least six major airports across the country: Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja; Margaret Ekpo International Airport, Calabar; Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano; Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos; Maiduguri International Airport, and Sokoto airport.
His foundation
Beyond his accomplishments in business, Adenuga is also well-known for his generosity and unwavering commitment to philanthropy.
His altruistic efforts have touched the lives of countless individuals and celebrities alike.
Established by the business titan, the Mike Adenuga Foundation stands as a beacon of pan-African philanthropy.
Rooted in the belief of fostering social and economic empowerment across Nigeria and other African nations, where the Mike Adenuga group of companies operates, the foundation is committed to catalysing positive transformations in these regions.
Through a diverse array of initiatives, it endeavours to harness resources, cultivate skills and knowledge, ignite innovation, drive social and economic progress, fortify infrastructure, widen educational access, improve healthcare systems, foster partnerships between nonprofits and governmental bodies, promote commerce, empower local enterprises, and elevate living standards.
At its core, the foundation prioritises critical areas such as health, rural development, education, entrepreneurship, and providing special opportunity grants.
Distinguishing itself from conventional grant-giving entities, it strategically aligns with stakeholders and beneficiaries to conceive and execute impactful programmes.
The foundation donated N500m to aid flood victims in Bayelsa State.
Through its actions and collaborations, the Mike Adenuga Foundation assumes a pivotal role in advancing philanthropy and effecting positive change across African societies.
More than just offering aid, its mission is to empower Nigerians and other Africans by creating enduring solutions that propel social and economic progress.
During the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Adenuga demonstrated remarkable leadership by being among the first to donate N1.5bn towards combating the dreaded coronavirus scourge.
In addition to offering crucial assistance in handling the situation, his proactive initiative encouraged other Nigerians to support the cause. This exemplifies Adenuga’s characteristic leadership style: he leads by example, prompting others to follow suit.
In Adenuga’s words, “How much money can one individual or his family enjoy? You must spread it and touch lives; that is what brings true happiness and joy. What’s the point if your friend is wealthy and it doesn’t show in his friends?”
[OPINION] Why Nigerians should support EFCC, ICPC to save their country - Law Mefor
It’s not geopolitics, nepotism, or religion that will be the cause of the collapse of the largest black nation on the planet if the Nigerian state crumbles. Corruption is what’s going to make that happen if something drastic is not done before it’s too late. Countries like the People’s Republic of China execute corrupt officials and some other countries take other extreme measures to keep corruption at bay while Nigeria pays only lip service to the corruption fight.
The whole foundation of Nigeria, its identity, and its statecraft have been undermined by corruption, and the corrosion is not abating. Boundaries and red lines of statecraft have all broken down, and the country is left in free fall. The rule of law, which holds the country together as a constitutional creation, is vanishing.
In Nigeria today, justice is served to the highest bidder due to corruption. No nation that is serious about remaining cohesive, developing, and forward-thinking will tolerate the degree and kind of pervasive corruption that exists in Nigeria. In Nigeria, corruption has supplanted all norms and banished integrity from public life. Some youngsters will tell you that they want to be bandits, yahoo boys, or militants, among other unmentionables. What is more, the citizens simply carry on as if nothing can be done about corruption in Nigeria anymore.
Public service was flourishing in Nigeria before things got so bad. Then, Nigerians put in a lot of effort to achieve their wealth, credentials, and titles. Public officials, both appointed and elected, as well as those in the civil service, were guided in their acts by financial regulations and civil service rules and standards. Today, it is all about big wealth without work or morality.
Nigerians working in government were strictly governed by morality and decency in the past. However, some of them shamelessly accepted a 10% bribe for contract awards and execution. Currently, however, high-ranking government officials serve as contractors and now set the amount they desire for each contract in which they do not personally carry out the work.
Even worse, high-ranking government officials are now creating certificates of completion for projects and contracts that were never done. They then utilise registered contractors to extract funds from the treasury for these projects and contracts and divide the spoils among themselves. Yet, Nigerians feign perplexity as to why the country lacks progress, whereas the money allocated for development is syphoned off by the invading locusts. The politicians, public officials, and civil servants are syphoning off monies intended for social amenities, infrastructure, and development and have to be stopped now by the Nigerians themselves by joining the EFCC and ICPC actively in the renewed anti-corruption fight.
Things have gotten out of hand. The judiciary, which used to be the last hope of the common man, is increasingly selling judgements and injunctions, even by its admission. This inspired a well-known poet from Nigeria to recently write, “My Lord, where do I keep your bribe?”. A top Nigerian lawyer also informed me that many judges now write two judgements for the two parties in the cases they hear, and the judge’s choice of which to read ultimately comes down to who plays hardball.
Naturally, the police—whom most Nigerians accused of corruption even in the relatively good days in Nigeria—have only grown worse just as the judges have lost all interest in upholding the law. If a complainer is not prepared to pay for the investigation, no one can get his or her case looked into these days. Meanwhile, “Bail is free” is the first thing that appears printed on police station walls. You believe that at your peril. Things have gotten incredibly worse.
The current state of education is a cesspool. A lot of teachers and lecturers now give their male students marks based on how deep their pockets are and the readiness of the beds of the female students.
Cultism has become more powerful and audacious. When the Pirates Confraternity was formed in Nigeria in 1952 by the “Original Seven” to support human rights and social justice in Nigeria and to fight colonialism—a worthy cause you dare say— was when cultism was born in our country. Cults are now commonplace at all of Nigeria’s postsecondary institutions for wrong and evil reasons. The fact that cults are now present in primary and secondary schools is even more horrifying.
Even more worrisome are the cult memberships of vice-chancellors, deans, heads of departments, and lecturers. Just now, a previous vice chancellor demanded that lecturers undergo drug tests. He was speaking from experience. Cultist students force lecturers to do their bidding by awarding their members the marks they dictate. Nigeria is really in trouble.
Cults have extended throughout society to engulf traders, mechanics, and artisans and have taken over the streets. Cultism and cult wars are now a fad everywhere in the South as banditry and terrorism are reigning supreme in the North.
There is a steep moral decline and degradation. Just as many parents are purchasing exam questions for their kids and enrolling them in special centres where examiners read out the answers to the questions and all of them receive “A” grades, a father was recently caught writing JAMB for his son! Scores from JAMB, WAEC, and NECO, as well as from schools, are now directly purchased by many parents. These students leave the school as barren as when they arrived, posing a great burden to the Nigerian society as quacks when unleashed as qualified graduates and professionals; to say nothing about the role of corruption in the creation of banditry and terrorism, and their escalation.
This is only a quick glimpse into the terrifying Nigeria of today. Corruption now permeates every facet of life in our country and something has to be done quickly.
The EFCC and the ICPC, Nigeria’s two primary anti-corruption agencies, are overburdened and have a difficult task ahead of them. Things deteriorated merely because the nation’s political elite behaved much like invading locusts, wiping off public treasury and pushing back the fight against corruption.
Nonetheless, three things would make Nigeria’s fight against corruption work: 1) the president’s political will to let the agencies carry out their duties regardless of whose ox is gored; 2) the agencies’ courage and diligence in carrying out their duties without favouritism or playing to the gallery, as was the case in the past; and 3) most importantly, the total support of Nigerian citizens.
It is now inevitable that Nigerians’ conflicted impression of the new heroic work of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) is changed urgently. Nigerians must now unite behind the anti-corruption agencies to save their country from these invading locusts.
The consequences of corruption in Nigerian society are dire. Since corruption is the primary source of every problem that has negatively impacted the nation over the past few decades, particularly in terms of development, national security, and the economy, it must be eliminated at all costs, and that will only be possible with the total support of Nigerians for the EFCC and ICPC. Nigerians have previously had cause to question the honesty and integrity of the anti-corruption agencies, but there are strong indications that the anti-corruption fight is now serious for once.
Following the country’s 1999 restoration to democracy, corruption has grown primarily as a result of the politicisation of the war against the cankerworm and the impunity and political protection enjoyed by the political class and corrupt politicians.
At this critical point, the anti-corruption authorities must demonstrate to Nigerians their sincere commitment to eliminating corruption in national life. That’s the only way to change citizens’ negative perceptions about the anti-corruption fight and mobilise citizens’ support for their renewed fight against corruption.
The anti-corruption agencies need to enlist the aid of the media and CSOs as well. The two are strategic if Nigerians will take the anti-corruption agencies seriously and believe that they have changed for the better.
The agencies should, among other things, also create anti-corruption clubs and run leaf-letting campaigns in schools. These are equally vital as preventive measures and for changing the young, who have come to accept corruption as a way of life in their country, Nigeria.
Yes, Nigeria’s dire circumstances can be saved if its citizens actively support the efforts of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to hold corrupt public officials accountable for the public treasury they have looted and to recover the funds they have embezzled.
Nigerians, through EFCC and ICPC, can, and should, take back their country.
Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.
[OPINION] Our generals must know when to halt or pull back - Owei Lakemfa
The country rose in one voice to condemn the March 14, 2024 killing of 17 military officers and men in Okuama community who were said to be on a peace mission. It did so without having the facts or asking pertinent questions. The point that soldiers, who signed up to serve the country, were killed, was enough to send the nation into mourning and to unify us.
Today, 46 days after, we are no wiser as to the facts of the case. Who sent them on the mission? What were the objectives? What really happened? Unfortunately, we may never learn from this case because our Generals decided it is a purely military affair that excludes the police which has the wherewithal to conduct a forensic investigation. Rather than enhance an investigation, the military levelled the town. Even after severally contaminating the crime scene, the Generals for six days, barred the Governor who, constitutionally, is also the chief security officer of the state, from accessing the area. The excuse was that the military was engaged in military operations in the area. If it has taken over six weeks for the Generals to conduct such operations in an undefended community and, against a civilian population that had fled, how many years would it have taken them to move into Niger Republic had the Presidency not changed its mind about the invasion of that country?
The Generals took over the arrest and investigation of Nigerian citizens without respecting their constitutional rights to fair hearing. The arrests in Okuama is like going to hell. The detained traditional ruler, Clement Ikolo said upon his release: “It is like somebody coming from the dead. That is what it is like.”
If this is the experience of a privileged elite with international connections, you can imagine what nameless locals with no connections are undergoing in the hands of a clearly angry military.
Where crimes are committed, especially by civilians, it is the duty of the police to arrest and investigate and, not the military. This is more so in the Okuama case in which the military is not only an interested party but has also carried out reactive actions that need to be investigated. We must be a country of laws and constitutionality, not one in which individuals and groups, no matter how aggrieved, will take laws into their hands.
Where in the world, would an army set up a military panel to investigate civilians, deprive them of legal advice and exclude constitutional authorities including government? This can neither be civil rule nor a democracy.
In discussing the Okuama killings, there have been some arguments that the military’s reaction is justified because restraining them can lead to demoralisation. I disagree. What is required is the proper orientation of the military; the ends of justice are not served by being lawless, but being law-abiding and ensuring that justice is served.
There are also arguments that the military Rules Of Engagement, ROE, cannot hold in combat situations. This precisely is why the rules were made in the first place. Adherence to them is what distinguishes the military as a profession from other armed groups.
The ROE governing internal military operations includes justification; there is no justification for revenge killings. Secondly, it prescribes the use of minimum force; burning down communities and assuming that all non-military persons in the area are enemy combatants, amount to the use of maximum force.
The ROE prescribes the maintenance of public confidence. I submit that the public may not have confidence in a military that historically sees citizens as “bloody civilians” and fights blindly like Ogun, the god of iron, which does not distinguish between enemies and friends.
When I was a boy growing up in Obalende, Lagos, the sentries at Dodan Barracks, especially when it was dark, were expected to call out to the person approaching the gate: “Halt! Who goes there? Enemy or friend?” After which the person identified himself and stated his mission. But how do you respond when the sentry shouts: “Halt! Who goes there? Enemy or foe?”
Prevention is another injunction in the ROE. If there were adequate consultations between the communities and the military before the deployment of the soldiers, could this tragedy have been prevented? Only a proper investigation can reveal this. But, are steps being taken to prevent a repeat?
The ROE also prescribes legal obligation. As I said earlier, in the Okuama case, legal obligation and evidence have taken serious missile hits. Finally, the ROE talks about safe guarding loyal citizens. In this case, the loyal citizens are in the grave, under arrest or are in flight.
As can be seen, no section of the ROE justifies reprisal attacks by the military against civilians who in any case, might be innocent.
Today, the military, even after levelling Okuama, continues its “operation” in the community. It does not appear in a hurry to leave, and who knows, the community might actually be erased if it is turned into a military camp.
The Delta State government, apparently left with no alternative, has decided to move the people from the forests they are taking refuge, to an Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs, camp in Asaba, the state capital.
Meanwhile, the military, perhaps based on new information or disinformation, has extended its invasion to neigbouring Bayelsa State where it reportedly sacked the Igbomoturu community, killing 20 youths. Obviously pained, Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri said: “My advice to the military and security agencies is to be very professional in their investigations so that innocent Bayelsans; innocent Ijaws…” would not be killed.
Sadly, we are not learning from our recent history. The on-going invasion of Okuama and Igbomoturu are not too dissimilar to the November 20, 1999 military invasion of Odi in Bayelsa State. Fifteen days before, a criminal gang had killed 12 policemen near Odi. In reprisal attacks, the military levelled the town killing over 900 civilians. President Goodluck Jonathan was to lament on November 18, 2010 that “only innocent people, including women, children and the very weak that could not run, were killed in Odi”.
Justice Lambi Akanbi of the Federal High Court in awarding a N37.6 billion compensation to the victims, had in his February, 2013 judgement, declared: “The people are entitled to fundamental rights to life, dignity and fair play; the destruction of Odi was not as a result of gun battle but clear bombardment, the destruction was malicious.”
Our Generals should stop the re-enactment of the Kaima, Odi and Zaki Biam massacres by halting their attacks on Okuama and Igbomoturu, pulling out the troops and allowing the normal course of justice to prevail. Otherwise, these would tantamount to war crimes.
[OPINION] Attorney-General Adoke and the burden of freedom - Chidi Odinkalu
SENIOR Nigerian public officers are notoriously parsimonious with their recall once out of office. From among their club memoirs are the unusual. In a country ruled by whim, risk aversion is prudent when you are out of power. By feigning amnesia, yesterday’s men limit the likelihood that their successors may remember them for the wrong reasons. Moreover, with government as the principal guarantor of a good life, respect for the its rule of Omerta is the only way to retain any hope of access to its revolving doors.
When it occurs, departure from this trend is usually enforced. This is why Mohammed Bello Adoke’s 2019 memoirs remain notable. Adoke, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, was Attorney-General and Minister of Justice under President Goodluck Jonathan for five years from 2010 until 2015. Since leaving office, he has endured exile, detention, and a failed criminal trial in connection with the infamous Oil Prospecting Lease, OPL, 245 granted in April 1998 by General Abacha to the shadowy Malabu Oil and Gas Limited.
Even before his trial began, Adoke felt called upon to discharge a burden in relation to the controversies that dogged him after office. Fittingly, his story is published under the titled, Burden of Service. The sub-title, Reminiscences of Nigeria’s Former Attorney-General, underscores the point that Adoke is, remarkably, the first former Attorney-General of the Federation to publish an account from his time in office.
In addition to the Malabu Oil controversy, Burden of Service also offers insights into many other highlights of the Goodluck Jonathan years, including the hand-over of Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon, recovery of the endless Abacha Loot, the removal of Ayo Salami as President of the Court of Appeal, and the climactic denouement to Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. In the afterglow of what he must regard as judicial vindication, it is timely to re-examine Adoke’s own narration.
While his parochial account is interesting in and of itself, it is the vignettes he offers when he is not necessarily pleading his own cause that make Adoke’s insights deserving of attention. A general theme of his is the shiftiness of Nigerian politicians and he illustrates this with several issues in the book. Some deserve scrutiny.
The first is the currency of loyalty in Nigerian politics. Under General Abacha, politicians popularised “I am loyal” as cult greeting. It is not lost on those interested that anyone who has need to repeat affirmations in this way probably knows nothing about loyalty in the first place. Illustrating this point, Adoke narrates how many people close to President Jonathan donated money to support the campaign of General Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. According to him, “many of my cabinet colleagues, including those known to be close to the President, had made donations to Buhari’s campaign. Those involved included heads of agencies. A Principal Officer of the National Assembly from the PDP was to later confess publicly that he donated N5 million to the APC during the elections.”
This shiftiness is not limited to politics; it also extends to high matters of constitutional legality. This is the second highlight from Burden of Service. Adoke tells a remarkable story about the fate of the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Bill of 2015, which was said to have failed to receive presidential assent before President Jonathan vacated office. The amendment included clauses granting immunity to law-makers, life pension to former presiding officers of the National Assembly and inducting them into life membership of the National Council of State. It also contained a provision dispensing with presidential assent to constitutional amendments.
As Adoke recalls, after the 2015 election, the National Assembly transmitted the Bill to President Jonathan for his assent. By the time Adoke learnt of this, President Jonathan had reportedly assented to the bill and authorised for it to be returned to the National Assembly. So, Adoke raced to the presidency to explain to the President the dangers inherent in the provisions contained in the amendment he assented to. After his encounter with President Jonathan, “the President looked genuinely surprised and promptly withdrew his assent”, whereupon he directed the Attorney-General “to prepare a memorandum elucidating all the issues…. raised and why he would have to veto the bill.” The rest is history but an important constitutional question arises – can a president having assented to a law unilaterally withdraw his assent?
Thirdly, there is the issue of weaponisation of litigation against the public purse in judgment debts. It’s best to render this in Adoke’s own words: “Many of the claims were bogus but since it was an organized scam, they were getting away with it…. Again, there were too many people interested in judgment debts. We were getting calls from all manner of people, including members of the National Assembly. Actually, some National Assembly members were making appropriation for judgment debts based on an understanding with the debtors (sic). It was a conspiracy against the national treasury.” This does not require any translation but it is noteworthy that Attorney-General Adoke chose not to tell who “they” were.
Fourth, there is the matter of plea bargains in white collar crimes involving politically exposed persons, PEPs, in Nigeria. About this, Adoke tells the story of the presidential pardon granted former Bayelsa State Governor, Diprieye Alamieyeseigha. According to him, Alamieyeseigha’s conviction was under a plea bargain and “as part of the plea bargain he was to be granted presidential pardon by (President Umaru) Yar’Adua after his release from jail. This, however, did not materialize as President Yar’Adua fell ill and died.” Plea bargains are subject to approval by courts and it’s doubtful whether this part of the deal was disclosed to any court. It certainly wasn’t disclosed to Nigerians.
Fifth, as Attorney-General of the Federation, Adoke was also the official leader of the Bar. His memoir offers an unusual insight into how he views hierarchies at the Bar. To make this point, he tells the story of how, before his time, “a substantial part of the budgetary allocation made for solicitors’ fees was being paid out only to two or three private solicitors. There was a case of a former Attorney-General that was paying a Senior Advocate N50 million for each case….” The result was there was insufficient money to go round and many cases against government went un-defended, leading to more judgment debts. So, how did Adoke address this? He decided that “no SAN would be paid more than N5 million for a brief; any other lawyer, who was not a SAN, would receive a maximum of N2 million.” In the un-complicated calculus of Attorney-General Adoke, a SAN is worth 250% of a non-SAN!
The narration in Burden of Service unfolds at four distinct levels of pre-text, text, context, and sub-text. It is replete with claims of moral high ground and completeness of disclosure but – as with nearly all memoirs -the reader must have an eye for both the credible and the incredulous. The line between these two can sometimes be non-existent in Adoke’s mind.
In telling the story of the removal of Ayo Salami as the President of the Court of Appeal, for instance, Adoke prefaces his narration with the implicit disclaimer that “the Attorney-General is not a member of the National Judicial Council, NJC”, who recommended the retirement of Salami. He then proceeds to a pro-forma narration that is half-hearted to the point of being manifestly disingenuous.
According to Adoke, Salami “had personally encouraged” him to apply for SAN. However, Chief Justice Katsina-Alu, who was the other party in this terminal dog-fight with Salami, was his “mentor and adopted father” and benefactor, who personally recommended him to President Jonathan for the position of Attorney-General. Why it should fall to the Chief Justice of the Federation to nominate the Attorney-General of the Federation is another matter altogether. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that in this part of the book, at least, Adoke was – to put it rather mildly – less than economical with the truth.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Edo guber: Why Orbih, Shaibu, Adjoto, others are ganging up against Obaseki
The Vice Chairman South-South of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Dan Orbih; former Deputy Governor, Philip Shaibu; former Speaker of Edo State House of Assembly, Kabiru Adjoto, and several other bigwigs and followers of the party in Edo North senatorial district, weekend, said they were displeased with the way Governor Godwin Obaseki was going about the September 21 Edo governorship poll.
Obaseki abandoned those who worked for him — Orbih
Orbih said they are the foundation of PDP which is anchored on unity, fairness, justice and equity, saying that Governor Obaseki came into the party in 2020 and abandoned the group that worked and voted for his re-election.
His words: “I am not part and parcel of the PDP campaign council. In 2020, we came out in Edo North supporting the election and re-election of Gov Godwin Obaseki. I, Dan Orbih, worked with Governor Obaseki to deliver him. People ask me questions: where are we today, what is the way forward?
“Today, I can boldly tell you, all is not well with the Edo State PDP. As we prepare and move forward for the upcoming election we will do all we can to let Edo people know that this election is about Edo and the future of Edo.
“Let me send a powerful message to PDP, we the Edo PDP can tell you that it is not well with Edo PDP. I hereby denounce my membership as a member of PDP Edo campaign council. Obaseki and his chosen candidate is not the way forward.”
Legacy group’s behind Shaibu
Orbih also condemned the impeachment of Shaibu and said that the Legacy Group was behind him.
He said: “The present predicament of Philip Shaibu is that some people are saying you have no right to contest the election. We are here today to let the good people of Edo North know that we support you, appreciate you and in the matter between you and the Edo State government, we stand by you. As for the PDP legacy group, we are proud of Philip Shaibu.”
Edo people won’t vote for an outsider —Shaibu
On his part, Shaibu said Edo people cannot vote for a candidate who does not know their problems and challenges.
“We will not vote for an outsider. Edo State needs a home grown person, I want to assure you that we are in support of Dan Orbih’s Legacy Group. We will not support Asue Ighodalo. WE will wait for the direction of the PDP Legacy group on who to vote for,” Shaibu said.
Obaseki could not manage our 2020 success — Adjoto
In like manner, Adjoto said PDP under the leadership of Obaseki could not manage the success of its victory in 2020.
He said that instead of consolidating on the victory recorded in 2020 election by rewarding those who worked for his re-election, Obaseki opted for others in the party who did not work for the party.
Akoko-Edo’ll deliver 80% votes to Ighodalo—Omobayo
However, Deputy Governor, Omobayo, said the PDP would win the election, assuring that his Akoko-Edo people would deliver at least 80 per cent of their votes to Ighodalo.
He stated this at a reception organised by the Akoko-Edo Forum, AEF, in collaboration with the local government area and the traditional institution where the AEF requested the National Assembly Constitution Review Committee to create two additional local government areas of the council in view of its landmass to engender development.
Omobayo, who said he did not lobby for deputy governorship, said Governor Obaseki’s sense of equity and justice should be rewarded.
“Governor Obaseki has a very fair sense of justice, fairness and equity. This informed his, permit me to use the word, ‘stubborn’ decisions that the next governor must come from Edo Central. We must deliberately and consciously liberate ourselves. Governor Obaseki has broken a generational curse, and to whom much is given, much is expected.
“The job description is to deliver 70 per cent of Edo North for Asue Ighodalo and I do not expect less than 80 percent from Akoko-Edo. If you look at the combination of Ighodalo and Osarodion Ogie, without bias, you can’t compare them to the others. When you look at them, they are even more pro-masses than Governor Obaseki and when the drums begin to beat, you will see more of them.
“The governor has designed a deliberate master plan that will usher us up to 2050 and for those who care to listen, the masterplan is amazing. The governor is setting up a system that will lead to the state revolving around the youth in the state.”
In his address, President of AEF, Dr Charles Jagun, who was represented by Steven Dania, said AEF had been at the forefront of presenting the case of the Akoko-Edo LGA to the world and “as development partners interested in the development of our local government area, we are calling for the establishment of a tertiary institution in this area which will bring development. We are equally in the process of submitting a memorandum to the National Assembly Constitution Review Committee for the creation of additional two local government areas from Akoko-Edo and also calling on the State House of Assembly to create LCDAs.”
On his part, chairman of the local government area, Tajudeen Alade, said: “We have been witnessing high levels of marginalization, oppression, suppression, and deprivation that have led to our frustration and despondency and that is the more reason we like speaking out. But now, we are seeing light at the end of the tunnel, the Akoko-Edo of our dream is here today.”