I’m getting ahead of myself. Father’s Day is still next Sunday. But after the Executive Editor of LeVogue, LEADERSHIP’s Fashion and Lifestyle magazine, Nikki Odu-Khiran, asked me if I could write a piece to mark the day, it got me thinking. 

If my father, who passed on May 28, 2000, ever had to write on Father’s Day, what would he have written? Of course, he wouldn’t have written anything. A pensioner who worked as a storekeeper at the Apapa (Lagos) Quays of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) before he retired in 1996, Robert could barely write. 

But my, oh, my, he could hold a crowd with his speech. And if you wanted to get him going, then talk politics, especially about Nigeria’s Civil War.

I can imagine what he would have said about Father’s Day back then. Being a father in his time is different from being a father today. And if my children have to write about Father’s Day two and a half decades from now, they’ll probably be using the same lens of wistful contemplation. Every generation thinks its burden is the heaviest. 

My father would not be surprised, for example, that I didn’t know his real age and never once asked him until he passed. Of course, I wrote 84 in his obit because I had to write something. I got that from asking several sources I thought would know. Not from him. For the over four decades that he lived and as far back as I can remember, I never could ask him his age.

What it meant to be a father was for the son to stay in his place. Father’s authority was final, unquestionable. Mucking about asking him about his age would have been crossing a line. 

Fast forward 2023. My children not only ask me to “surrender” my PIN number and God-knows-what-else, my four-year-old granddaughter asks me my name, my mother’s name, and once teased her own mother to call my wife by name. And that, of course, is woke.

I’m not sure my father would have thought so. Perhaps if he had lived to see his great-granddaughter, he would have half-jokingly, half-embarrassingly dismissed such precociousness as a regrettable 

consequence of the new-age bug.

If my father wanted me to become anything other than a journalist, I’m not sure there was much I could have done about it. You studied what you were told, which was often either law, medicine or engineering. Being a father at the time meant laying down the rules about virtually everything from your child’s hairstyle to their course of study. And being a son meant one thing: obedience. 

Fortunately, my father wasn’t really interested in my career choice. All he wanted was for me to be the best in any career I wanted, a concession which I still find hard to explain, given his dominance in my life. 

My father believed that staying away from booze, parties and girls was the beginning of wisdom and kept a long cane to enforce it. You really couldn’t blame him.  Ajegunle, where I grew up, was one of the most congested slums of Lagos at the time. Booze was cheap, parties rampant, and girls plenty. 

Of course, boys being boys (and occasionally with the connivance of my mother), I sneaked off to parties a few times, stayed out late and swigged a few bottles of beer.  I even wrote frothy love letters with lines from James Hadley Chase. 

However, when I crossed the line like when I went off on my own to see a football match at the National Stadium where dozens died in the post-game stampede, my mother gave me the full measure of a fan belt hung on the door lintel until I was covered in welts and near passing out, while my father turned a blind eye.

Of my many transgressions growing up, bringing a girl home, even when I was over 21, would have been considered a cardinal sin. It didn’t matter that I was out of secondary school and in higher school for my HSC, my father often warned, sternly, that hanging out with a girl when he was still responsible for me meant that I was in a hurry to relieve him of any further fatherly responsibility. His favourite phrase was, “If you get any girl pregnant, you’re done for!”

I’m sort of stuck in that groove. Tried as I have to be a modern-day dad, my children — all in their adult years — still know I felt a bit awkward, especially in the very early stages of their relationships. I think psychologists call it conditioning. 

It’s futile, isn’t it? I mean for a father, these days, to worry too much about the social life of their grown-up children? You worry as they grow up, hoping they will pass every stage of growth when they should. Then you worry when they start making friends, hoping they will survive peer pressure. 

Then you worry when they start going out, hoping they will keep the right company; you worry when they start going to school hoping that for all the huge bills you pay (and for their own sake) they will make good grades and turn out well. 

Then when they finish, you also worry about how they will get a good job; how they would marry and who they would marry; and perhaps when they would have children. And when the grandchildren come, the worry cycle starts again. 

I guess my father had all these worries, too, maybe less so in many ways than my mother had them. Yet, in a way, he had far more control of things than I could ever hope to have over my own children. If he didn’t want me to go out to a party, to see Ian Fleming’s The Spy Who Loved Me or any of Amitabh Bachchan’s hit movies, for example, which I rarely did, he only needed to say the word and, very often, that was that.

As a father today, however, if I don’t want my child to go to a party, he could bring the party home by phone. And if I don’t want him to go to the movie, he could watch Netflix on a speed dial.

If I told him that too many bananas and sweets could unleash the village masquerades on him, which was what my mother told me obviously for my own good, he could simply ask Google. And I’ve just been told that if I give my son a timeout, thanks to the next big thing, Apple’s Vision Pro, he could simply recreate his own new world indoors.

I wasn’t a sheltered kid. Back in the day, my father was happy to put my school “chop money” into my hand every school day and off I went, either alone or with other students, covering a distance of at least 25 kilometres to and from school through shortcuts and winding street corners on foot. We didn’t have to worry about kidnappers.

It’s a different world today. Being a father when my children were much younger also meant being their driver for school runs, popping up on Open Day and fretting about what age they should get a phone, things my father would have considered helicopter parenting. 

Sometimes, being a modern-day father can feel like the Chartterjees in the legal drama Mrs. Chartterjee Vs Norway, only in the domestic sense, where your own grown-up children take the place of the Norwegian authorities. 

Today’s children have a completely different code of how they want their own children raised, nurtured and treated, different from what your mother or father taught you!

And increasingly, a number of them relate to you differently. On this Father’s Day, for example, if you’re nice, your son might even offer you a bottle of beer! The mere thought of it would make my father turn in his grave. I can almost hear him say, “this generation is done for!” Is it?

No matter how we pare it, the 2012 #OccupyNigeria protests will remain pivotal in our sociopolitical history. Its significance lies in how much the pushback against government insensitivity resounded nationwide and even among the Nigerians in the Diaspora. It started as protests against the fuel subsidies removal, but it soon culminated in other disquieting issues such as government profligacy. #OccupyNigeria was the crucial juncture where the “breath of fresh air” that supposedly ushered in the Goodluck Jonathan administration—elected less than a year then—was putrefied. Nothing else he did afterward could stop the doomsday clock of his administration that started ticking. He got stuck with the label of corruption, and it defined his image all through.

In light of the present administration of Bola Tinubu’s removal of the same fuel subsidies, but with far less dramatic effects, it is understandable that people would question why the public intellectuals, social advocates, labour unions, and other third-sector activists who turned the tables against Jonathan have been nearly mute this time. How did it happen that Jonathan was “wicked,” but Tinubu’s doing the same in the tardiest manner is an exhibition of “leadership”?

While the difference in the responses then and now can be easily chalked down to factors such as tribalism, a sheer dislike for Jonathan, or even the benefit of hindsight, the critics make a strong case by raising the issue of the moral contents of public advocacy. Do the class of opinion entrepreneurs—from the public intellectuals, social advocates, social commentators, and even the so-called influencers—even have a moral anchor, or do they merely speak just so they too can be heard? Given that Tinubu himself was one of the several opportunists who hijacked the mood of dissatisfaction driving that protest to flaunt his own populist credentials, what does it say about his character that he would be the one to eventually remove the fuel subsidies without as much as creating a cushioning effect for the people who would expectedly be diminished by the multiplier effects of higher fuel prices? Tinubu, by writing that infamous letter to Jonathan to criticise him on the fuel subsidies, created a document that now testifies to his moral unscrupulousness.

But it has become typical that when the history of that moment is told in recent times, people redact the larger context and allege that the whole #OccupyNigeria affair was sponsored by politicians like Tinubu. That misattribution is unsurprising because our society does not put enough premium on memory, whether personal, collective, or even institutional. The #OccupyNigeria protests were far more spontaneous. They were instigated by reports of parliamentary investigations that revealed startling corruption in the payments between 2009 and 2011 (about $6.8bn). It was also the era of the Arab Spring and the Occupy Protests where protesters in different regions of the world were taking on their governments.

For us in Nigeria, it also seemed like the right time to question our government on its profligacy. The fuel subsidy issue under Jonathan could not have evaded the unrest that was roiling the rest of the world (just like the former President Muhammadu Buhari administration that succeeded him also took a hit from the #BlackLivesMatter protests that became #EndSARS in Nigeria). Each time someone points out to me that nobody has tried to organise another fuel subsidy protest like #OccupyNigeria since then, the question I ask them is if they would join such a gathering. If we were asked to go to Ojota now and protest, would you go? So much water has passed under the bridge of Nigerian sociopolitics since 2012; even the bridge has been carried away. What will be the point of investing energies into protests when the best the last one achieved was to catapult the same politicians who routinely suck Nigeria dry into Aso Rock?

Merely writing off the chicanery of the 2012 players as part of the game of politics will not do. The seeds of discontent that those dissemblers sow eventually grow into distrust and disquiet. The manner some elements in the South-West and the northern regions of the country were quick to opt out of any planned protests of the fuel subsidy removal itself was also disturbing. I should also recall that in 2012, those who opted out of the #OccupyNigeria protests were groups from the South-East and the South-South. That people could persuade themselves to suppress any dissent that threatens their kinsman’s political legitimacy shows how much Nigerians overly invested in the symbolism of the presidency. People will give up on advocating their own interests just so their tribesman in Aso Rock can survive. Getting Nigerians to form a multi-ethnic and multi-religious coalition and insist on the government working for us will require another level of political savviness.

That said, whatever is wrong with the implementation of the fuel subsidies removal is no argument for their retention. Whatever hypocrisy Tinubu and his minions in the so-called civil society might have manifested on this issue does not justify the payments. Outing these people as charlatans does not vindicate escalating the error of retaining the fuel subsidies. It is not worth matching hypocrisy for hypocrisy simply to point out the crookedness of our social commentators.

For one, it does not take much to see that every description of dystopia that will be occasioned if the fuel subsidies were ever removed happened even when it was sustained. We were told that the costs of goods and services would shoot up if they ever removed fuel subsidies, and the prices of everything did so immensely even without the removal. They said many people will fall into poverty if fuel subsidies were to be removed, but Nigerians fell into multi-dimensional poverty even though the costs of fuel subsidies rose astronomically. So what else can possibly go wrong that has not, many times and over?

Those who argue that even the USA gives fuel subsidies tend to overlook that what that country subsidises is production, not mere consumption. Besides, one cannot glibly compare an economy that is diversified, productive, and coherent with Nigeria’s voodoo capitalism that produces nothing yet consumes everything! As for those who argue that Tinubu should fight corruption in the sector instead of ending the subsidies, I hope they know how ridiculous that proposal sounds? If Buhari, who got into power by pretending to be the very embodiment of incorruptibility could not fight corruption, how do you expect Tinubu to fare better? How?

Tinubu himself knows he does not have the moral legitimacy to challenge anyone on corruption. The few times he opened his mouth to talk about corruption, he induced serious laughter. I am sure he is smart enough to not overreach himself by pursuing his fellow politicians on corruption. Doing so quickly opens him up to many vulnerabilities. He will promptly face another battle from those who have his dossier. They will not hesitate to tank whatever moral legitimacy he still has by producing the sordid revelations of his untoward affairs. He cannot fight the corruption in the fuel subsidies. The best he can afford is to seize the opening between two government transitions and cut off that umbilical cord forever.

If there is an important lesson to take away from the moral clarity that defined the fuel subsidy protests in 2012 and which is now hazy in post-Jonathan Nigeria, it is how much even the enterprise of truth-telling through social commentary is tainted with ethnic and religious sentiments. Going forward, some people will rightly be more cynical while others will show more circumspection in listening to the class of public intellectuals, activists, and the so-called social advocates, especially those whose ideas of right and wrong are dictated by how closer their opinions can get them to Aso Rock.

The Depots and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria (DAPPMAN) on Wednesday in Abuja pledged its support for the Federal Government’s removal of fuel subsidy.

The association’s chairperson, Dame Winifred Akpani, made the disclosure at the end of a meeting with President Bola Tinubu.

She said the association would also support the government’s palliative measures by providing between 50 and 100 mass transit buses.

Akpani said the buses would be locally manufactured and would use Compressed Natural Gas as fuel.

“We pledge our support for President Tinubu in the bold decision of removing petrol subsidy. It is an idea that was long overdue.

“Removal of subsidy is not about making fuel costly and taking it out of the reach of Nigerians. It is about getting it right on the real issue of petroleum product subsidy.

“Who are those enjoying the subsidy? The subsidy ends up being enjoyed by those it was not meant for.

“We also spoke to the president about substitutes to petrol as well as creating an environment conducive for investments to thrive in the oil sector,’’ she said.

Gov. Dapo Abiodun of Ogun, who led the DAPPMAN delegation, described the subsidy removal as a bold step that portended positive growth for the economy

He said fuel subsidy withdrawal was a clear indication of Tinubu’s readiness to address the challenges of the oil and gas sector.

“Subsidy has become a N4 trillion per annum issue and its removal will release more funds for economic development.

“Subsidy removal will unleash the potential of Nigeria because it will open up a lot of resources for the development of other sectors of the economy.

“The National Economic Council will soon begin sitting to propose interventions on the subsidy removal.

“The interventions will definitely be a long-lasting solution to the effect of fuel subsidy removal on Nigerians,’’ Abiodun said.

- including 52 Executive, 2,017 members' bills, 163 Senate bills

The 9th House of Representatives finally ended its legislative activities, as members recounted their experiences and performances throughout the four years.

According to the statistics reeled out by the Chairman, House Committee on Rules and Business, Hon. Abubakar Fulata, the 9th Assembly processed 2,232 bills, out of these 52 Executive bills, 163 are bills from the Senate, and 2,017 are members’ bills.

Hon. Fulata, who described the 9th Assembly as the most productive Parliament since the return of democracy, said: “I’m here with the Statistics. In the 9th Assembly processed 2,232 bills, out of these 52 Executive bills, 163 are bills from the Senate, and 2,017 are members’ bills.

“Out of these bills awaiting second reading are – 2,197, bills referred to Committees – 581, bills reported by the Committee’s is 275, bills pending in the committee – 308, bills awaiting Committee of the Whole – 106, bills laid on table awaiting consideration – 64, bills passed – 510. Bills killed – negatives-13, and bills withdrawn by their sponsors-5.

The House also passed 2,000 motions, all these achieved with the leadership provided.

He also thanked members and staff of the House Committee on Rules and Business as well as the Table Staff under the leadership of the Clerk of the House of Representatives, whom he noted arrive the Office at 7am and leave around 8pm.

To this end, he solicited that a special allowance should be provided for them in the 10th Assembly.

In an emotional laden speech presented, Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila, scored the 9th Assembly high despite the daunting challenges faced by Nigeria amidst outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, among others.

These include: passage of Electoral Act, Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), Return of budget cycle to January-December cycle, Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) and the Nigeria Start-Up Act, two critical legislations aimed at changing the way we do business in Nigeria by streamlining regulations, reducing red tape, and setting the conditions for the private sector to innovate, thrive and grow.

The Assembly also passed the Emergency Economic Stimulus Bill to grant companies a rebate on Companies Income Tax, suspend import duties on medicines, medical equipment, personal protective equipment, and other essential medical materials and defer mortgage obligations on residential mortgages by contributors to the National Housing Fund.

The House also passed Emergency Relief and Assistance Bill which seeks to provide a limited salary guarantee for low-income permanent employees of companies registered and operating in Nigeria, relieve legal consumers of electricity in Nigeria of the burden of electricity charges for a limited period and suspend for a fixed period, the implementation of the Value Added Tax (VAT) provisions of the Finance Act 2020.

“Just in the last few days, we have seen the end of a subsidy regime that has distorted the energy market in our country for over 30 years.

“When change happens at this scale and with such an unrelenting pace, it creates challenges and opportunities almost in equal measure. Over the last four years, this House of Representatives has worked to ensure that our country can overcome these challenges and take advantage of the moment to achieve economic, social, and political transformations that benefit all the Nigerian people.

“We elevated the debates in the House of Representatives and made this chamber the arena for informed exchanges about Nigeria’s future and the welfare of all our nation’s people. We have left our mark in every sector of our national life and positively impacted people’s lives across our country.

“We introduced discipline into the appropriations process by implementing a January to December budget cycle that ended the policy instability and economic uncertainty of the previous irregular budget cycles. We reformed the oversight process to ensure greater collaboration between the arms of government.

“We made it easier for citizens to access details of budget expenditures so that they, too, can be part of the process of ensuring accountability in the administration of public funds. We did not yield our constitutional obligation to ensure faithful compliance with the letter and spirit of the Appropriation Act by the Ministries, Departments and Agencies of the government.

“While the strategic importance of the oil and gas sector to Nigeria’s socioeconomic well-being has long been apparent, successive administrations failed to put in place a functional statutory regime to allow that sector to function optimally. We ended that legacy of lethargy with the passage of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). With the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contracts Act, we went even further to put the sector on the right footing.

“These statutory reforms rightfully ought to have happened a long time ago. Now, we must ensure that the reforms contained in these Acts are dutifully implemented as part of a broader energy policy suited to the realities of technological advancements and the evolving demands of the global energy market.

“We passed the Police Act to change the nature of relations between the Police and citizens in our country and ensure that police officers who fall short of their responsibilities can be quickly held accountable.”

The Speaker also presented Certificates to all the 9 members of the Body of the Principal Officers of the 9th Assembly while other lawmakers collected their Membership certificates from the Clerk of House of Representatives from 2019–2023.

While confirming his new appointment as Chief of Staff to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, he promised “to ensure a cordial and productive relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government whilst respecting the independence and prerogatives of the legislature.

“For everything, there is a time and season, and we are obligated each season to do the most and the best we can in the time we have. This is a good rule for politics and for life itself. The 9th House of Representatives is ending, and the 10th will shortly be convened. All of us, those whose time in office is ending, and those for whom duty continues, will face the judgment of history.”

Nigeria’s indigenous automobile company, Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing, IVM, has mass-produced varieties of Compressed Natural Gas, CNG, buses.

This according to the company serves as a suitable alternative for Nigerians following the rising price of petrol and diesel.

The showcase of the CNG vehicles took place at the company’s factory in Nnewi, Anambra State.

The vehicles range from trucks, mini-buses, ambulances, long buses, SUVs, and several others.

Speaking during the unveiling, the Chief Executive Officer, IVM, Dr. Innocent Chukwuma assured Nigerians of the safety of CNG Vehicles and the availability of various kinds of cars.

“We manufacture according to demand, and we manufactured these buses because there is a demand for them now. During the COVID-19 Pandemic, we produced more ambulances, so we are on the ground and ready to produce.

“CNG vehicles bring a solution to total dependence on one or two kinds of vehicles.

“The CNG vehicles are a solution, that’s why we produce them. We made space for CNG, LNG, and Fuel so that anyone available in an area can be used to drive the vehicles. Electric cars, biogas, and solar-powered vehicles are also produced in this factory.”

Similarly, the Governor of Anambra State, represented by the Commissioner for Industry, Anambra state, Mr. Christian Udechukwu stated that the state is gearing up to provide solutions to the challenges facing Nigerians because of the removal of subsidies.

In his words, “We are aware that Innoson has renewable technologies, CNG, LNG and Solar powered technologies that can contribute to the mass transport system in Nigeria and other national solutions”.

“The withdrawal of the subsidy has created a shock and the price of fuel has increased by almost 200% leading to restiveness in the Nigerian Labour Congress, the trade unions, and other Nigerians. The cost of transportation has risen apparently and one of the ways the government can alleviate that is by introducing mass transit systems that run on alternative energies as well as fuel. The more you have the ones that run on gas and solar, the greater the chances of a stable fuel price due to the existence of choices and Innoson offers that”.

He also added that local manufacturing and empowered industries are needed in Nigeria to boost the economy and shrink the national debt profile. All we need is for the industries and everyone else to look to local solutions and Innoson is one.”

The Head of Corporate Communications, IVM, Mr. Cornel Osigwe pointed out the advantages of Natural Gas Vehicles and the need to patronize local manufacturers. According to him, “Gas has high combustion rate than fuel. So generally, gas is more environmentally friendly. Nigerians are used to petrol cars but the abundance of natural gas has provided sustainable alternatives to all.

“Transportation is very crucial to economic development. Beyond the movement of people from one place to another, it also facilitates the quick and effective distribution of goods and services.

“At this stage in Nigeria’s development, better transportation options are the perfect solution to the rising dependence on petrol and diesel to meet the transportation needs of over 200 million persons.

“Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing, an indigenous car manufacturing company has produced hundreds of CNG-powered vehicles suitable for Nigerian and African Roads.”

“We don’t want Minister of State again. It is like a condemnation, if you are in the office, they can’t bring file to you, if you are having a gathering like this, you can’t talk, you will seat down with your colleagues like a “Mumu”, you won’t talk, if you go to federal executive council meeting, you can’t present a memo, it is the Minister that has the power, we don’t want that again”.

Those were the exact words of Chief Donald Omotayo Alasoadura(73) at an event last year.

He should know what he was talking about, for he has served as Minister of State for Niger Delta between 2019-2022. He has also served as Commissioner of Finance and Planning under my friend Dr. Olusegun Kokumo Agagu (16 February 1948 – 13 September 2013), the late Governor of Ondo state. On Wednesday, September 13 this year, it will be ten years anniversary of the demise of Dr. Agagu. My condolences always to his beloved family. Time flies over us but leaves its shadows behind.

The former Minister of State, was a Senator who represented Ondo State Central Senatorial District in 2015.

Chief Alasoadura is a powerful community leader in Akure North Local Government Area of Ondo state.

What he said was his frustration as a Minister of State. This frustration is no doubt being experienced and has been experienced by every Minister of State in Nigeria.

A look at the 1999 Constitution shows that there is no provision for Minister of State, all we have is Minister same with the 1979 Constitution.

Between 1979 to 1983, and from 1999 to the present, every President to date has committed this great error. From President Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari GCFR (25 February 1925 – 28 December 2018) to President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR (85), to the late President Umaru Musa Yar’adua GCFR (16 August 1951 – 5 May 2010) to President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan GCFR (65) and to President Muhammadu Buhari GCFR (80). I hope the President-Elect, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, will not commit this error. Worse still, the Senate that should have corrected this error, has failed to do so.

 Since 1979 the procedure has always been for the President to send the list of Ministers to the Senate for confirmation. After the confirmation, the President on his own declassifies certain Ministers to be Ministers of State and he gets away with it.

The idea of Minister of State or Junior Minister, surfaced in the first Republic, for there is no provision for it in the Presidential System of Government.

On August 30, 1957, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa formed the first all Nigerian Federal Executive Council. He selected his ministers not only from the N.P.C., the N.C.N.C., and the Kamerun National Congress but also from the Action Group. The membership of the Federal Cabinet was—Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa:  Secretary to the Prime Minister; Colonel P.H.G. Stallard: Principal Private Secretary; Mr. R.J.D.M. Kinsman: Assistant Private Secretary: Malam Ahmed Karfi.

The Ministry of Communications and Aviation consisted of Chief S.L. Akintola (Minister), Mr. C.E. Wool-Lewis (Permanent Secretary), Mr. A.K. Edwards (Private Secretary) and Mr. A.J.U. Ekong(Parliamentary Secretary). The Ministry for Lagos Affairs, Mines and Power consisted of Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu(Minister), Mr. J.F.G. Sykes (Permanent Secretary), Mr. G.C. Thomas (Private Secretary) and Malam Ibrahim Usman (Parliamentary Secretary).

The Ministry of Commerce and Industry consisted of Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe (Minister), Mr. J.H.D. Stapleton, Mr. C.R. Henniken-Heaton (Private Secretary) and Mr. U.O. Ndem (Parliamentary Secretary). The Ministry of Transport consisted of Mr. R.A. Njoku (Minister), Mr. A.M. Muir (Acting Permanent Secretary), Mr. P.G. Abbey (Private Secretary) and Mr. F.E. Offor (Parliamentary Secretary). The Ministry of Works and Survey consisted of Alhaji Muhmmadu Inuwa Wada (Minister), Mr. V.H.K. Littlewood (Permanent Secretary), Mr. J. Taggert (Private Secretary) and Malam Usman Sarki (Parliamentary Secretary).

The Ministry of Labour, Welfare and Internal Affairs consisted of Mr. Mr. J.M. Johnson (Minister), Mr. H.A. G. Action(Permanent Secretary), N.R Ugo (Private Secretary) and Chief O. Oweh (Parliamentary Secretary). The Ministry of Research and Information consisted of Chief Kolawole Balogun (Minister), Mr. D.H. Griffiths (Permanent Secretary), Mr. C. Okigbo(Private Secretary) and Mr. O. Bademosi (Parliamentary Secretary). The Ministry of Education consisted of Mr. Aja Nwachukwu (Minister), Mr. C.J. Mabey (Permanent Secretary), Mr. P.C. Ndibe and Mr. D.C. Ugwu (Parliamentary Secretary).

The Ministry of Health consisted of Mr. Ayo Rosiji (Minister), Mr. M.N.H. (Acting Permanent Secretary), Mr. S. Agodo (Private Secretary) and Chief Duro Phillips (Parliamentary Secretary).

The Ministry of Finance consisted of Chief F.S. Okotie-Eboh (Minister), Mr. G.G. Carlyle(Permanent Secretary), Mr. E.M. McConchie (Private Secretary) and Chief H. Omo-Osagie (Parliamentary Secretary). Ministers of State were Mr. Victor Mukete, Malam Zanna Bukar Dipcharima and Private Secretary, Mr.M.O. Nwakwo.

Office of the Governor-General consisted of the Deputy Governor-General, Sir, Ralph Grey, Secretary to the Governor-General and Council of Ministers, Mr. F.F.P. Newns, Mr. D.J. Brown (Private Secretary) and Aide-de-Camp, Mr. D.G. Angus.

The Chambers of the Attorney-General consisted of Mr. E.I.G. Unsworth, Q.C., and Solicitor General Mr. L. Brett, Q.C. The Privy Council consisted of the Governor General; Sir Ralph Grey: The Attorney-General; Sir Kofo Abayomi: The Prime Minister; Mr. R.A. Njoku; Sir Samuel Manuwa.

After discussions between the N.P.C. and N.C.N.C. officially described as friendly and cordial, a new Federal Government was formed on the 20th December 1959. N.P.C. had ten ministers and N.C.N.C. seven.

The Coalition Government consisted of Prime Minister Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu (Lands and Lagos Affairs), Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh(finance), Mr. Raymond Njoku (Transport and Aviation), Alhaji Inuwa Wada (Works and Survey), Mr. Z.B. Dipcharima(Commerce and Industries), Mr. Joseph Johnson (Labour and Welfare), Mr. Aja Nwachukwu(Education), Mallam Maitama Sule (Mines and Power), Mallam Shehu Shagari (Economic Development and Natural Resources), Mr. Olu Akinfosile(Communications), Mallam Usman Seriki (Internal Affairs), Mr. Theophilus Benson (Information), Mallam Waziri Ibrahim (Health),  Mallam Yisa Yar’adua (Pensions, Establishment & Nigerianisation) and Mr. Matthew Mbu and Mr. Olarewanju (Ministers of State) .

The list of the 11 Ministers without portfolio but with Cabinet rank appointed to the reorganized Federal Cabinet on March 31, 1965 was as follows—Alhaji Nuhu Bamali—Minister of State in the Ministry of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, Mr. Jaja Nwachukwu—Minister of State in the Ministry of Finance, Mr. M.T. Mbu—Minister of State in the Ministry in the Ministry of Defence (Navy), Alhaji Usman Maitambari—Minister of State in the Ministry of Transport, Alhaji Hashim Adaji—Minister of State in the Ministry of Works, Alhaji Ibrahim Tako—Minister of State in the Ministry of Defence (Army), Mr. T.E. Orodi—Minister of State in the Ministry of Lagos Affairs, Chief H.O. Davies—Minister of State in the Ministry of Industries, Chief A. Akerele—Minister of State in the Ministry of Information, Alhaji Abdul Rasaq—Minister of State in the Ministry of Transport and Mr. D. Ibekwe—Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs.

In a new government, the Portfolios being distributed were as follows—Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa(Prime Minister and External Affairs), Alhaji Muhmmadu Ribadu(Defence), Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh(Finance), Alhaji Shehu Shagari(Internal Affairs), Alhaji Muhhammadu Inuwa Wada(Works), Alhaji Zanna Bukar Dipcharima(Transport), Mr. Raymond Njoku(Communications), Dr. Kingsley O. Mbadiwe(Trade), Mr. Jaja Nwachukwu(Aviations), Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya(Housing and Survey), Chief A.M.A. Akinloye(Industries), Chief Ayo Rosiji(Information), Mr. R.A. Akinjide(Education), Mr. Adeleke Adedoyin(Labour), Mr. Alade Lamuye(Natural Resources and Research), Alhaji Yusufu Maitama Sule (Mines and Power), Alhaji Waziri A. Ibrahim(Economic Development), Dr. T.O. Elias (Attorney-General and Justices, Dr. M.A. Majekodunmi(Health) and Chief J.C. Obande(Establishments).

In the 1963 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Section 87 subsection 4-7 clearly states that “(4) Appointments to the office of Minister of the Government of the Federation other than the office of Prime Minister shall be made by the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister (5) A person shall not hold office at the same time both as a Minister of the Government of the Federation and as a Minister of the Government of a Region (6) A person who holds office as Minister of the Government of the Federation for any period of four consecutive months without also being a Senator or a member of the House of Representatives shall cease to be a Minister at the expiration of that period or, if that period expires at a time when Parliament is dissolved and he does not in the meantime become a Senator or a member of the House of Representatives, at the date on which Parliament first meets after that dissolution. (7) A person who holds office as a Minister of the Government of the Federation and who is at no time, while holding that office also a Senator or a member of the House of Representatives shall not be qualified for reappointment as such a Minister before Parliament is next dissolved after he ceases to hold that office, unless in the meantime he has become a Senator or a member of the House of Representatives”.

I don’t want to refer to the military era as regards to the appointments of ministers since the military government is not an elected government.

On October 18, 1979, President Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari GCFR submitted to the Senate presided over by Dr. Joseph Wayas, the confirmation of the following list as ministers and ministers without cabinet rank. They were M. Mohammed Ibrahim Hassan(Bauchi), M. Adamu Ciroma(Borno), Mr. Isaac Shaahu and Mr. Paul Unongo(Benue), Professor Iya Abubakar(Gongola), Alhaji Umaru Dikko and Professor Ishaya Audu(Kaduna), Alhaji Bello Maitama Yusuf(Kano), Alhaji Akanbi Oniyangi(Kwara), Alhaji Ndagi Mamudu(Niger), Mrs Adenike Ebun Oyagbola(Ogun), Mr. Samuel Adebisi Ogedengbe(Ondo), Chief Richard O. Akinjide(Oyo), Mr. John Jatau Kadiya and Mr. Gorge Baba Hoomkwap(Plateau), Mr. Victor Masi(Rivers), Alhaji Ibrahim Gusau(Sokoto), Mr. D.C. Ugwu and Mr. Chimezie Ikeazor(Anambra), Professor Sunday Matthew Essang(Cross River), Mr. Amadi Emina(Bendel), Dr. Sylvester Ugoh and Dr. I.I. Maduike(Imo) and Dr. Wahab Olaseinde Dosunmu(Lagos).

Ministers with non-cabinet rank included Alhaji Ahmed Musa (Bauchi), Chief P. Bolokor (Bendel), Alhaji Asheikh Jarma(Borno), Alhaji Ali Baba(Gongola), M. Iro Abubakar Dan-Musa(Kaduna), Alhaji Bilyamin Usman(Kano), Mr. Ademola Thomas(Lagos), Chief Olu Awotesu(Ogun), Chief Mrs. J. Akinrinade(Oyo), Alhaji Ahmudu Nahuce(Sokoto), Chief E. Okoi-Obuli(Cross River), Mallam Mamman Ali Makele(Kwara), Mr. Cladius Agboola Bamgboye(Ondo) and Dr. Jakiri Igbani(Rivers).

He later fired Chief Paul Unongo and replaced him with Chief Audu Ugbeh.

In the second term of President Shehu Shagari other Ministers were appointed including Chief Eleazor Chukwuemeka Anyaoku (90) CFR from Obosi in Anambra State, who later became the Secretary General of Commonwealth from 1990 to year 2000. Chief Anyaoku married Princess Bunmi from Abeokuta in 1962.

In 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR appointed Ministers of State. They included Mrs Modupe Adelaja(Defence), Chief Dubem Onyia(Foreign Affairs), Alhaji Musa Elayo Abdullahi(Justice), Chief Chris Agbobu(Agriculture and Rural Development), Alhaji L. Ade Haruna Elewi(Communications), Mallam L. Tukur Batagarawa(Defence-Army), Alhaji Bello Usman(Education), Dr. Imeh T. Okopido (Environment), Mr. Solomon S.A. Ewuga(Federal Capital Territory, FCT), Senator Jubril Martins-Kuye(Finance), Dr. (Mrs.) Aminat Ndalolo(Health), Chief Lawrence Nwuruku(Industry), Mr. Garba Madaki Ali(Transport), Mr. Yomi Edu(Special Duties, The Presidency), Alhaji Ibrahim Umar Kida(Inter-Governmental Affairs, The Presidency), Dr. Mohammed Shata(Internal Affairs), Alhaji Danjuma Goje(Power and Steel), Mrs. Pauline K-Tallen(Science and Technology), Mr. Isa Yuguda(Transport), Chief Precious Ngelale (JP)(Water Resources), and Prince Vincent Ogbulafor(Economic Affairs, The Presidency).

Section 147 and 148 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria states that (1) there shall be such offices of Ministers of the Government of the Federation as may be established by the President. (2) Any appointment to the office of Minister of the Government of the Federation shall, if the nomination of any person to such office is confirmed by the Senate, be made by the President. (3) Any appointment under subsection (2) of this section by the President shall be in conformity with the provisions of section 14(3) of this Constitution:-provided that in giving effect to the provisions aforesaid the President shall appoint at least one Minister from each State, who shall be an indigene of such State. (4) Where a member of the National Assembly or of a House of Assembly is appointed as Minister of the Government of the Federation, he shall be deemed to have resigned his membership of the National Assembly or of the House of Assembly on his taking the oath of office as Minister. (5) No person shall be appointed as a Minister of the Government of the Federation unless he is qualified for election as a member of the House of Representatives.(6) An appointment to any of the offices aforesaid shall be deemed to have been made where no return has been received from the Senate within twenty-one working days of the receipt of nomination by the Senate.

Section 148 (1) states that “The President may, in his discretion, assign to the Vice-President or any Minister of the Government of the Federation responsibility for any business of the Government of the Federation, including the administration of any department of government.

(The President has the power to assign administrative responsibility to the Vice-President of any Minister regarding any business or department of the Government.) Section 148 (2) The President shall hold regular meetings with the Vice-President and all the Ministers of the Government of the Federation for the purposes of – (The President should have regular meetings with the Vice-President and all the Ministers in regards the following: – )

Section 148 (2)(a)determining the general direction of domestic and foreign policies of the Government of the Federation;(When it relates to the general direction of local and foreign policies of the government.) Section 148 (2)(b)co-ordinating the activities of the President, the Vice-President and the Ministers of the Government of the Federation in the discharge of their executive responsibilities; and (Meetings held in order to arrange the activities of the President, Vice-President and Ministers and in doing so, assist them in discharging their executive functions/ responsibilities.) Section 148 (2)(c) advising the President generally in discharge of his executive functions other than those functions with respect to which he is required by this Constitution to seek the advice or act on the recommendation of any other person or body.

(In those meetings, the Vice-President and or the Ministers can advise the President on how best to discharge his executive functions but this does not include functions which the Constitution has stated that the President should be advised or an on the recommendation of a Body or any other person.)

Between 1999 and 2001, President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR was worried about the conflict between Ministers and Ministers of State and the clash between Ministers and Permanent Secretaries. He held three retreats in Abuja on this issue. The fourth retreat was held at the National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos between 23rd-25th February 2001.

The Head of Service, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed attended the retreat as well as the following Permanent Secretaries then. They are Alhaji Umar M. Abubakar, Engr. D.B. Usman, Dr. K. Nkumah, Mr. M.O. Onoja, Dr. R.O. Mowoe, Dr. M. Babangida Aliyu, Dr. B.K. Kaigama, Dr. O.M. Ojo, Mr. John P. Hirse, Alhaji Bello U. Maiatmbari, Alhaji Guda A. Abdullahi, Mr. O.O.O. Ogunkua, Mr. G.O. Enukora, Dr. Aboki Zhawa, Mr. Garba Buwaijmni, Amb. T.D. Hart, Mr.A.E. Ogbuehi, Alhaji H.Z. Akwanga, Rev. P.O. Okunromade, Dr. C.J.G. Orjioke, Mr. T.D. Oyelade, Dr. S.I. Muhammad, Alhaji N.B. Dambatta, Mr. O.O. Oyelakin, Mr.L.N. Asugha, Amb. G.B. Preware, Dr. Abdullahi Aliyu, Ms. T.O. Akerele, Ms. A.I. Pepple, Alhaji Tukur Mani, James Kayode Naiyeju, Ammuna Lawrence-Ali, Alhaji I. Talba, Dr. Hakeem Baba Ahmed, David O. Oyegun, Mr. A.O. Okafor, Mrs. A.M. Rufai, Mrs G.I. Archibong, Dr. R.O. Adewoye, Dr. B.A. Akinola and P.N. Akubueze.

Also in attendance were the Governor of Plateau State, Chief Joshua Dariye, Ambassador O. Esan(Deputy Chief of Staff to the President, State House), Ambassador E.A. Azikiwe, Senior Special Assistant to the President(Anti-Corruption and Transparency Matters), Bisi Ogunniyi, Special Assistant to the Chief of Staff to the President, Presidential Villa, Abuja, Major General J.N. Garba(rtd.), Director General, NIPSS, Kuru, Jos, Dr. Stanley Macebuh, Senior Special Assistant to the President (Special Duties), Tunji Oseni, Senior Special Assistant to the President, (Media & Publicity) Presidential Villa, Abuja, Mr Ad’obe Obe, Senior Special Assistant to the President(International Relations), Dr. Goke Adegoroye, Director (Special Duties) to the SGF, Mrs. Titi Iroche, Director of Political Affairs, Mr. S.A. Adeyeye (Special Assistant 1 to the SGF), Dr. J.N. Obiegbu (Special Assistant II to the SGF), Mr. F.O.  Osobukola, Deputy Director (APD) OSGF and Alhaji Ibrahim Jega, Deputy Director (SWT) OSGF.

Professor Akin Mabogunje, Chief Kanu Agabi SAN, the Chairman of Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission, Justice M.M.A. Akanbi, Dr. G.A. Gundu, Mr. O.S. Ogedengbe, Mr. Wuese Ai, Mr. F.F. Ogunshakin, Mr. J. Okpo, Mr. K.J. Wudil, Mr. E.I. Onuoha, Mr. A. Mohammed and Mr. O.I. Adisa, all from THE CABINET SECRETARIAT, Mr. Seyi Olowokere as well as myself attended the retreat.

The following Ministers attended the retreat Chief Bola Ige (SAN), Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Alhaji Adamu Bello, Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Dr. (Mrs.) Kema Chikwe, Minister of Aviation, Alhaji Muhammad Arzika, Minister of Communications, Ms Boma Bromillow Jack, Minister of Culture and Tourism, Mrs Modupe Adelaja, Minister of State, Defence(Navy), Professor A.B. Borishade, Minister of Education, Alhaji Muhammad Kabir Said, Minister of Environment, Engr. Mohammed Abba-Gana, Minister of Federal Capital, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, Minister of Finance, Chief Dubem Onyia, Minister of State, Foreign Affairs, Alhaji Musa Elayo Abdullahi, Minister of State, Justice, Chief Chris Agbobu, Minister of State, Agriculture and Rural Development, Engr. Mustapha Bello, Minister of Commerce, Alhaji L. Ade Haruna-Elewi, Minister of State, Communications, Mallam L. Tukur Batagarawa, Minister of State, Defence (Army) and Engr. Dan Chuke, Minister of State, Defence (Airforce).

Others are Alhaji Bello Usman, Minister of State, Education, Dr. Imeh T. Okopido, Minister of State, Environment, Mr. Solomon S.A. Ewuga, Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory, Senator Jubril Martins-Kuye, Minister of State, Finance, Professor A.B.C. Nwosu, Minister of Health, Dr. (Mrs) Aminat Ndalolo, Minister State for Health, Chief Lawrence Nwuruku, Minister of State, Industry, Chief S.M. Afolabi (JP), Minister of Internal Affairs, Alhaji Musa Musa Gwadabe, Minister of Labour and Productivity, Dr. Olusegun Agagu, Minister of Power and Steel, Professor Turner Isoun, Minister of Science and Technology, Mr. Kanu G. Agabi, (SAN), Minister of Solid Minerals Development,  Chief Ojo Madueke, Ministry of Transport, Colonel Mohammed B. Kaliel (Rtd.), Hajia Aishatu M.S. Ismail, Minister of Women Affairs and Youth Development,

The remaining Ministers at the retreat are Mr. Garba Madaki Ali, Minister of State, Transport, Mr. Yomi Edu, Minister of State, Special Duties, The Presidency, Alhaji Ibrahim Umar Kida, Minister of State, Inter-Governmental Affairs, The Presidency, Chief Kolawole B. Jamodu, Minister of Industry, Professor Jerry Gana, Minister of Information and National Orientation, Dr. Mohammed Shata, Minister of State, Internal Affairs, Mr. Steven Ibn Akiga, Minister of Police Affairs, Alhaji Danjuma Goje, Minister of State, Power and Steel, Mrs. Pauline K-Tallen, Minister of State, Science and Technology, Mr. Ishaya Mark Aku, Minister of Sports and Social Development, Mr. Isa Yuguda, Minister of State, Transport, Chief Precious Ngelale (JP) Minister of State, Water Resources, Chief Tony Anenih, Minister of Works and Housing, Chief Bimbola Ogunkelu, Minister of Cooperation and Integration in Africa, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, Minister of State, Economic Matters, The Presidency and Chief Phillip Asiodu, Chief Economic Adviser and Vice Chairman, National Planning Commission. 

At the end of the retreat, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Ufot Ekaette, read out a communiqué on harmonizing the Functions of Ministers and Minister of State. He declared “at the inception of this administration, Mr. President in consonance with Section 148 of the 1999 Constitution, assigned responsibilities to Honourable Ministers, Ministers of State, Special Advisers, etc. The exercise was to ensure that every Minister had well spelt out functions and that by each focusing on specific areas, achieving the goals of Government would be accelerated. It was never meant to split a Ministry into two functional (or, in extreme cases, factional) units, making cohesion and mobilization of available resources for effective execution of mandate of Ministries impossible to achieve. Ministries must be run as single units, and both Ministers must be aware of every detail of their operations. At both 2nd and 3rd Retreats we recognized that the recurring issues of inter-personal relationship between Ministers, Ministers of State and Permanent Secretaries is a question of human relationship and urged participants to draw from the example of the relationship and urged participants to draw from the example of the relationship between Mr. President and Vice President and the other Principal officers in the Presidency and use that as a model”.

Since then, the conflict between Ministers and Ministers of State is yet to be resolved and worse still, they have a joint Permanent Secretary.

At present the following are Federal Ministries—Ministry of Petroleum, Ministry of Federal Capital Territory, Ministry of Niger Delta, Ministry of Labour and Employment, Ministry of Environment, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Special Duties, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, Ministry of Power, Ministry of Science and Technology, Ministry of Health, Ministry for Budget, Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Communication, Ministry of Water Resources, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Environment, Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Aviation, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Information and Culture, Ministry of Transportation, Ministry of Works and Housing, Ministry of Mines and Steel Development, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Youth and Sports, Ministry of Women Affairs , Ministry of Police Affairs and Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development

The 1999 Constitution empowers the President to nominate a Minister from each state as well as the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Since we have thirty Ministries, what the President should do is to upgrade seven Ministries for special duties. We don’t want a situation where someone will be classified a super human being with three Ministries attached to him with cabinet rank, while others will be classified as mere Ministers of State.

 There is nowhere in the 1999 Constitution where a minister is designated Minister of State. 

Ministers of State are suffering in silence inspite of their schedule of responsibilities. They feel dehumanised and feel inferior. Their agony should be avoided.

Moreover, we should stop the current procedure of appointing six Ministers to represent the six geographical zones in the country. It makes the CABINET to be in fact too large and uncontrollable. Zones are not recognized in the Constitution.

Expectedly, the issue of appointments has split the caucus of President Elect, Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu.  One hopes that the split will not deepen further. It happens always when sharing the spoils of war. It is inevitable given the circumstances of his victory in the Presidential election which in still in dispute.

Sharing the spoils of war is in fact more difficult than winning the war. The President Elect I am sure knows what to do, for you do not teach an old dog new tricks. He should however note that his choice of appointments will no doubt shape his PRESIDENCY. He should be reminded constantly that the fate of his PRESIDENCY is still in court. He should learn from two examples, Namibia and Kenya, where the courts have removed the incumbent Presidents.

On February 3, 2020, the Constitutional Court in Malawi removed from office, President Peter Matharika and on May 8, 2020, the Supreme Court, headed by Justice Andrew Nyrenda, approved the removal with 4 to 2 votes. In Kenya, the Supreme Court headed by Justice David Kenani Maraga(72) in August 2017, removed the then President, Uhuru Kenyatta, and ordered a rerun of the Presidential election. President Kenyatta later won the rerun election against Raila Odinga.

 I don’t know when the Supreme Court in Nigeria will finally decide on the Presidential Election. If I am to go by past records, I don’t think the judgment can be earlier than November. Right now the President of the Court of Appeal, Honourable Justice Monica Dongban-Mensem(66) is yet to name members of the Presidential Election Panel, although she has constituted members of the state appeal panels. The last chairman of the Panel, Mr. Justice Muhammmed Lawan Garuba(65) from Zamfara state, was on November 6, 2020 elevated to the Supreme Court. He was among the six judges whose names were sent to President Muhammadu Buhari for Senate confirmation in 2020.

Justice Garuba’s panel gave judgment on the appeal filed by former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar on September 12 2019 while the final judgment was given on October 30, 2019. It was a unanimous decision by the Supreme Court then, presided over by the then Chief Justice, Tanko Mohammed(69) GCON.

Other judges of the Supreme Court that gave the judgment were Justice Bode Rhode-Vivour, Justice Kayode Ariwoola, Justice Amiru Sanusi, Justice John Okoro, Justice Ejembi Eko and Justice Uwuni Abba Aji.

Even before the Supreme Court gives final ruling, after inauguration on Monday, May 29, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has enough time to show his credentials to this country that he truly deserves to be the President.

Abubakar Malami, the immediate past attorney-general of the federation (AGF), advised former President Muhammadu Buhari to decline assent to the bill on uniform retirement age for judicial officers, TheCable report.

In a memo dated May 23 and addressed to the office of the chief of staff to the president, Malami said the bill appears to be “far-reaching, unduly wide, ambiguous”, adding that it made no “justification” for the extension of retirement age and benefits for judges.

Malami averred that the bill would lead to stagnation in the career growth of judges, adding that “those currently on the bench would have to stay longer, preventing others from being elevated in higher courts”.

The former AGF said the bill, if approved, may lead to further agitation for the extension of the retirement age of justices of the supreme court and court of appeal.

“Accordingly, the federal government enacted the Federal Judicial Officers (Administration of Pension) Act 2007, which transferred the responsibility and administration of pension of the federal judicial officers from the department of establishments in the office of the head of service of the federation to the National Judicial Council,” Malami wrote in the memo.

“Similarly, State Governments are responsible for the pension of judicial officers in the state courts of record.

“These provisions are now being amended by the fifth alteration which now restricts the power of the federal government to make law with respect to Judicial Officers who retire after the age of 65.

“Regardless of extant economic realities of the federal government, by virtue of the fifth alteration, all judges who retire after attaining 65 years of age would be entitled to payment of their salaries for life, including all allowances in addition to any other benefit to which they may be entitled.

“By virtue of the constitution, the only persons entitled to payment of their last salaries for life as pension are the President, Vice-President and Justices of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal. In the case of the latter, it’s only applicable if the justices retire at or after the age of 65 and have spent not less than 15 years.”

Malami added that the proposed alteration of the constitution also eliminated the “responsibility of states to pay these altered retirement benefits”.

Five ad hoc staff of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, have been okayed to testify as special witnesses in the petition that a former vice president and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, filed to challenge the outcome of the 2023 presidential election.

The INEC ad hoc staff, who participated in the conduct of the disputed presidential election results, were subpoenaed to appear before the Presidential Election Petition Court, PEPC.

Atiku, who came second in the presidential contest that held on February 25, had in the joint petition he filed with his party, alleged that the election was rigged in favour of President Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

The former vice president in his 66-page petition, accused the electoral commission of installing a third-party device he said was used to intercept and switch results of the presidential election in favour of the APCand its candidate, Bola Tinubu.

He further alleged that INEC had prior to the election, redeployed its in-house ICT expert, Mr. Chidi Nwafor, and replaced him with an IT consultant that helped it to install the third-party mechanism.

According to Atiku, the said IT consultant, Mr. Suleiman Farouk, ensured that the device intermediated between the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS, and the IRev Portal, known as Device Management System, DMS.

He told the court that the DMS was the software that allowed INEC’s IT Security Consultant, Mr. Farouk, to remotely control, monitor and filter data transmitted from the BVAS devices to the electronic collation system and the IRev platform.

“The 1st Respondent, INEC, engaged an appointee of the 2nd Respondent (Tinubu) to man and oversee the sensitive ICT department of the 1st Respondent for the purpose of the election.“”The petitioners contend and shall lead evidence to show that contrary to the original design of the BVAS machine to upload data directly to the electronic collation system and the IReV portal, the 1st Respondent contrived and installed an intervening third-party device (Device Management System) which, in its ordinary usage, is meant to secure and administer the 1st Respondent’s technological ecosystem for the elections but as it relates to the presidential election, was used to intercept the results, quarantine and warehouse same, and filter them before releasing same to the IReV portal.

“The 1st Respondent used the said Device Management System to manipulate the Election results in favour of the 2nd and 3rd Respondents.
“The petitioners state and shall lead expert evidence to show the critical components of the 1st Respondent’s Information and Communications Technology, ICT, including but not limited to the BVAS which is an Android Device manufactured by Emperor Technologies China and supplied to the 1st Respondent by Activate Nigeria Limited,” the petitioners added. 

“Consequently, at the resumed proceedings in the petition yesterday, lead counsel for the petitioners, Chief Chris Uche, SAN, told the court that his clients had subpoenaed five INEC ad-hoc staff members that were part of the conduct of the election to appear as witnesses and to also tender sensitive materials in evidence. He added that of the five witnesses, three of them were in court.

However, immediately the first subpoenaed ad-hoc staff was called into the courtroom and he mounted the witness box, lead counsel for the INEC, Mr. Abubakar Mahmood, SAN, raised an objection.

INEC’s lawyer, Mahmood, SAN, told the court that he was only served with statement of the witnesses, few minutes before the proceedings commenced, insisting that he would need time to go through the documents to be able to effectively cross-examine the witnesses.
Besides, INEC’s lawyer said there was also the need for him to go back to the Commission to verify and confirm the identities of the witnesses so as to ascertain if they indeed served as ad-hoc staff during the election.

Both Chief Akin Olujinmi, SAN, who appeared for President Tinubu, as well as counsel for the APC, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, aligned themselves with the position of the INEC.

The respondents maintained that the would need time to study statements of the witnesses that was served on them by the petitioners.
Even though the Justice Haruna Tsammani-led five-member panel initially opted for a 30 minutes stand down to allow the respondents to study the statements, however, it subsequently deferred further proceedings in the matter till Thursday to enable INEC’s counsel to conduct his internal enquiry.

Earlier in the proceeding, counsel for the petitioners tendered certified copies of results of the presidential election from 10 Local Government Areas, LGAs, of Kogi State, even as he presented the Chairman of the PDP in Anambra state, Mr. Ndubuisi Nwobu, to testify as the 11th witness in the matter.

Nwobu told the court that he served as state collation officer for the PDP during the election, adding that in about 30 polling units that he visited, results of the election were not uploaded to INEC’s I-Rev portal in real-time.
The witness told the court that he was forced to sign the result of the election by INEC officials that threatened that they would not give him a copy, unless he signed.

According to him, “Every effort made to upload the results to the I-Rev portal failed. It was at the ward level that magic started happening,” the witnesses stated, adding that it if not for his swift intervention, some of INEC officials would have been manhandled by angry electorates.

While being cross-examined by APC’s lawyer, Fagbemi, SAN, the witness, said he wrote a letter after the election to complain about all the anomalies he observed, as well as the manifest non-compliance with the Electoral Act.
“My complaint was not about the BVAs, but that results were not uploaded to the I-Rev portal as we were promised extensively by the INEC chairman,” the witness added.

Atiku, is among other reliefs, praying the court to declare that he was the valid winner of the presidential election, even as he applied for the withdrawal of the Certificate of Return that was issued to President Tinubu by INEC.

The National Assembly has passed a bill to make comprehensive provisions for the prohibition and punishment of sexual harassment by educators in tertiary institutions.

The Senate passed this bill in 2020 while the House of Representatives passed theirs but with different provisions.

The Chairman Senate Committee on Judiciary, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele on Wednesday said the conference committee of both chambers harmonised the different positions as he presented the report during plenary session.

The proposed legislation seeks to criminalise sexual harassment by educators against students in tertiary institutions.

MORE facts have emerged on how the Federal Government used blackmail and other mechanisms and ambushed Organised Labour to suspend its planned strike over the removal of subsidy on Premium Motor Spirit, PMS, commonly known as petrol.

Leaders of Organised Labour had Monday night suspended the planned nationwide strike intended to force the new administration of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu to revert to the Pre-May 29, 2023 pump price of N185 per litre as against the 200 per cent hike in price, which was scheduled to commence yesterday.

Recall that Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, had Sunday shunned the rescheduled meeting after the earlier meeting held on Thursday, June 1, 2023, ended in deadlock, insisting that the government revert to status quo or the old pump price of petrol as a condition for further meeting.

However, NLC’s counterpart; the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC, attended the meeting and made demands including N200,000 minimum wage. In a U-turn on Monday, the NLC returned to the negotiation table with the government.

About four hours into the meeting, leaders of TUC who had earlier adjoined its meeting with government to Tuesday after parties informed that progress had been made, joined the meeting.

Over an hour after TUC joined the meeting, Organised Labour and governmnet representatives reached an agreement leading to the suspension of the planned strike.

Giving insight into the under currents that forced Labour in reaching a compromise, one of the labour leaders who spoke to Vanguard in confidence, alleged that the governmnet used the National Industrial Court, NIC, and others, to ambush Labour to scuttle the nationwide planned strike.

According to him, “on Monday morning, several influential Nigerians started intervening and imploring us to return to the negotiation table. Similarly, government officials were calling us relentlessly.”