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It’s either President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his inner circle didn’t read my April 29 column titled “Six Agenda Items for Tinubu’s Success” or they did but dismissed it as the impractical, high-flown, indulgent musings of an idealistic diasporan Nigerian. The fifth item on my list concerned petrol price hikes amid the current agonizingly biting poverty in the land.

I wrote: “I know that there is now an artfully manufactured consent, particularly among the gilded classes in Nigeria, about the undesirability of ‘fuel subsidy.’ I don’t care what it’s called, but any policy (call it deregulation, subsidy removal, appropriate pricing, etc.) that results in an arbitrary and unbearable hike in the price of petrol without a corresponding increase in the salaries of workers and an improvement in the living conditions of everyday people will sink Tinubu.

“Resuscitating existing refineries and creating conditions for robust private sector investment in building new ones are obvious, well-worn solutions to the existing order, which have been floating around for years. Any serious government would make this happen.

 

“No responsible government shies away from subsidizing the production and consumption of essential commodities for its people. I have lived in the United States, the belly of the capitalist beast, for nearly two decades, and I can tell you that governments at both federal and state levels heavily subsidize petrol consumption—in addition to agriculture.

“When gas prices increased dramatically a few months ago here, both Joe Biden and state governors granted tax holidays to oil companies so they could lower the cost of petrol. Biden tweeted daily about the reduction in gas prices that his policies enabled. Americans call high petrol prices ‘pain at the pump’ for a reason.

“The surest way for a government to lose legitimacy here is to allow petrol prices to go up without doing anything about it. That’s why America’s 50 states collectively spend $10 billion a year to subsidize petrol consumption.

“I know Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar, and Peter Obi said they would ‘remove fuel subsidy’—a code for they’ll increase petrol prices— if they’re elected president, but I can assure Tinubu that if petrol price hikes deepen people’s misery, he’ll have a tough time governing.”

America and Nigeria share one thing in common: they both lack a well-developed, subsidized public transportation system. America’s lack of a public transportation system is informed by the rugged individualism of its culture (in my university, for instance, 99 percent of students have their own cars even though the university has an intra-campus shuttle service), the territorial vastness of the country, and the relentless lobbying of airlines and car manufacturers.

Nigeria’s lack of a public transport system, on the other hand, isn’t a choice. It’s a consequence of deliberate neglect by successive governments who don’t give a thought to the comfort and well-being of the poor in society.

Nevertheless, the effect of high petrol prices is similar in both countries: it ignites inflationary conflagrations, wrecks the economy, deepens misery, and inflicts several negative domino effects. 

That is why, in America, politicians are often acutely sensitive to fuel price hikes and go out of their way to keep prices low—even at the expense of other priorities. A January 3, 2012, TIME magazine report noted, for example, that American “politicians’ refusal to increase gas taxes in line with inflation and construction costs starves needed infrastructure of funding.” 

Sounds familiar? The recurrent excuse governments in Nigeria advance to increase fuel prices is that the government needs money for “infrastructural development.” But no sensible government starves its people to death because it wants to build infrastructure. Only the living use infrastructure.

At N550 per liter, the price of petrol is now officially lower in many states in the United States than it is in Nigeria. Nigerians are now paying nearly the equivalent of $4.70 per gallon of petrol (using the official exchange rate). If we use the black market exchange rate, it’s much higher than that.

In the state of Georgia where I live, the average cost of gas per gallon is $3.4, about a dollar cheaper than it is in Nigeria. Given that the federal minimum wage in Nigeria is still a miserable N30,000 per month, which is equivalent to about $65 per month, I don’t see how this makes sense. Plus, transport fares and the cost of goods have already skyrocketed to unmanageable degrees as a direct result of the new petrol price regime.

But I’ve stopped bothering myself about this. There is now a decided discursive shift in Nigeria in favor of endlessly higher petrol prices. I won’t take Panadol for other people’s headaches. If Nigerians think higher petrol prices are the way to go, or that eliminating subsidies is a bold and commendable decision, so be it.

Even if Tinubu hadn’t been president, the two other alternatives to him said they would “remove subsidies” on “day one,” as Tinubu did. So, Atiku and Obi supporters lamenting Tinubu’s action are being two-faced.

 The Nigerian Labour Congress that’s threatening to go on strike to protest the removal of “subsidies” is even more duplicitous. It never opposed Peter Obi, the candidate that ran on its platform, when he espoused extreme neoliberal policies, including saying “fuel subsidy is an organized crime” that he will remove “immediately, if I am elected president.” Had Obi won and removed petrol subsidies, what would NLC have done since it didn’t oppose his manifesto?

 In 2016 when Buhari increased petrol prices, his supporters actually came out to protest in support of the increase and against those who were opposed to it. For the first time in Nigerian history, there were no strikes or protests in response to the increase—and subsequent ones. I called it self-annihilating stupidity then. 

Perhaps I was wrong. It’s probably better to call it rational stupidity— on the model of “rational ignorance.” Maybe, just maybe, people are tired of the ceaseless elite blackmail that tells them they do not deserve being shielded a little from the negative consequences of the unchecked rapacity of the market. 

And this is the cumulative result of sustained government propaganda over the years. People in power have gone on rhetorical overdrives to demonize “subsidy,” to make it into what American scholar Richard Malcolm Weaver, Jr called a “devil term.”

When you demonize a good word, strip it of all its affirmative associations, you prepare uncritical minds to accept actions that are inimical to their own interests. In their book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky perceptively show how the ruling elites in the United States contort the English language to blackmail the poor.

 Institutional benefits for the poor are ridiculed, and terms like “social welfare” are now invariably said with a tone of disapproval. But welfare packages for the rich and the powerful are called “bailouts” and have a tone of approval about them.

Just like the American ruling elite have deployed the media to demonize “welfare,” the Nigerian ruling elite have succeeded in manipulating the public into seeing “subsidy” as unalterably bad, as an “organized crime,” to quote Peter Obi.

But what’s wrong with “subsidy”? At its root, subsidy, derived from Anglo-Norman French subsidie (ultimately from Latin subsidium), means “assistance.” In modern usage, it means “a sum of money granted by the government or a public body to assist an industry or business so that the price of a commodity or service may remain low or competitive.” According to Investopia.com, “subsidy is usually given to remove some type of burden and is often considered to be in the interest of the public.” What’s wrong with that?

Up until Muhammadu Buhari came to power, “subsidy” used to be a positive word in Nigeria. In fact, during the 2012 mass revolt against petrol price increase, a protester in Kano inscribed these pithy, profound words on the back of his shirt: “Subsidy is my soul.” 

Of course, subsidies are the soul of poor, struggling people, not just in Nigeria but all over the world. Every government in the world, especially in the West, subsidizes basic goods, including petrol and agricultural products.

One of the sneaky ways Nigerian political elites hoodwink people into thinking that subsidies are bad for them is to associate subsidies with corruption. But that’s a false association. There is nothing in subsidies in and of themselves that makes them corrupt. Corruption is incidental to subsidies and can be eliminated if there’s a will to do so. 

Jettisoning subsidies because it is riddled with corruption is similar to the proverbial throwing the baby out with the bathwater. Any government that can’t eliminate corruption and ensure that people who need subsidies get them has no reason to exist. But, apparently, many Nigerians think otherwise. So, let’s see how, to quote J.M Keynes, “the nastiest motives of the nastiest men somehow or other work for the best results in the best of all possible worlds.”

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as Amended), sections 4 (1) & (2): (1) “The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.

(2)  The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive Legislative List set out in Part 1 of the Second Schedule to this Constitution.”

Come June 13, 2023 or thereabout, the leadership of the National Assembly will be up for a change, the present set having been elected on June 11, 2019, with Ahmed Lawan (APC) and Femi Gbajabiamila (APC) in charge as President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives respectively. They were anointed to take over the leadership of the National Assembly in 2015 following the victory of their political party at the general elections, but that was not to be, as certain influential members of the APC lobbied the opposition lawmakers to upset the applecart, thus throwing forward Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara as leaders instead. The lobbying in the present dispensation has been very intense, with all manner of permutations and calculations, from zoning to merit, being bandied to canvass support for certain interests. Some have posited that zoning, faith and gender should play major roles in the recruitment process, given the composition of the leadership of the major political parties. Deliberately and without mincing words, the framers of the Constitution established the Legislature as the First Arm of government, because law is needed to define all other aspects of human existence. It is thus expected that through its additional powers of approval and oversight functions, the legislature will work to curb the excesses of the executive arm of government, especially in situations where retired politicians have hijacked the democratic process, having in their prime tasted power and are not unwilling to hand over to others. These factors have shot the legislature into national focus, especially the leadership.

The National Assembly is a bicameral legislature consisting of 109 members of the Senate and 360 members of the House of Representatives, modelled after the federal Congress of the United States and meant to guarantee equal representation. In the current 9th National Assembly, the APC has 66 seats in the Senate, PDP 38, NNPP 1 and YPP 1 whilst in the House of Representatives, the APC has 227 seats, PDP 121, APGA 4, NNPP 3, ADC 1 and PRP 1. Three seats are vacant in the Senate while one seat is vacant in the House of Representatives. In the 10th National Assembly that will be inaugurated in June, APC has 59 senators, PDP 36, LP 8, SDP 2 NNPP 2, APGA 1 and YPP 1. In this composition, the ruling party has 59 senators whilst the opposition parties altogether have 50, which gives renewed strength for diversity. In the House of Representatives, the APC has 162 seats, PDP 102, LP 34, NNPP 18, APGA 4, ADC 2, SDP 2 and YPP 1. What this has shown is that it is not possible for the ruling party to foist any candidate upon the National Assembly, even though the same scenario played out in the 9th Assembly with the opposition parties unable to pull their weight when it mattered most.

Notwithstanding the seeming plurality of representation, the 9th National Assembly has not been able to assert itself as an autonomous institution, preferring rather to treasure political party affiliation over and above the national interest. In that dispensation, the executive arm of government was always certain of maximum support and approval of all proposals and requests, no matter how unpopular, injurious or backward. In the jurisdiction for which our legislative arm has been patterned, there is the robust system of separation of powers and the doctrine of checks and balances. The three arms of government are expected to operate independently and complimentarily, not dependent upon or patronizing, in the manner that the 9th Assembly has carried on. No doubt it is good to have a responsible legislature for the purpose of harmonization and development but when it gets to the level where the executive is always right, then such level of dubious cooperation should worry all lovers of true democracy. A legislature that cannot supervise and check the excesses of the executive is not worth its name at all. Truth is, such an assembly of persons cannot claim to represent anyone, when the chips are down. They represent only themselves, only their interests and their stomachs. However, the 9th Asssembly was able to conclude the process of the amendment of the Constitution and it also gave us the new Electoral Act, with all its booby traps.

Owing largely to the independent mode of its leadership recruitment, the 8th National Assembly under Saraki and Dogara turned out to be one of the best ever, at least in taming the monstrous executive arm. You can imagine what would have happened under Saraki should the Central Bank of Nigeria dream of the calamitous project of Naira redesign or the needless loans that the federal government has embarked upon in its dying days. It was not business as usual in the National Assembly under Saraki and Dogara, as the legislators asserted their powers to the fullest and held the executive down to follow due process, at all times. As an appointee of the President, you would have to prepare very well for your screening, and ministries and other government agencies had to sit up to defend their budgets and actions. They were very daring, courageous and they took steps to protect the people from an overbearing executive. It was little wonder then that the ruling party did all its best to ensure that most members of that collective did not return to the 9th National Assembly. But Nigeria has paid dearly for that selfish agenda as the 9th National Assembly operated more like a weeping institution, a clearing house and a reporting Chamber, where elected representatives of the people stoop to beg directors of parastatals to attend public hearings, at times issuing empty threats without any follow-up action and granting virtually all the requests of the executive. Having succeeded in installing its cronies in positions of authority at the National Assembly, the executive has since then embarked upon mindless borrowings, putting our nation at the mercy of shylock imperialists, who whimsically drafted contracts that threaten even our cherished sovereignty, at times in their own language. Yes, it is a National Assembly that prides itself in ‘reporting’ errant serving ministers and heads of parastatals who defy its summons, to the President.

As elected representatives of the people, the National Assembly is expected to assert the will of the people by invoking the relevant provisions of the constitution in the discharge of their statutory responsibilities of law making, supervising the executive arm and also to prevent waste and corruption. Lawmakers who scramble for constituency projects cannot be in the best position to make laws that will impact the people positively. So much has been invested in the National Assembly in order to guarantee optimum performance and so the leadership of such a crucial organ should not be a matter of political patronage or reward for perceived electoral support. We cannot afford the misfortune of parading elected representatives who are whipped along the lines of executive preferences, all the time. There has to be a balance of power and of forces, for our nation to ever dream of attaining the expected growth that our leaders have touted so often.

In choosing the leadership of the 10th National Assembly therefore, the most important criteria should be competence, which can also include experience, qualification and indeed reputation. As the saying goes, the fish gets rotten from the head, so the kind of leaders to be entrusted with the management of the National Assembly is key to our national development. Of course we need to be sensitive to issues of gender parity, faith and indeed zoning, all of which could be accommodated in the primary consideration of merit as indeed it is possible for the right candidate to possess all these features all at once. Although the tradition is for the ranking members-elect of the political party with the highest number to produce the leadership of the National Assembly, it does not have to be along party lines, given that the laws governing the choice of leadership is internal to the legislature. For instance, the opposition parties, either in the name of “the Greater Majority” or any other forum, can swing the tide if they remain united. In this regard, legislators should be allowed to vote according to their convictions, not vote buying. The news filtering that certain candidates for the leadership are campaigning with dollars to garner support should be a disqualifying factor, if at all it is true. Security agencies should beam their searchlight on the members-elect to monitor their activities, especially their finances. We cannot afford to reduce the next leadership of the National Assembly to commercial ventures to be sold to the highest bidders, as once corruption has been laid upon the foundation of that hallowed institution, then we can all predict what would happen in the next four years. Members-elect are thus enjoined to discountenance the APC contraption of leadership by zoning. I vote for an independent, vibrant and active National Assembly.

Adegboruwa, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN),  writes from Lagos

QUOTE

So much has been invested in the National Assembly in order to guarantee optimum performance and so the leadership of such a crucial organ should not be a matter of political patronage or reward for perceived electoral support. We cannot afford the misfortune of parading elected representatives who are whipped along the lines of executive preferences, all the time. There has to be a balance of power and of forces, for our nation to ever dream of attaining the expected growth that our leaders have touted so often.

I made acquaintance with a lady, Yeye Akilimali Funua Olade, about 1990. A few months later, my wife and I visited her in Ila Oragun where she was running a rural library, the African Heritage Research Library. She was an American who had studied at Fisk University from 1963 -1965, earned a Bachelor’s degree in African- American/Black Studies from the San Francisco State University, and a Master of Library Science from the University of California.

So what was she doing in such rustic circumstances? She said she had three children, including two girls and all around the American communities she lived, aggressive forces of lesbianism were on the rise. So, with the agreement of her African American husband, Ayantuga Olade, she fled the United States. Unfortunately, the forces she ran away from in North America, four decades ago, are on the move in her adopted continent, Africa in the guise of campaigning for workers and human rights.

A drama played out this week when on May 29, 2023, the Speaker of the Ugandan Parliament, Anita Among, announced that President Yoweri Museveni had signed into law the new Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023 which punishes the financiers and promoters of homosexuality. The law while generally providing prison terms for violators, also prescribes the death penalty for those who engage children in homosexual acts or spread deadly diseases like HIV/AIDS.

The United States immediately revoked the visa of the Speaker. It did not clarify why she was being punished for the new law; is it for presiding over the parliament, failing to stop about 400 parliamentarians from passing the bill or daring to announce the birth of the new law? In her reaction, a dignified Speaker Among said: “As Uganda’s Parliament, we have listened to our people’s concerns and legislated to protect the sanctity of the family, in accordance with Article 31 of the Republic of Uganda’s Constitution. As stated in Objectives 19 and 24 of our national objectives and directive principles of state policy, we have stood firm to defend our people’s culture, values, and aspirations.”

The US had through its Vice President Kamala Harris warned Uganda of consequences if it dared pass the new legislation. On March 27, 2023, while on a visit to Ghana, our African American sister insisted Africa must support homosexuality because it is a matter the US considers “ to be a human rights issue and that will not change… I feel very strongly about supporting freedom and supporting and fighting for the equality of all people.“

The US message is very clear: that Uganda as an African country has no right to sovereignty; no right to taking democratic decisions even if backed by its people; no right of dissent from the position of the US and that it must accept the culture of America otherwise, it will be subject to sanctions. The African people, as far as the US is concerned, have no right to choose a different cultural orientation, not even sexual. This was one of the main reasons why President Robert Mugabe was harassed and hounded internationally. There were even attempts to arrest him for rejecting the culture of homosexuality.

It is also instructive that while the US is sanctioning Uganda for its new law, it did not take similar actions against its allies such as Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Pakistan with worse anti-homosexual laws.
The issue arising from the US sanctions against Uganda is not so much about punishing it for daring to enact a law against homosexuality, but trying to recolonise the African continent. In this wise, this is not a challenge against Uganda alone but the entire African people. Therefore, African countries need to unite and collectively sanction the US. At the very least, every African country should be asked to revoke the visa of at least a dozen or two Americans.

What is clear is that some Western countries view Africa as a collection of weak states on which the culture of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer or Questioning, LGBTQ, can be imposed. Just as we were colonised at gunpoint, so is the dictation of LGBTQ being forced on us under threats of severe socio-economic and political sanctions. Just as the religion was used to lure us into surrendering to colonial bandits, so have funds and positions been used to lure our youths to being evangelists of LGBTQ.

I woke up to this reality in the Trade Union Movement in 2011 when I discovered that some Western trade unions were offering positions and funds to those who will declare and flaunt claims of being gays, lesbians and bisexual. In one case, I put my foot down that as Acting General Secretary of the Nigeria Labour Congress, such campaigns will not be encouraged. Now, some of our young unionists and activists, for economic reasons or to guarantee the crumbs being passed to them by some organisations, are busy campaigning for LGBTQ as workers’ rights. Far from the truth; workers, at least in Africa, want guaranteed employment, good conditions of service, social protection, guaranteed pension and settled family life. Their concern is not who is sleeping with who. In Africa, sex or people’s preferences are closet affairs, not what you call press conferences about.

When the West colonised Africa, it did so partly under the pretext of ‘civilization’. They assumed that a continent like ours which taught the fathers of Western Civilization like Plato, are not civilized. Some of their fathers who knew we built the magnificent pyramids which housed mummies, still claimed that Africans live on trees like monkeys. Today some of them still think they are on a mission of civilization by presenting LGBTQ as human rights.

They conveniently forget that there are collective socio-economic, political and cultural rights which supersedes individual rights. The United Nations recognises individual and group rights and the former cannot be imposed on the collective. The individual comes from the community, therefore the rights of the community are primary and those of the individual are secondary.

What some Western countries want to do is force the African people into a birth control scheme aware that a marriage between a man and a man or a woman with a woman is unlikely to produce children. It was the same way a drug, Depo Provera, whose approval in the United States had been refused first in the 1960s, and again in the 1970s, was imposed on African women, especially in Nigeria where the women were used as guinea pigs for a dangerous all-cure drug that was widely imposed as a contraception. While Africans respect the values, traditions and cultures of other peoples, the least we expect is that they should also respect ours.

 

 

The major obstacle to Nigeria’s meaningful development remains the crisis of leadership. Writers and commentators on public affairs often quote today as if written yesterday, a passage on this as aptly captured by the literary icon, Chinua Achebe in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria. Between the time he published the book and the emergence of Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as the nation’s Head of State in 2015, hardly did we know that we were in leadership paradise; when compared to what Nigerians have experienced in the last eight years, which is both happily and sadly coming to an end today. Who is not sad over eight years of being in the wilderness? Who is not happy that the worst may be ending today; though the outcomes will continue to torment us until the Elections Tribunal does the right thing?

As Gen. Muhammadu Buhari takes an undignified bow today, it is about time we reviewed some of the things he did that will certainly make Nigerians regard him as the worst national affairs manager in history. Let us start with the restoration of democracy in 1999.

From hindsight, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo rates as one of the best. By breaking the yoke of debt and borrowing, he wrote his name on the sands of time. Coming after him, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua will always be remembered for his forthrightness on issues about Nigeria, especially his maturity in bringing peace to the Niger Delta already battered by the activities of militia that hampered the economy of the country. President Goodluck Jonathan will also be remembered for his purposeful leadership, particularly his democratic credentials.

How shall we remember the out-gone President, Muhammadu Buhari? Shall we not do this by recalling his birth and growing-up? Said to be born on the 17th of December 1942, he remains a case of an incompetent man whose parentage and educational qualifications are shrouded in secrecy, but by a stroke of fortune reached the peak. He first became Head of State in 1983 after leading a military coup that overthrew the civilian government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. At that time, it was commonly believed that things were so bad in Nigeria that the coup was even welcome by Nigerians as a surgical necessity to restore the glory of the country.

I personally had a direct encounter with him through his monetary policy. I did not get the information that our resumption in school in 1984 had been postponed by one week as a result of the issuing of new currency notes by Buhari that year. I returned to school to a near-empty premises, and was constrained to leave my travel bag in a teacher’s room, I forgot to remove some perishables in it. By the time we returned the perishables had perished indeed and badly stained my bag.

In that era, Buhari created the image of a disciplinarian who wanted to put Nigeria on the right trajectory, but was prematurely removed by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida and his boys. Watching him from a distance, we thought that feeling offended by what seemed to him the lies and cruelties of his follow coup plotters, that he became a pessimist recluse, shy, secretive, morose and always brooding over the opportunity he missed to turn Nigeria into an Eldorado. By osmosis of influence, that view of him as a reformer who was not allowed to fulfil his mission got stuck with some Nigerians.

I was sincerely one of those deceived by his histrionics and as such among those that secretly yearned for his return, believing that he possessed the magic wand to turn things aright. This was the spirit with which some Nigerians welcomed his second coming in 2015; not realising, like many of us, that he is the most bigoted president yet to be witnessed. The day he entered Abuja as the president-elect, delighted Nigerians surged forward in the panoramic and delightful formation of human heads. Hardly did Nigerians realise that they had just procured their own destruction.

Going by his travails on the route to the presidency, which he contested three times before securing victory, and judging from what I consider a profound statement that came from him, namely “I belong to nobody; I belong to everybody”, we thought he had come with genuine interest to re-position the country. We expected him to jettison who voted or did not vote for him and use maturity to unite the diversities in the country, which is the elementary task of statesmanship. Today, he is leaving Nigeria and Nigerians divided as she has not witnessed before.

As he leaves for Daura or Niger Republic, the time is ripe to place him on the crucible of evaluation. How would reasonable men evaluate his eight years on the saddle? Often, we hear his aides and a few others tell us about his successes, though we do not know the spirit with which they say so, seriously or whimsically. A full perspective of him would require seeing him through his sectoral “achievements.”

Immediately he was sworn-in, the man who pretended he had no relatives during electioneering begun inauspiciously by indulging all his known relatives in appointments. As time went by, his far-reaching aim became clearer: to Fulanise the country without giving a hoot about whatever anybody said or however anybody felt.

Under him the pastoralist became emboldened, carried guns and nothing happened. Because of his unabashed aim, his government was totally negligent and was marked by corruption, administrative incompetence and squandering of revenue on favoured parasites. By degree, many things deserving of abhorrence gathered around Aso Rock – It has been a change for the worse.

While he was campaigning, he made the issue of security his campaign mantra. Bragging over his military background, he boasted how he would restore security to the country. He even talked glibly about the relocation to troubled spots until the causes of the insurrection were blighted in the bud. Today when we look at the country, all we see are terrorism and insurrection that have become many times magnified. This is so, especially against the admission of the President about four months ago of how he had spent over 1 Billion Dollars in purchase of arms and ammunition to fight insecurity.

It is so easy to use his antecedents to prove that he has never been serious about fighting crime in the country. Has he ever behaved as if he knew about the existence of insecurity in the South-East? Which responsible and right-thinking leader, no matter how he hates a people, would allow the Monday sit-at-home to persist when he would have sacrificed whatever was inhibiting him and release Nnamd Kalu who he earlier went after with the eagerness of a hound sniffing blood? Had he devoted same energy to fight crime in Nigeria, the country would have been crime-free by now. To show how foolish his actions were and his manic-joy in inflicting pain, I can bet that whoever becomes President would of necessity start his tenure by allowing Nnamdi Kalu to go home. How can you directly punish millions of people because you want to deal with one man? As far as his actions are concerned, Buhari is not worthy to be called a leader because he is not. He is painfully self-imprisoned in his heritage of hate.

Besides insurgency and terrorism, even minor internal security lapses appeared to be beyond our General. Thinking he was genuine, we felt that it would be easy for him to stop the extortion of Nigerians by different agencies of the State on the roads in the form of road blocks. A simple directive to the heads of those agencies that their jobs were dependent on stopping the extortion would have done the magic. In this age and time, when most countries even in Africa do not mount road blocks, it is a shame that Nigeria still does so. It was the scenario under Buhari for eight years and evidently, he may not have even known that such a thing was one of the regrettable features of Nigeria.

Have you gone to a police station recently? It is shocking to know that citizens have to pay to report crimes against them. If, for example, one loses one’s phone, one has to pay to report the case in a police station. Sometime one would not blame the police because they are not funded and would not do the work with their blokos. The unfortunate sequel is that Nigerians pray not to become victims of crimes. Most now prefer not to report crimes against them because they would end up spending more money and, in the end, achieve nothing. Under Buhari, we are talking of a country where scammers daily empty people’s account into known and existing accounts and yet nothing would come out of reporting such cases. If a crime against one involves tracking, the only solution is hiring and paying a private tracker for the job!

As soon as Buhari was elected in 2015, medical tourism became part of his busy-for-nothing schedule. Having often visited the UK for medicals, one had expected that he would build two or three world class hospitals prompted by the thought that not all Nigerians would afford travelling overseas for medical treatment like himself. But the irony is that Buhari cannot point at any singular thing he did for the health sector. Under him, over 12,000 Nigerian doctors and medical workers have relocated to other countries, where they ply their trade.

He shamelessly commissioned Dangote refinery a few days ago when, in eight years, most of which he doubled as the Minister of Petroleum, he could not fix any of our refineries. Under him, the prize of diesel has caused many surviving companies to close shops. Any move he made ended up disappointing as when we thought he wanted to infuse new and fresh hands into the Nigerian National Petroleum Commission (NNPC) only to discover that he sacked the old, top management staff to accommodate his brothers without regard for merit and qualification.

A few days ago, precisely on the 24th of May, I spoke with Prof. Okey Ikechukwu who was in Morocco for consultancy services. I asked him to compare the country and Nigeria. Ikechukwu replied in the form of a question: “Who would compare the living and the dead?” It was another round of discussion on the sad situation in Nigeria. Any nation that tolerated the likes of Buhari as President, especially after his disastrous first tenure is sick unto death! The irony is that the same people that did so have foisted another disaster on the country. That yoke is on everyone’s neck: businessmen, legal practitioners, the judiciary, civil servants, drivers, Batists, Obidients and must be collectively removed for the sake of our freedom.

Contrary to his protestations on corruption, after eight years it is now clear that Buhari is among the most corrupt Nigerians. During electioneering, he made the fight against corruption the cornerstone of his speeches. Looking back, all we can say is that Nigeria is still “fantastically” corrupt. This means that in eight years, he has achieved nothing in that regard. We witnessed a little gragra here and there, but all amounted to nothing. His greatest legacy in this regard was how he shielded his allies and political associates who were manifestly corrupt.

One area Buhari scored first without contest is in foreign trips. If quantified, Buhari’s foreign trips, averaging 2 per month, would have cost the country nothing less than 50 billion Naira since 2015. Is there any country in the world he did not travel to, some multiple times? It is true that Obasanjo travelled a lot, especially during the efforts to secure the country’s debt forgiveness. At that time, his Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala also travelled for the same issue. Ultimately, Nigerian’s debts were cancelled.

I remember how the fruits of Jonathan’s trips were gladly announced to the country, including when he agreed with his South African counterpart that Nigerians with official passports would travel to South Africa without visa and vice versa. Could somebody tell us one significant thing Buhari’s foreign trips earned or achieved for Nigeria? With his level of articulation and understanding as revealed from few interviews it is even right to suspect that he did not understand what went on in most of those foreign trips he undertook. It was laughable when he was said to have travelled to deliver papers on security, revamping of ailing economies and on leadership. Could somebody ever give what he does not have? He is a cattle rearer and does not understand the commercial complexities on which modern economies thrive.

Is it not an irony that a man who rendered his country economiless was travelling to teach other countries the techniques of revamping ailing economies? Under Buhari, Nigeria’s GDP growth rate which was positive in 2015 has remained negative. The nation officially underwent two recessions under him even when it is clear that Nigeria has remained becalmed in recession. How do we describe inflation under him? Go to the market with one Million Naira today and you will come back with a polythene bag! Buhari will leave behind his miserable years, a social order that is iniquitous; that makes a small minority idly rich and corrupt with luxury at the expense of keeping millions of Nigerians in a degrading poverty.

Did we forget any of them? What of the controversial writer of the obituary fame? He has proved himself to be the fountainhead of ignorance, intolerance, and epistolary persecution. People like him have made us not to take many so-called activists seriously again. I was shocked at the position some of them, even in my class, took during electioneering. Some shattered the age-long myth they created around themselves because of pettiness of opinions influenced by extraneous factors. How could men thus fettered by pettiness give free flight to their genius or hasten human progress? Pity!

It is disgraceful that some Nigerians talk in terms of Buhari’s achievement in infrastructure. Which achievement is significant when placed side by side with a man who, between 2015 and 2023, borrowed over 80 trillion Naira? In fact, borrowing was among his few expertise. There is no part of the world from which he did not borrow, China, Japan, France, India, Germany, among others. Some of the money he borrowed were given or spent on Niger Republic. He also built railway in Niger Republic as well as procured vehicles and security equipment for them.

Honestly, there are issues in which Buhari, having failed to make any impact, show him as a sample of 21st Century failure in leadership. Talk about metering of energy consumption. Before they will start telling us that he did this or that, would anybody point at any improvement in the energy sector in eight years? There was none, instead it retrogressed. How many cities in Nigeria have 6 hours uninterrupted light in a day? Is it rocket science to get all houses in Nigeria metered?

In the area of political appointments, he was also worse. When Obasanjo, for example, talked about reforms, he showed his seriousness by appointing men and women with capacity, who understood what reforms mean. As for Buhari, he made so much noise about reforms, even while contributing to it the unreformable men as his Ministers. We have the case of characters like Alhaji Lai Mohammed: noisy and loquacious. It appears that to be considered a man among their tribe, you must defile your mouth with the most filthy, brutal lies. A friend described his species admiringly: “they are, with that SAN, a species of barely human animals who carry a paunch of poison under their tongues; when they speak, their venom mingle with their words and pollute all the surrounding air.” Recently, one of them, after having served as a Minister of State and collected his payment and other emoluments, told us, with all the careful pleonasm of legal phraseology, how that particular appointment was a constitutional aberration.

What of the other one, the oil-mouthed, slippery, wife-beating, time-serving sycophant they hired during electioneering? He could change as faster as the chameleon dares change. Obasanjo summarised him in compact epigram suggesting what he has proved over the years: amenability to the charms of money. Conceited, boastful, insolent, self-centred; and in the exhilaration of his conscious talent he rode with thoughtlessness over the sensibilities of his time. In his write-ups, he likes creating an intellectual atmosphere electric with controversy. Whenever he speaks, as when he attacked Chimamanda Adichie, kind hearted Nigerians proposed to send him to a doctor for the cure of his madness.

In spite his failures; Nigerians were almost at the verge of forgiving him when he showed signs of conducting a free and fair election. However, he decided to place a stamp on his failure by ending up conducting the worst election in the history of electioneering in Africa. That election was a whirlwind that is distributing ominous debris around the country. In his characteristic manner, he would steal to Daura as he did during election, and pretend he did not know what was happening. Knowing how government agencies function, the INEC Chairman would have briefed him on what was happening and he must have asked him to go on and announce the result – they actually acted a written script. Part of that script was what they did with the Naira at that time. The practical disfranchisement of Nigerians had removed the mental stimulus that comes from free political activity and a widespread sense of liberty and power.

The history of Nigeria under Buhari is clearly the history of re-barbarisation. No matter how or by what parameters he is judged, he maintained his reputation for mediocrity from the start to the end of his tenure. Even towards the end of his tenure age did nothing to mollify this tendency to wickedness.

As we guide him out of the scene according to the provisions of the constitution, our prayer is that no country in the world shall be inflicted with such a disaster. By all indices, his eight years is what it was: a barbarous interlude. With what he did in Nigeria, I do not think he should become a happy man thereafter.

Finally, how do we summarise Buhari? As I discussed the man with my friend, Barr. Robinson Alaekwe, he wished our dear country would not witness such a disaster again. I made it clear to Robinson that his position verged on wickedness. Beyond Nigeria, may no country in this world witness the like of Buhari as its president. The mistaken statesman we saw rising like some spacecraft Apollo due to concourse of factors that threw him up among the luminaries of his time has since crashed like the Challenger. What a man! He will forever remain a butt of dinner jollity whenever how not to be a President is discussed. The sight of the man handing over power today shall teach all of us the humbling finale of all earthly powers.

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu mounted the saddle last Monday holding aloft the baton as Nigeria’s next leader, it was not impossible that he had butterflies in his stomach. How did he feel when he woke up that morning? Did he pinch himself to be sure he was not dreaming? It was clearly a day the Jagaban, alongside his wife, Senator Oluremi, and family members looked forward with bated breath. 

Finally, the day came with the break of dawn. It was May 29 and the events that unfolded would remain memorable, especially for Tinubu. “Oko mi, e ja gba du ra,” Remi would have told Tinubu that morning, as they prepared for the historic moments ahead. This translates to: “My husband, let us pray.” 

Don’t forget that a family that prays together stays together.

With Tinubu as president under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), why can’t all things become new? He asked for the job and he got it. Asiwaju Tinubu has been preparing for the job for more than 30 years. APC’s Renewed Hope manifesto is expected to catalyse a new beginning for Nigeria. .  

 

One of Apostle Paul’s well-known passages in his letters to Corinth is recorded in 2 Corinthians 5:17. “Behold, all things have become new” from the passage is the relevant context because “the old order of things have passed away.” 

It is believed that Paul authored most of the epistles in the New Testament. President Tinubu should do likewise and create a new direction for Nigeria. I am sure he knows that Nigerians are expectant and they are eager to enjoy the benefits of the reforms that will be introduced. 

Tinubu is fully aware of his new role and he knows he cannot afford to let Nigerians down. This is a self-imposed moral burden, but help will surely come from different quarters. The signal from the international community is re-assuring as they continue to pledge their support for the new administration to succeed. 

 

The announcements Tinubu made on fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange arbitrage during his inauguration are timely, commendable and exemplary. For how long are we going to pretend that we do not know where the shoe is pinching us? 

Truth be told, we have been wasteful in government spending. The best decision that Tinubu has taken since he was sworn in was announcing that there would be no more fuel subsidy. He is backed by the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) which came into effect two years ago.

The law says fuel subsidy effectively ended on February 17, 2021 – six month after the bill was passed by the National Assembly. But former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration had the courage but lacked the political will to end the duplicitous fuel subsidy regime which created fat cats over the years. 

How on earth did we pay for the subsidy when the federal government was reeling under the yoke of mounting debts? We did not have the money to pay for importing premium motor spirit (PMS) which we call petrol but NNPC Limited paid on behalf of the government.

 

Mele Kyari, the chief executive of NNPC Limited, announced at a press conference recently that the organisation is being owed over N2.8 trillion for imported PMS. Last year alone, over $10 billion was paid as subsidy for petrol. This money could have been used for other essential services. 

President Tinubu should watch two trending and insightful videos by Audu Ogbe (on ending importation of goods such as toothpicks that drain our foreign exchange) and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (on ending multiple foreign exchange rates).

Clearly, the big elephant in the room is corruption. How are we going to solve this problem that is endemic in the public and private sectors? According to Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), fighting corruption is dangerous.

Both Ogbe (former minister of agriculture) and Sanusi (banker, spiritual leader and former Emir of Kano) are well-known personalities and they were very frank in their submissions. They maintain that hard decisions must be made to rescue our economy from the “enemies” of Nigeria who have formed cartels to promote their selfish interests. Their only agenda is economic sabotage and they have been at it for many years.

 

This sabotage includes the egregious theft in the oil and solid minerals sectors which must be stopped at all cost. It is also alleged that our gold is stolen from Zamfara State and airlifted to Niamey in neighboring Niger Republic where they are loaded into private jets to their final destinations. 

Who are these economic saboteurs? Are they not Nigerians? President Tinubu must combat these vested interests by assembling the best team for his administration. They must be men and women of proven character and integrity who are willing to be selfless and serve with distinction. In addition, they must have the capacity, track record of performance and presence of mind to do what is right without fear for favour.

 

The people Tinubu appoint – which should be done within 30 days – will determine the type of applause that he would receive from Nigerians and investors. Hope must be renewed in thought, word and deed. The president must understand that he is now the father of the nation; he must therefore be fair to all – including mending broken hearts.

He should watch “Designated Survivor,” a political drama and conspiracy thriller. It is a television series (53 episodes, three seasons) that depicted how an accidental American president, Thomas Kirkman, prioritised “integrity” and “fair-play” to defend the interest of Americans. 

 

Tinubu should similarly act with courage, integrity and fairness and defend the public interest at all times. He must never endorse the selfish interests of a few Nigerians – no matter how highly placed – and their foreign collaborators.

In the movie, Kirkman insisted that the right thing must be done always in the interest of the American people. He frowned at the idea or wild imagination which suggested that anyone one in the White House – or any American for that matter – should cut corners to achieve their goals. He promoted the American values of human rights, dignity, liberty, freedom and justice as the cornerstone of their democracy.

 

Rotary’s Four-Way test principle will also be helpful for President Tinubu and I recommend that he should put them to work daily: Is it the truth; Is it fair to all concerned; Will it build goodwill and better friendships, and Will it be beneficial to all concerned.

Integrity is a core value of Rotary, a fellowship and humanitarian service organisation founded in 1905 by Paul Harris, a Chicago attorney, in over 200 countries and territories in the world. The other values are service, diversity, leadership and fellowship.

I have no doubt Asiwaju Tinubu will also find these values useful as he settles down to work. “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown” is a popular saying which applies to his situation. His plate will always be full and I can only imagine what his daily schedule will look like.

Mr President, there is no time for frivolities. You must discourage all the groups who may wish to come to Aso Villa in different colourful costumes to congratulate you; tell them you are very busy.

The same people will go behind you and say rubbish about your presidency. It is why you must devote your time and energy to work for Nigeria, and send a strong signal to those who do “eye service” to stay away from you. 

You are not new to this game; you have been a senator and governor. Let the whole world know that the “Emilokan” spirit is alive to achieve a higher purpose for Nigeria. This should count as your legacy. 

Tolerate those who are sending you messages for appointments. Lobbying is part of the game but always remember that fair-play garnished in a sauce called integrity and social justice is the name of the game.

Put Nigeria first in all your decisions and ensure that you protect our democracy which you fought for at the risk of your own life under the jackboot military dictatorship of late Sani Abacha. No one can deny that because the evidence is there for all to see. 

At the end of the day, even your traducers will respect your leadership qualities and acknowledge your achievements.

You distinguished yourself as governor of Lagos State from 1999 to 2005. Now is the time to even do more at the national level as the 16th president of Nigeria.

I wish you well, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

"We Africans all over the world
Now listen
Suffering and smiling!
Every day my people dey inside bus
Forty-nine sitting, ninety-nine standing
Them go pack themselves in like sardine..." — Fela Anikulapo Kuti.
 
In 1977, the king of Afro-beat music genre, Fela Anikulapo Kuti released an album titled: "Shuffering and Shmiling" from which lyrics, the above lines were culled. The song hinted on decades of existential uneasiness that characterized his generation and forecasted many years of avoidable poverty that would underscore Nigeria's underdevelopment. And 26 years after his death, this prophecy had continued to come through.
 
On many occasions, Nigerian leaders had subjected their citizenry to teeth-gnashing socioeconomic hardship as burden bearers of their leadership failure. We just witnessed irrational naira redesign policy that brought in austere cash crunch that left everyday Nigerians economically devastated for over three months. The policy would in the end yield no single positive result.
 
On May 29, a new administration came in town with Bola Ahmed Tinubu (whose election legitimacy is still being contested in court) taking the front seat. The first thing he did was to announce total removal of subsidy on premium motor spirit (PMS)  on the spot.
 
This threw the country into confusion! A policy statement as huge as oil subsidy removal ought not be casually made in such manner. The resultant ergonometric effects on the masses are usually unpredictable.
 
The independent petroleum marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) inexplicably hiked the product price, as a liter shooted to as high as N600 in some stations, while millions of Nigerians resorted to panic buying measures. Those who transported themselves from "the winding creeks of the Niger Delta, the vastness of the northern savannah, the boardrooms of Lagos, the bustling capital of Abuja, or the busy markets of Onitsha" (in Tinubu's voice) to Abuja to witness his inauguration, could not foot the hiked transport fares back to their destinations, no thanks to the knee-jack decision of their new president.
 
As the marketers continue to hoard the product in the face of market uncertainty, Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) is sleeping on duty, while customers pass sleepless nights in stations. The regulatory bodies in both upstream and downstream sub sectors of the oil industry are nowhere to be found at this moment of need.
 
The problem is that at the end of this dark energy tunnel, we may still not see the light of economic buoyancy, because no one is sure the regime will reinvest the proceeds in building "public" infrastructures. I choose my words carefully here; because as usual the proceeds may end up in "private" pockets (building stomach infrastructures) of cronies in the presidency.
 
No one is sure whether Tinubu has the requisite situational awareness to hold his cronies accountable. Will he re-instate palliative and cushioning programs like former President Jonathan's "Subsidy Reinvestment Program" (SURE—P)?
 
After two days of distasteful queue in fuel stations, New Telegraph newspaper's banner headline on Wednesday, May 31 read: "Tinubu backpedals; says fuel subsidy removal not with immediate effect." An indication that Nigerians may end up suffering for nothing, as usual. 
 
It didn't start today anyway.
In January of 2012, under President Jonathan, similar pronouncement and its cringing effects lasted for about one month, after which it was quashed.
 
Recall: that after years of military rule, Nigeria crafted and adopted a new constitution in 1978, and held general elections in 1979 that ushered in Alh. Shehu Shagari's administration. And as the global price of oil skyrocketed within the period, the country began to enjoy economic prosperity, a degree of social stability and political influence among African states.
 
As in other oil-rich nations, however, Nigeria's wealth was not evenly distributed. A few Nigerians became billionaires, while many lived in squalor. They mismanaged the fortunes of oil boom era. But when revenues from oil dropped precipitously as a worldwide oversupply of oil brought prices down, time ran out for President Shagari.
 
Economic hardship bedevilled the country. Instead of looking inwardly to blame the man on the mirror, Shagari adopted blame-shifting games. He distracted citizens' attention, and blamed the economic woes on illegal immigrants from neighboring countries.
 
And so in 1983, his government spared no energy in expelling about two million undocumented West African migrants, half of whom were from Ghana. The sturdy, checked bags into which they packed their belongings while leaving have become a symbol of exclusion and intolerance between the countries till date. That was how the bag became known as "Ghana-must-go." In the end, Nigeria was plunged into austerity that lasted until Shagari was outsted on December 31 1983.
 
The demise of that inglorious second Republic was summarily brought about by the total breakdown of law and order, and the apparent insecurity in the country arising from the bitter political wrangling generated by the 1983 general elections. The nation was moving dangerously in murky political waters that could have hit the reefs. 
 
Juxtapose 1983 with 2023, and draw your conclusion. Once again Nigeria is on the precipice!
 
Such abysmal downward plunge of the already battered economy, the unmitigated corruption, greed, avarice, lack of public probity and accountability, hunger and abject poverty, and the aimless drifting of the ship of state which characterised the last days of the Second Republic prompted the Armed Forces to strike in the midnight of December 31, 1983 and install Major General Muhammadu Buhari (then GOC 3rd Division, Jos) as the new Head of State.
 
People trusted the junta would do better to relieve their pains. He came by as an interventionist, offering shortcut route to economic freedom, which ended up causing Nigeria sadness without fruit.
 
His arid policies included the change of colour of the nation's currency notes (except the fifty kobo note) in April 1984 to stop currency trafficking. The exercise rendered almost half of the estimated N6 billion in circulation worthless at the expiration of the change. He okayed closure of the Nigerian borders in January 1984 to stem smuggling. Instead of devising means to bring traffickers and smugglers to book, he choose to spare the monsters while the masses bear the brunt.
 
The same man returned to power 32 years later, as an octogenarian civilian president, plunged the nation into economic recession twice in six years, and cluelessly enacted naira redesign policy that became fruitless in the end.
 
Tinubu, another octogenarian, has inherited a moribund economy from him, and while the masses hoped on him, he made a rash statement signalling an end to subsidy regime. 
 
Nigerians are suffering in an unending petrol queues, but it is fascinating to hear some of them express optimism that it will only last for short period and things will normalize. This was the same position they took during naira redesign days few months ago, which came to nothing. 
 
Fela was right: "Suffering and smiling" has mastered us as a people.
 
Let it be known that our problem is not subsidy. The real problem is the cloud of corruption that surrounded it. No president has been able to uproot these cabals who feast on our oil patrimony. Instead of wresting them out of that cesspool, President Tinubu like his predecessors choose window-dressing — fighting from the periphery.
 
Instead of fishing out and prosecuting the culprits, he choose to shy away and place on Nigerians the weight of inflationary burden which experts define as the short term implication of the policy. The unanswered question is "how short is the short term?"
 
May daylight spare us!

There is so much to say and write about the month of May. May is the fifth month of the year. As numerologists are wont to say, but mostly those who preoccupy themselves with the science of numbers, Figure 5 represents Love. It is powered by the force that is Love and it swings in Love. It can, therefore, be no surprise that the Son of God Almighty, Jesus, carries five letters, for indeed, He is the Love of God, the Love Part of the Father as I have mentioned in this column a few times now while Imanuel, the Justice Arm of God swings in Figure 7 which is also Perfection. Thus, the Justice and Will of God manifesting in the Laws of Creation otherwise called the Laws of Nature cannot be anything but perfect. It is through these living and perfect Laws, self-acting and self-enforcing, irrevocable, automatic, and unceasing, the Most High Creator governs His Creation.

In May, out of Love, the Almighty Creator renews His Creation during the outpouring of Power from On High. The Lord Christ said to His Disciples, “Be ye gathered in Jerusalem and ye shall be endued with Power from the Holy Spirit.” It is an Event that has been taking place from the beginning of Creation. If in any year, this renewal does not take place, Creation will shrivel and wither and all creatures, animate and inanimate, denied of energy, will go into extinction. To round off the series on Creation, having drawn our attention to how Creation came into existence as revealed in higher knowledge available on earth today, I consider it imperative to avert our minds to how it is maintained and will so be in all eternity. This concluding part is being handed over to John Olufemi Kusa, my “Siamese twin” and former Director of Publications/Editor-in-Chief of The Guardian. Captioned Significance of May (Pentecost) to Human Existence, the piece reads:

 

Nigerians will remember 29 May 2023 for the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In other countries, different events will make that day a historic one. Yet, for many people worldwide, May 29 of every year is observed in spiritual retreat as the forerunner day of the peak of Pentecost or the outpouring of Power from On High into our universe.

Since I learned in 1978 of the importance of May of every year for human existence, I have striven inwardly to withdraw from material encumbrances in the last three days of that month to give it deserved attention. Many of us do not know we are tiny parts of a mighty whole and that the mighty whole is microscopically present in each of us. One remembers this fact all over every May 29, 30, and 31 when one observes one’s heartbeat, about 72 of them every minute, and imagines the blood as it circulates within the body. Then one strives to imagine this microscopic event in the body of a mortal man at play in the gigantic universe as what is happening below is a mere miniature of what is going on in the mighty whole, the universe. Does it mean that the universe has a heart that is beating and pumping “blood” around it? If this is so, of what significance is it for the existence of every creature, including man, in the universe?

 

Left to man, this conception must be a difficult one to disentangle. He is no longer a balanced being with the ability to simultaneously experience material and immaterial existence. The intellect, resident in the frontal brain, the cerebrum or the “big” brain, the sharpest instrument of the material world, is over-cultivated and out of balance with the back brain, the cerebellum, the connection point with the immaterial or invisible world. Thus, the average earthman knows only his physical environment and of nothing else. Yet, that other world exists and is tangible to whosoever connects himself or herself to it. Earthly affairs, political, social, economic, etc, or simply our tangible world is upside down solely because many of us are no longer able to connect with the immaterial world. The immaterial world we are now distant from is the world that should govern our activities in the material world. There are very few human beings today who are balanced human beings because their frontal brains and back brains are no longer balanced. Our language should have warned us about this. We do not speak of a small eye and a big eye. Nor do we speak of a big hand and a small hand. Both lobes of the ear are symmetrically positioned and physically apportioned. So something must be wrong with the conception of a big brain and a small brain. It is this imbalance that makes governments, citizens, and the professions to be unable to think straight when it comes to doing things the way the universe, the microscopic part of it, expects us to conduct ourselves.

 

Nevertheless, there is a life to the materialist or a purely intellectual person. This lifeline is Revealed Knowledge. Knowledge belongs to the realm of the non-physical world. We always make the mistake of believing that the intellectually developed person or someone who has trained his or her brain through the study of something earthly or physical is a knowledgeable person. Oh no! He or she is only an erudite person brimming with erudition in his or her field of material preoccupation. A cardiologist is erudite when it comes to discussing the heart and the cardiovascular system before laypersons or even specialist doctors like himself. But when he says he “knows” a person or something, you ask, can this be a true statement? Whoever “knows” the other person? You cannot say you “know me” simply because you have been seeing me, reading my articles, or hearing about me almost all your life. Only a person who can see that other person in and out can claim or speak of knowing him or her.

We may understand this subject better and appreciate it better, also, the concept of revealed knowledge from the story of a psychic boy. He was in elementary school. He liked to be by himself whenever other children trooped out of their class for snacks or to relax during break time. The boy was called John. His story was told by Neale Donald Walsch in his book titled Conversations with God. The book was a gift to me on 12th April 1999 from Mr. Jacob Akindele, economist, tennis coach, and a member of the Editorial Board of The Guardian newspaper. I guess he thought I needed to read it after my review in the newspaper of James Redfield’s book, Celestine Prophecy.

One day, during class break, John’s teacher, a woman, walked up to him to ask why he was not out for a break. John gave her a shocking and surprising reply. He said her son had just had an accident. She had a son. When she asked him what he meant, John replied that her son was trying to cross a road and a vehicle knocked him down. The teacher thought that John was out of his mind. But soon after the break was over and she resumed her work, the head teacher walked in with someone beside him. They came to break the news to her that her son had just been knocked down by a vehicle and was in hospital! The teacher looked straight at John, picked up her bag, and announced to the class that she had to leave and she went to see her son in the hospital.

 

What I am trying to say is that knowingness is knowledge, and the capacity or ability to know does not reside in the frontal brain but in the Spirit. The intellect is no more than the perceptive capacity of the brain to gather information, classify and analyze it when and if necessary. Where most human beings on earth do not realise that they are Spirit Beings, we cannot speak of their ability to recognise easily, become seeing and knowing and, therefore, become knowledgeable. So, when we speak of revealed knowledge, it is knowledge revealed to the person who does not possess it. We are all meant to be knowing persons, but, unfortunately, we have become thinking persons. That means we think before we act. We do not receive or act on the basis of that which we have received, using the intellect as an instrument to shape our conduct. We do not receive or, rather, we do not easily receive anymore because the back brain, the cerebellum, which is the spiritually receptive part of the brains, has become stunted or atrophied from lack of sufficient use for which reason we now recognise it as the “small” brain. That also, is why our world is upside down and, there is no peace or happiness.

Christians are aware of the BOOK OF REVELATIONS. Moslems, too, are well advised of the events this book of revealed knowledge says are forthcoming to the earth. I find interesting the Revelation about May 30 in Revealed Knowledge of Our Time. It takes us back to that Temple in Christian teachings where 16 Elders continually sing Holy, Holy, Holy, God Almighty. Going by this revealed knowledge, the Temple is at the boundary of the worlds of the angels and interfaces with another Temple right below it where before Creation came into existence, there was a dark, cold, and lifeless void. With the Creation order, LET THERE BE LIGHT, a spiritual temple appeared beneath the Divine Temple of the 16 Elders like an annex to it. From out of the Spiritual Temple, came out the Power which lit up and warmed the lifeless, dark void, giving it the ability to host and sustain existence. This was the creation of Paradise or the various species of Creation. It was after the lowest of these worlds that the material worlds developed as miniature semblances. The earth is the Outpost of the material worlds in our universe called EPHESUS. This universe is one of seven referred to in the Book of Revelations which speaks of a Message to The Seven Churches of Asia. In the Divine Message, the “seven churches” and “Asia” is the spiritual name of Creation. An archangel superintends each universe and is being addressed by a higher order. This should resolve the assurances of the Lord Jesus that there were many “many mansions in My Father’s House.” How else but as shown in this revelation could there have been many mansions in a single house? God’s house is the entire Creation and the mansions are the various spheres of existence!

 

At the peak of Paradise stands a Temple. In this Temple, there is a vessel. It is from this vessel that all the worlds below this Temple in Paradise receive power from the Almighty Creator for their continued existence, flowering, and fruiting. Once a year in earthly parlance, power is poured out to the creations below for their maintenance. The outpouring is akin to the pumping of blood by the human heart to all parts of the body. When the heart fails to perform this function, the possibility of death is high. As it is above, so is it below, we have been told. Thus, if there is no outpouring of Divine Power from the Chalice in the highest Temple in Paradise, Creation would become deprived of energy, it would shrivel or wilt and…die!

In the aforementioned Revealed Knowledge in our time, the Renewal of Power for Creation takes place in the earthly month of May every year. The Revealed Knowledge informs us that the earthly peak of this event is May 30th. Knowing ones assemble in groups in every country where the knowledge is anchored in worshipful thankfulness, to absorb this power unhindered and to triumphantly use it beneficially for upbuilding purposes on this earth and in the Universe.

This revelation does not end there. It informs us that, as this period approaches in Paradise, the Knights of the Temple Who guard the Chalice seriously beseech the Holy Spirit. There is rejoicing in the Temple when the Holy Dove appears over the Chalice. It is the spiritually visible form of the Holy Spirit. Clairvoyants sighted the Holy Dove above the Person of the Lord Jesus wherever He was. Even Joseph, His earthly father, would sight it only on his deathbed when the Lord Jesus stood beside him. So moved was he, we are told, that all doubts departed from him and he exclaimed…So, THOU ART HE! The appearance of the Dove above the Person of Jesus is evidence that, like the Heavenly Father and the Holy Spirit, He and the Father are One in their Activities.

Some churches may have come to the recognition of The Holy Dove as the spiritually visible form of the Holy Spirit to make an image of it as part of their paraphernalia. As the Holy Dove stands over the Chalice inveighing it with power, the Chalice bubbles over from an outpouring of Power from the Holy Spirit into Creation. This Event has come to be recognised as Pentecost. This was what the Disciples of the Lord Jesus experienced in the upper chamber. According to reports of that Event, clairvoyants saw Tongues of Fire descend onto the head of each of them, and their souls were spiritually invigorated. Some Nigerian churches do not celebrate Pentecost. Those that do believe that it was a one-off Event of which the congregation is merely reminded once a year. But in other spiritual circles, it is well known, thanks to Revealed Knowledge, that this Event has been occurring since the beginning of Creation and will continue to occur for as long as Subsequent Creation deserves to exist through the Will of God, especially after the promised millennium. Man is now educated that Jesus knew about it, having come from the Almighty creator. Did He not warn that man’s sins against the Almighty Father and those against Him, Jesus, would be forgiven, but those against the Holy Spirit would not? Jesus knew of the time of the Pentecost of His time and instructed His Disciples to gather in the upper chamber for the blessing. In fact, as we are now informed, His Ascension took place on the crest of the waves of power rebounding Homeward.

 

Pentecost has not ceased to occur at the designated time every Earth year calendar, and May 30th has remained its peak. The trouble is that this power is received by many human beings today, but not consciously as the Disciples absorbed it. In this regard, it drives not many people towards beautiful ends as it did the Disciples; some bubble while a great many use it for ignoble ends not knowing the power that fills them. If we carefully observe what we call Nature at this time, it is a season of regeneration. In our part of the earth, the rains come visiting, the fields and forests are greener, refreshing and they bow the spirits. When the greens settle on the soul, it is driven to the point of almost bursting. The soil yields crops in abundance. The fruits and vegetables beckon in their abundance. Traditionally, on the other hand, it is the season of outbursts not only in Nigeria but globally. It is the season of protests and turmoil of Aluta Continua in Nigeria with youth raising clenched fists to hit the air if the sky is unattainable. Anyone who does not absorb and use the power is more likely to put it to negative, indeed ill-use. It is the period laden with Flash Points if we run our minds through history whether it is the Second World War (1939-1945) and events that preceded it and then the invasion of Poland by Germany; the Nigerian Biafra War (1967-1970) after the declaration of Biafra on 27 May 1967.

One would not know the thinking that informed the shifting of the inauguration of the Nigerian President from October 1, Nigeria’s independence anniversary to May 29, a previously quiet date on the Nigerian calendar. It may very well be that whoever threw up the idea was guided to imbue the new President with the power of Pentecost. It may very well be just one of those things. Whatever it may be, our prayer is that our country would attract blessings as would help the citizens and country alike to recognise the unswerving Will of the Almighty Creator and fulfill it. For, that alone is what can renew the land, heal wounds, and restore genuine peace in the beleaguered land.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is under fire for announcing that petrol subsidy is gone from day one. His inauguration address also touched on a unified currency exchange, high-interest rates and power, among others.

Of all these, however, the one that got the headlines was the petrol subsidy and the most frequently expressed concern, is why now? 

To say, in his first speech, that fuel subsidy was gone, that a unified exchange rate was vital, and that the current interest rate was anti-people and anti-business, was the economic equivalent of an earthquake. 

Of the four preceding presidential inauguration speeches since 1999 from Olusegun Obasanjo to Buhari, none that I reviewed was nearly as audacious and as provokingly clear as Tinubu’s position was on perhaps the most crucial economic decisions as he took office. 

Obasanjo, for example, talked about corruption, loss of confidence in government and the Niger Delta crisis. His three successors spoke about infrastructure, corruption and unemployment. But none was bang on the nail, as frontal and clear, as Tinubu’s was. We’re struggling because we’re used to being lied to.

Interestingly, in campaigns before the last general election, the other leading presidential candidates – Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Peter Obi of Labour Party – said they would remove subsidy. Obi, in fact, called it an “organised crime” and he was right.

For a man who has his work cut out for him, Tinubu does not have the luxury of philosophy or poetry. Not when organised criminals trading on a yearly petrol subsidy of about N4.4trillion as of 2022, have left the country bleeding nearly to death. He had to make his own structural earthquake or risk uncontrolled seismic explosion. If not now, then when? 

Tinubu’s dilemma reminds me of the story of a number of leaders confronted with extremely difficult choices before they had time to settle in office. The first of them is the Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, who told his story eloquently in his autobiography, “Bibi: My story.”

Israel might have had some important military successes before, but at the time Netanyahu became prime minister in 1996 the country was an economic basket case and inflation was in double digits.

Netanyahu ran for and won the premiership against his father’s advice, against principalities in his own Likud Party and against veterans in the ruling Labour Party. Winning was hard, but making his victory count was even harder. The press and the unions hated him and didn’t hide it.

As he rolled up his sleeves, he was shocked at what he found when he entered the cabinet room for his first meeting. The room was like a banquet hall, lined with omelets, cheese, assorted bread, tomatoes, cucumber, jam, cookies and so on.

“The cabinet ministers were already busy munching away,” he wrote, “passing dishes to one another. It reminded me of the Shabbat Breakfast Club in the synagogue in Hull, Massachusetts.”

It was the sort of executive indulgence that President Obasanjo also saw in Nigeria when he assumed office in 1999 and his response then, like Netanyahu’s on that day, was to scrap the nonsense immediately. 

But cabinet menu reform was the least problem on his plate. The real challenge was how to free the country from a semi-socialist nanny economy, state control, exposure to future global vulnerabilities, the dominance of monopolies, and union fat cats.

“By far the most important reform I enacted,” he said reflecting on that very difficult period, “was to liberate Israel’s rigid foreign currency controls. In 1998, Israel still resembled many third-world countries with regards to currency. Israelis could not take more than $7,000 out of the country without special authorisation from Israel’s central bank. Returning from abroad, they had to redeposit and register all foreign currency they held inside the country.” 

His finance minister and other bureaucrats opposed his decision to announce immediate currency reforms. They argued that such a drastic step would seriously devalue the country’s currency. He bit the bullet, and his finance minister resigned in anger.

By 2004, in spite of dire warnings of the disastrous consequences of his actions, Netanyahu had removed all foreign exchange restrictions. He transformed Israel’s economy from third to first world by following a simple rule: “Whenever possible, remove barriers to trade. Money, trade and investments generally flow to the freer economies away from the more controlled ones.”

Of course, to unleash innovation and creativity, he also tackled the archaic educational system. He told university administrators at one point that although he had the utmost respect for the study of humanities, if he had to share government shekel between Tibetan poetry and microelectronics, he would have no hesitation putting the money in the latter.

It wasn’t easy for China’s Deng Xiaoping either. In the face of very serious economic challenges, Xiaoping made painful decisions not very different from those of Netanyahu. He liberalised the economy, unleashed the energy of the private sector and the small businesses, and introduced one of the most controversial – yet most consequential social reforms: the one-child policy. 

Also, India remained a nearly-there economic success story until nine years ago when Prime Minister Narendra Modi took some of the most far-reaching economic reforms, restructuring the tax system and expanding financial literacy and inclusiveness to cover the so-called “untouchables.”

From Netanyahu to Modi, the lesson is clear: a leader who inherits a broken country and an underperforming economy must take tough decisions or risk failure. Of course, tough decisions do not necessarily guarantee success. But shying away from them guarantees failure.

Since Tinubu said on Monday that petrol subsidy was gone, he has been criticised for a speech “lacking in empathy and philosophy.” If the current subsidy regime would officially end on June 30, why did he make an obviously unpopular decision on his first day on the job without first laying out how it was going to work?

For decades in this country, I have listened to empathetic and philosophical speeches about how subsidy only benefits the rich and how the country is being robbed to indulge them, yet nothing fundamental has been done to correct the situation. Government after government just kicks the can down the road.

I have heard union leaders, probably the greatest obstacles to a more transparent and efficient supply system, call for “greater stakeholder engagement”, when all they really want to do is exploit and milk public disaffection by holding the system hostage with threats of strikes, the sort of attitude that makes Margaret Thatcher’s handling of the unions in the UK look like redemption moment.

President Goodluck Jonathan came very close to scrapping subsidy in 2012. He was snagged, not by his good intention, but by the discovery that $6.8 billion collected to mitigate the impact of subsidy removal between 2009 and 2011 after petrol prices were raised from N65 to N120, had been cornered and stolen by his own government officials.

For eight years, President Muhammadu Buhari toyed with subsidy removal. In spite of strong support even by key members of his own party, however, he couldn’t quite overcome an approach-avoidance conflict, a catastrophic hallmark of his government.  

In 2020 the minister of finance said subsidy had been removed from the budget. Yet Buhari, the minister of Petroleum Resources who once said subsidy was a scam, turned a blind eye as subsidy returned in full force reaching an all-time high according to Reuters of N4.4trillion in 2022 alone. 

For lovers of philosophy and poetry, eight years of prevarication and temporising under Buhari was enough orchestra. One more day after would have unleashed the same forces that have held us hostage for this long. Not a luxury we can afford anymore.

The immediate fallout of Tinubu’s announcement would be messy, even ugly, with spikes in general price levels. Even though NNPC Limited has not issued import franchises in the last two weeks at least, which means the market had been hedging and anticipating Tinubu’s announcement, he had barely finished speaking when petrol queues surfaced all over the country and pump prices per litre tripled in some places.

That’s not new or unforeseen. Nor would the outcome have been significantly different even if Tinubu had waited another year before making the announcement or if NNPC had waited another six months before confirming the removal of pump price caps. 

My guess is that after the initial inevitable chaos, the market would gradually adjust and consumers, used to the easy road, would adapt. Prodigal states, faced with shrinking handouts from Abuja, would also have to examine their fiscal choices. 

There would be a need to reduce the impact on the weak and vulnerable, the bulk of who are outside the major cities and beyond the reach of the self-serving arguments of the city elite and the unions. But even intervention cannot start unless subsidy stops immediately to free funds.

Petrol subsidy is gone, means petrol subsidy is gone. Anything short of saying so on day one, would have amounted to kicking the can down the road, again. And that, we have seen, has been the graveyard of speeches in the last several decades full of economic philosophy and poetry but meaning nothing. Enough.

 

I recall my perennial visits to the three South-south Nigerian states of Akwa Ibom, Cross River and Rivers in the late 1980s and early 1990s when I was the Features of The PUNCH newspapers and, later, the Acting Editor of The Sunday PUNCH title with responsibilities for editing and producing the paper. Those were the days when Akpandem James was our State Correspondent in Akwa Ibom , Timi Fakrogha manned Cross Rivers (Calabar) and Ken-Fash Ayibaemi held sway in Port-Harcourt. I recall that Akpandem was one of the best writers we had in those days and his copy was always a delight to edit. I still remember a particular piece in which he described Uyo as the “Can-Do City” with its streams of commercial motorcycle riders which we call Okada” in Lagos but which, in Uyo, he said were called “alalok”, if my memory hasn’t failed me.

Those were the days when Nigeria hadn’t completely gone crazy with the importation of every conceivable item, down to toothpicks, and when the newsprint manufacturing company at Oku-Iboku in Cross River state, where Nigerian newspapers sourced their newsprints, was still functional. Timi had the additional assignment of enduring we got prompt and adequate supply of newsprints for our operations. Ken-Fash was adept at setting up high-brow and controversial personalities for interviews. I recall that he arranged for me to interview, among others, the musician, Evi-Edna Ogholi; Muhammed, a grandson of the then Sultan of Sokoto who got converted to Christianity and had to go into hiding; the Ogoni environmentalist and social justice crusader, Ken Saro-Wiwa; and the first military governor of Rivers state, at 25 years of age, during the Yakubu Gowon era, Alfred Papapreye Diete-Spiff, at that time the Amanyanabo of Twon-Brass.

Gen. Sani Abacha is well known for his obnoxious Decree 4 of 1984 which criminalized any publication by a journalist deemed by the authorities as embarrassing to a public official but Diete-Spiff, decades before him (on July 30, 1970), had set the unenviable record of an intolerant and high-handed military governor. A journalist, Minare Amakiri (Rivers State Correspondent of the Edo State-based Observer newspaper), had published, on the governor’s birthday, a story that the governor considered offensive (the grumbling of teachers in the state). An enraged Diete-Spiff decided to teach Amakiri a lesson for ruining his birthday fun. One of the governor’s aides, Ralph Iwowari, had Amakiri’s head publicly shaved with a broken bottle, in addition to his being given 24 lashes of the cane!

 My interview of Saro-wiwa was not as explosive as his recourse to it in his column in the Daily Times titled “Cannibal Rage”, in which he warned everyone to “Fear the Ogoni”! The question I asked him was whether his people, the Ogoni, still ate human flesh as his fore-bears were alleged to have done!        

Penultimate Monday, I was back again in Uyo to give moral support to Gov. Udom Gabriel Emmanuel as he rounded off his eight-year tour of duty as governor of the state. The first recommendation I had of Gov. Udom Emmanuel came from Femi Falana, SAN. Each time I advocated restructuring and fiscal federalism as panacea to Nigeria’s myriad problems, Femi would say “Go to Akwa Ibom and see what their governor is doing there”! He specifically mentioned the five-star Ibom Air founded by Udom Emmanuel. His argument was that despite the imperfections in the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, there is still a lot that any serious, focused and competent governor can do to uplift their people and that our fixation on restructuring only allows our governors in the South-west a convenient excuse for their below par performance in the delivery of the dividends of democracy to their own people.

The second person I heard the name Udom Emmanuel from was my brother-journalist, US-based Dr. Moshood Fayemiwo, publisher of the very popular “Razor” and, later, “Sunset” tabloids with which he relentlessly fought military dictatorship. Moshood and I hail from the same town, Owo in Ondo state but more importantly, we were both in the trenches as Nigerians fought Babangida and Abacha on the way to giving birth to the democracy we enjoy today. Along with many other activists, we were hounded, harassed and detained but were lucky to escape with our life. Dr. Moshood called from the US one day and said he wanted me to work with his friend, Gov. Udom Emmanuel, who wanted to be the presidential candidate of PDP in the last election. I said to myself “Udom Emmanuel again!” I told Dr. Moshood I would think about it. I decided to pray. I called one of my prayer partners but as soon as I mentioned the name Udom Emmanuel, he interjected: “I know Udom Emmanuel" and recommended him very well.

The word of God says from the mouth of two or three witnesses the truth of a matter shall be established (2 Corinthians 13:1). That was how I came to work with Gov Udom Emmanuel as his presidential spokesperson. Had he been given the PDP flag, the result, I dare to say, would have been different. But hope deferred is not hope denied! Coming with him to Akwa Ibom while the campaign lasted, I saw more than Ibom Air. I saw the coconut oil factory and when the sample I took to Lagos with me got exhausted, my wife moaned. I was again in Akwa Ibom from Monday, 22nd May to the stepping down of Udom Emmanuel as governor and the inauguration of the new governor, Pastor Umo Bassey Eno, on Monday the 29th May to honour this special breed of a leader that we call, in Yoruba, “akanda eniyan” (specially made by God). All the superlatives that were deployed to describe him as he commissioned one project after another were, in my view, well deserved. His record of achievements are astounding, to say the least.

I have since added Udom Emmanuel’s name to those of JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, NDLEA’s Gen. Mohammed Buba Marwa, and retired but not tired judge of the Kogi State High Court, Justice Alaba Omolaye-Ajileye as public officials who, having performed creditably well in their given assignments, deserve a place in the government of competency that our brand-new president, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has promised to run. I dare to say that Akwa Ibom has been fortunate and privileged to offer Udom Emmanuel the pedestal on which to showcase the stuff of which he is made. Like Archimedes said: "Give me a place to stand, and a lever long enough, and I will move the world” For Udom Emmanuel, Akwa Ibom was that "place to stand". His record of achievements was the "lever long enough".

But it was not a bed of roses for the former governor; Nigeria’s political landscape is strewn with charlatans, petty jealousies, acrimony, blatant lying and the now-famous PHD (pull-him-down syndrome). There was a tinge of sadness in Udom’s voice as he narrated his experience on this score, first at the valedictory thanksgiving service and dedication of the International Christian Worship Centre and later the same day at his end-of-term media parley. He was miffed at the deliberate destruction of facilities provided at great cost for the benefit of the same people destroying them for political or selfish reasons. The strife between communities over boundary issues which his mapping policy was meant to address was deliberately misinterpreted by political detractors and ignorant people to cause mayhem and destroy projects meant to provide jobs and enhance the state’s economic fortunes.

 Udom knelt down on the altar at the International Christian Worship Centre and decreed: “No evil man, no wicked man will rule over Akwa Ibom” Turning to his successor, Pastor Umo Eno, he passed until him the same mantle of grace that had been upon him (Udom) for eight years in which the state enjoyed unparallel peace, attested to by even the man on the street. The service was still ongoing when news came that Udom Emmanuel has been conferred with the national honours of Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON). Udom and his wife Dr. Martha Udom Emmanuel were also honoured by the Christian community. 

At the media parley, Udom passed this message across to the people: “You cannot have a better state than yours”. So people should stop deliberately putting their state of origin down to score cheap political points. Satisfied with his efforts which have made many to refer to him as the architect of modern Akwa Ibom state, Udom declared: “I am leaving this state better than I met it ''. He was confident his investment in human and capital development would stand the test of time      

These days Nigerians flock to Dubai but hear what a citizen of that country said about Nigeria and Dubai in a post that has gone viral: “If you compare Nigeria with Dubai, listen to this: Nigeria has (crude) oil before Dubai. They are richer than us. They have agriculture, they have mining, they have everything, you name it; they have it. Am I right or wrong? When you have true leadership – which we have – we have nothing but we have everything because we have the right leadership. That is the only thing you need – a right leader for your country... That is what brings your country to the top. You don't need anything (else). We don't have water; we don't have agriculture; we don't have mining...” It could not have been better put!

That, in a nutshell, is the real value we must attach to the likes of Udom Emmanuel – providing the right leadership - which he demonstrated in Akwa Ibom. So, the last may not have been heard of this banker-turned-politician. His next bus stop lies ahead - in the womb of time.

In a show of desperation (some would say cowardice) at the polling station in Daura on 25th February, former President Muhammadu Buhari displayed his ballot paper after exercising his franchise. The unusual gesture – which goes against the spirit of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines – was a not-so-subtle signal to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu that he (Buhari) had kept his side of the bargain. Just in case the election did not favour his party. It was certainly understandable. Stripped of all pretensions, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was carefully constructed by Tinubu for the goal of reaching the presidency after Buhari. That was the meaning of the ‘Emilokan’ outburst at a time people around the former president were plotting to throw Tinubu under the bus. But now that he has arrived at his final political destination, the question is: What does Tinubu want to do with Nigeria?  

Let’s be clear. President Tinubu comes to the office with a sense of foreboding. This is the first time under the current democratic dispensation that a presidential election winner secured less than 50 percent of the votes. In his own case, Tinubu secured less than 40 percent of the total votes cast because, also for the first time, there were four major political parties in contention. Like the Second Republic when Alhaji Shehu Shagari won with 33 percent of the votes. This election has also left the country divided along ethno-religious lines. That a Yorubaman is president again after eight years of Olusegun Obasanjo and eight years of Yemi Osinbajo as vice president presents its own peculiar problem in a nation that we have all been conditioned to believe rests on a tripodal WaZoBia political construct. But the issue now is that the kingmaker has wangled his way to the throne at a most difficult period in our history.   

In his (in)famous declaration in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, on 1st June last year, Tinubu said what could have upended his ambition.“If not me that led the warfront, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested the first time; he lost. He contested a second time and lost again. He contested a third time and still lost,” said Tinubu in a speech that depicted someone going for broke. “This time, it’s Yoruba’s turn. And it’s my turn.” That ‘Emilokan’ slogan which echoes both a sense of entitlement as well as an offensive condescension was enough to end Tinubu’s ambition. That he mocked a sitting African president in the process made his case even worse. But like many of the scandals he has survived, the angry retorts spoken in a moment of frustration may have helped Tinubu’s cause.   

But whatever anybody’s preference, Tinubu is now the president of Nigeria. Unless the court says otherwise. Beyond the healing process that must begin, he also has two tough but critical decisions to make on the economic front: removal of fuel subsidy and getting the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to merge the exchange rates that has left scandalous arbitrage for fat cats. Vice President Kashim Shettima said on Tuesday that “it is either we get rid of subsidy, or the fuel subsidy gets rid of the Nigerian nation. In 2022, we spent $10billion subsidizing the ostentatious lifestyle of the upper class of the society because you and I benefit 90% from the oil subsidy. The poor 40% of Nigerians benefit very little. And we know the consequences of unveiling a masquerade.” Shettima could not have presented the situation better and that is exactly what some of us have been saying for the past two decades. But because everything lasts forever on the internet, to borrow a famous saying, Tinubu’s words are now coming back to haunt him. 

Following the removal of subsidy by President Goodluck Jonathan on 1st January 2012, Tinubu authored a statement where he argued that the decision was taken “with an arrogant wave of the hand as if issuing a minor regulation”; and “because of the terrible substance of the decision and the haughty style of its enactment, the people feel betrayed and angry.” The same is now being said of the “fuel subsidy is gone” line in Tinubu’s inauguration speech which created chaos at fuel stations before yesterday’s decision that has almost tripled the pump price of petrol. “Government would have us believe that every hardship it manufactures for the people to endure is a good thing. This is a lie. The hardships they thrust upon the poor often bear no other purpose than to keep them poor. This is such a time”, Tinubu wrote 11 years ago apparently oblivious to the fact that a day like this would come.   

When in January last year Tinubu told State House Correspondents that being president was a lifelong ambition, I wrote at the time that it was more than a Freudian slip. Tinubu has spent the past 16 years since leaving office as Lagos State Governor pursuing this ambition. In his memoir, ‘My Participations’, former Osun State Governor and founding chairman of the APC, Chief Bisi Akande (who is perhaps the closest politician to Tinubu), confirmed that the ambition indeed dates to 2007, with the formation of the Action Congress (AC). “We agreed that (former Vice President) Atiku Abubakar should be our presidential candidate and we had the understanding that he would run with Bola Tinubu. I was the chairman of the AC. One day, after we had nominated Atiku as our presidential candidate, one young man came and gave me a form from INEC. I told him I could not sign a blank form and that I, as the chairman, must know the name that would be filled in it” wrote Akande who explained the intrigues that led to Atiku dropping Tinubu as running mate 15 years ago. “Segun Osoba, Niyi Adebayo and Lam Adesina had earlier met Atiku, and we proposed to him our choice of Tinubu, and he promised to come back to us. He gave us a date. On that date, we all assembled. Atiku came with Audu Ogbeh, Tom Ikimi and Usman Bugaje. We proposed that Tinubu should be the running mate, though Tinubu was not at the meeting. Atiku would not give us an immediate answer. He said he wanted to have more consultations.”   

At that period, there were forces around Atiku who believed the choice of Tinubu, a fellow Muslim, would present a problem and Akande named them. “Ikimi, Ogbeh and others were all strongly against Tinubu, because they said it would mean a Muslim-Muslim ticket. We deadlocked over that. Atiku never said anything. We left the meeting. What prompted us was that anytime we said we needed money, Atiku would say Bola please help us. Bola was the only one spending money among us. The rest of us were poor. Tinubu also put all his energy and resources into the formation of the AC, and we felt he deserved a spot on the ticket. We discussed with Bola on this, and he said we should discuss it with Atiku. It was after we were deadlocked that they brought me the blank form. So, Atiku ran with (Dr Ben) Obi and failed. Only Lagos State from Southwest voted for Atiku.”  

Despite the failure of that project in 2007, Tinubu never wavered on his presidential ambition. Incidentally, I have had several interactions with Tinubu over the past three decades but the one I remember most vividly occurred on 16th November 2016. In writing my book, ‘Against the Run of Play: How an Incumbent President was defeated in Nigeria’, I spoke to many of the principal characters, including Tinubu. In the more than two hours I spent with him that day in Lagos, Tinubu made it clear that the idea of the APC was for him to be running mate to Buhari, ostensibly with a plan to use that as a ladder for the number one job. Akande also corroborated that in his memoir.   

When in 2015 people around Buhari suggested a committee to assess possible running mate candidates after the presidential primaries, Akande saw it as a betrayal of Tinubu: “Adams Oshiomhole, the Governor of Edo State, stood up and said we were being dishonest. He said he was a serving governor and many of those in the Elders Committee had been governors. ‘Did we set up a committee to give us our running mates?’ he asked. ‘It is not fair!’ I came to know later that some people constituted themselves into a group, called the Northern Interest Group, and they prevailed on Buhari not to allow a Muslim-Muslim ticket. Some governors from the far North were involved in this group. The following day after the Elders’ committee meeting, which was deadlocked, Buhari phoned Tinubu. He said he would like Tinubu to give him three names from which he would pick a running mate. We were all in Abuja and Tinubu rushed to me with this information. He wanted to know whether the understanding we reached with Buhari had changed. I called Buhari and he told me he now needed three names from us. I was angry with him. ‘General, this was not what we agreed upon,’ I said in annoyance. ‘You are changing our agreement?’. He knew I was getting angry. He said he was under pressure from some governors from the North, including (those) who were Muslims. I told him the slot belonged to the Southwest and among the Yoruba, religion is not a factor in leadership. ‘That is the burden the north has brought to national politics!’ He did not like my remark but kept quiet about it…”  

Before I conclude, it is important to hear what Akande has to say about the person of Tinubu.“In struggles, Bola is always resolute against all difficult circumstances. In fighting, Bola demonstrates consistent courage and resilience. He is a powerful and strong political mobiliser, a fierce and ferocious fighter such that he generally and quickly generates tension around himself when poised for a fight to the embarrassing confusion of those who might have enjoyed his pleasantness and generosity. In any war, apart from battles of deadly weapons, it would be safer to persuade Tinubu to fight on your side. If you allow him to fight on the other side, even if you are winning the initial battles, you cannot be sure of winning the peace thereafter.”  

Akande is not done: “Tinubu carries his business sense too often into his political decisions. He always feels too strongly about his own (sometimes, peculiar) political views and ways, but his presentations and utterances appear constantly underplayed by smarting too often under heavy burdens of human demands and public pressure. Tinubu is a difficult personality; very complicated for me to classify. He revels in controversies but constantly suppresses attendant difficult pains of disappointments and betrayals by consuming cups of strong espresso (coffee) and chains of cigarettes. However, he is a man of exceptional quick reflexes who has interpretations for different and alternating moods of others around him with instinctive striving and sensitive hormones. For whoever he senses negatively, he detests, condemns and, if possible, fights ferociously; for others in his positive antenna, he admires, protects, and defends with passion. Bola Tinubu is blindly generous and dangerously humorous.”   

That in a nutshell is the man who now carries the burden of Nigeria on his fragile frame. I have written several critical columns about Tinubu. One of them, just a two-paragraph piece, ‘Tinubu should watch it’ elicited an angry response from my friend Sunday Dare (until a few days ago the Minister of Sports and Youth Development under Buhari) who was then Tinubu’s spokesman. But I am one of those who believe that there are positives from Tinubu’s stewardship in Lagos that would serve us in Nigeria. What critics often ignore is that we are talking about a huge population cramped into a small space (for instance, Niger State is more than 21 times the size of Lagos State in landmass). I crave the indulgence of readers to take a few excerpts from what I wrote in November 2015: “I am quite aware of the sundry allegations that have for years dogged tax administration in Lagos, especially regarding who the actual beneficiaries are as well as other questions that border on transparency and accountability in the management of the state’s finances. Those are important issues that would have to be addressed. Notwithstanding, in terms of the primacy of ideas for modern governance, Lagos remains the model by which Nigeria can work and due credit must be given to Tinubu as the pioneer in that direction.   

“When people complain about Lagos, it is because they have not paid attention to its huge population, the enormous challenges and what is no more than meagre resources, even with all the internally generated revenues. The question really is how the situation would have been if Lagos was, like other states, dependent on oil revenues. One fact most people also ignore is that Lagos, according to Governor Akinwunmi Ambode contributes significantly to the federal purse with over 65 percent of Nigeria’s non-oil Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and 60 percent of value-added manufacturing.  

“In his cabinet appointments, Tinubu went for talents. For the record, Tinubu’s commissioners included Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, (former vice president); Olawale Edun who had worked in the Wall Street firms of Lehman Brothers and Chase Manhattan Capital Markets Corporation in New York and the World Bank/IFC in Washington DC; Olayemi Cardoso who started his career in 1981 at Citibank; renowned architect, Mr. Lanre Towry-Coker and several other accomplished professionals like Leke Pitan, Ben Akabueze, Tunji Bello and Oladele Alake.   

“The Lagos model has its own contradictions that would have to be resolved in the overall interest of the people of the state and that of the actors themselves. But if Nigeria is ever to develop an economy that is less dependent on oil rent, the Lagos model is the way to go. The success recorded in Lagos under Tinubu and (Babatunde Raji) Fashola especially owe largely to their very keen understanding of the immediate needs of the peoplefree flow of traffic, infrastructure that is tolerably acceptable, improved environmental sanitation and a reasonable level of security. They went ahead first to address these needs in a demonstrable and visible way before evolving taxation mechanisms. It would be recalled that as Tinubu set about fixing potholes on many Lagos roads, there was always a signage that said, ‘YOUR TAX MONEY AT WORK’. The same went with most other public work projects.  

“When the tax man eventually came calling, most people were able to see the relationship between the increased demand for taxation and the sense of responsibility of their government. This remains the clearest demonstration in recent Nigerian history of the dictum that dictates a correlation between taxation and representation…”  

I wrote that eight years ago when I had no idea that Tinubu would ever be president of Nigeria. Now that he has achieved his ‘lifelong ambition’, we wait to see what kind of president he would be. Yes, Lagos under Tinubu was not perfect but by putting the right people in the right places, enduring reforms were made in several sectors and the state is now the better for it. But all factors considered, Tinubu is a very lucky man. Despite what Nigerians know (and do not know) about him, he is now our President. Therefore, in moments of introspection, Tinubu must admit that Nigeria has given him so much. And to whom much is given, much is expected. I wish him all the best in his new assignment.    

Dokpesi: An Impactful Life  

From Agenebode, Edo State to Ibadan, Oyo State capital, before the sojourn in Poland and the political adventure in Yola, Adamawa State in the early eighties, the late Dr Raymond Dokpesi, as I wrote in the blurb to his memoir last year, lived according to the timeless injunctions of Misty Gibbs: He was bold, he took risks, and was perpetually on the move. It was therefore with sadness that I heard about his death on Monday.  

Although we had been ‘neighbours’ for more than a decade, I had no relationship with Dokpesi. But two things happened in the last three years. First, his wife and African Independent Television (AIT) Managing Director, Mrs Oluwatosin Dokpesi took special interest in the free education project for indigent children (Not Forgotten Initiative) of my wife and has been rendering invaluable support. And then two years ago, I was approached by two respected senior colleagues, Messrs Bayo Bodunrin and Okoh Aihe to help read through the draft of their authorised biography of Dokpesi, ‘The Handkerchief’. It was a task I accepted without hesitation. The hefty cheque that accompanied the letter of appreciation that followed from Mrs Dokpesi indicated that the late DAAR Communications chairman knew about my intervention. Thereafter, Dokpesi called me to initiate what became a friendship until he died. 

Despite the circumstances of birth and the travails of formative years, Dokpesi rose against all odds to accomplish so much in 71 years. Not only did he pioneer private radio and television stations in Nigeria, but he was also one of the first persons to venture into indigenous shipping line on the continent with ‘Africa Ocean Line’. And he was barely 30 at the time. I commiserate with his family. May God grant him eternal rest.  

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