Naira on Friday depreciated further against the dollar at the Investors and Exporters window, exchanging N472.50 to the dollar, just as President Bola Tinubu suspended the CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele.

The local currency showed a 0.64 per cent decrease when compared with N469.50 it exchanged for the dollar on Thursday.

The open indicative rate closed at N471.32 to the dollar on Friday.

An exchange rate of N477 to the dollar was the highest rate recorded within the day’s trading before it settled at N472.50.

The Naira sold for as low as 460 to the dollar within the day’s trading.

A total of 77.42 million dollars was traded at the official Investors and Exporters window on Friday.

Shehu Sani Former lawmaker, Senator Shehu Sani has reacted to the suspension of the governor of The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr Godwin Emefiele, stating he was a disaster.

The Nigerian senator, made his reaction at the late hours of Friday via his Twitter handle.

He expressed his dissatisfaction towards the CBN governor all through his term in office.

This is following the news of Mr Godwin Emefiele’s suspension as the Governor of The Central Bank of Nigeria.

‘A disaster he was’, He tweeted

PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu on Friday suspended the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr Godwin Emefiele.

The president has also ordered a comprehensive probe of Emefiele’s activities as the CBN governor.

A statement signed by the Director of Information, Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Willie Bassey, said the suspension was with immediate effect.

The statement said the suspension “is sequel to the ongoing investigation of his (Emefiele’s) office and the planned reforms in the financial sector of the economy.”

The statement added that: “Mr Emefiele has been directed to immediately hand over the affairs of his office to the Deputy Governor (Operations Directorate), who will act as the Central Bank Governor pending the conclusion of investigation and the reforms.”

Emefiele has been enmeshed in series of controversies over his management of the nation’s economy and his involvement in partisan politics.

Contrary to the CBN Act, Emefiele purchased a nomination form to contest for the presidential ticket of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). He withdrew from the race at the last minute.

The introduction of new naira notes shortly before the last general election was the last straw for Emefiele.

For several weeks, Nigerians suffered the pains of cash scarcity as the CBN withdrew old notes from circulation without making new ones available.

He was appointed as CBN governor by former President Goodluck Jonathan on June 4, 2014. At the expiration of his first term in 2019, he was reappointed by former President Muhammadu Buhari.

Southern Nigerians have asked me two trivial but persistent and important questions about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The first is why most Hausa-speaking northerners don’t call Tinubu “Jagaban” as a standalone title like southerners do. Since I am from Borgu, I’ve also been asked why Tinubu was knighted as the “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu.” And what does the title mean, anyway?

I didn’t think the questions were worth a response, much less a column-length one, because, until now, Tinubu was either just a major, if unofficial, political player in the Buhari regime or a candidate for president. Now that he is president, I think these questions are deserving of a response in the interest of historical and political education. 

Hausa-speaking northerners don’t say “jagaban” as a standalone word because it is ungrammatical in their language. The usual word is “jagaba.” When it transforms to “jagaban” it must be followed immediately by a place name because the additional “n” in the word is a preposition that signifies “of.” So, it is either “the Jagaba of Borgu” or “Jagaban Borgu.” If the title is not associated with a place, it’s simply “Jagaba,” not “Jagaban.”

To say “Jabagan of Borgu” is to commit an ungainly interlingual prepositional tautology since “n” and “of” mean exactly the same thing. Of course, interlingual tautologies are not uncommon. For example, we say Aso Rock even when “aso” means “rock” in the Gbagyi language. We say “Lake Chad” even when “chad” means “lake” in Kanuri. And we say “Sahara Desert” even when “sahara” means “desert” in Arabic.

Since linguistic habits often form and evolve outside notions of correct usage, I won’t be surprised if even Hausa-speaking northerners start to call Tinubu “Jagaban”—or even “Jagaban of Borgu.” Nigeria’s southwest is, after all, the country’s sociolinguistic pacesetter because of the centrality of Lagos as the cultural capital.

 So, what does “jagaba” mean? Well, it’s the Hausa word for chief warrior, warlord, frontrunner, or simply a brave man. It’s derived from “ja,” which means pull and “gaba,” which means front in the Hausa language. A jagaba is therefore someone who leads from the front, which is another way of describing a war commander. In other words, “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu” means the Chief Warrior of Borgu.

The title was conferred on President Tinubu in February 2006 by the late Alhaji Haliru Dantoro who was Emir of Borgu in New Bussa from 2002 to 2015. Dantoro and Tinubu struck up an enduring, if unusual, friendship in 1992 when both of them served as senators in IBB’s abortive Third Republic. Dantoro was a senator on the platform of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Tinubu was elected on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Although they belonged to different political parties, had diametrically opposed ideological temperaments, and Tinubu was much younger than Dantoro, they hit it off and sustained their friendship even after Sani Abacha dissolved the senate.

On February 26, 2006, exactly four years after Dantoro became emir, he knighted Tinubu as “Jagaban Borgu” (or the Jagaba of Borgu) and Remi Tinubu, his wife, as Yon Bana Jagaban Borgu. “When God made me the Emir, I said this man was there when I was in dire need of help, so why can’t I use my position to make him what I feel will help him in future politically?” Dantoro said in a news interview before his death.

Dantoro’s graciousness toward Tinubu doesn’t come to me as a surprise. As I pointed out in my November 07, 2015, column titled "Tribute to Haliru Dantoro, Emir of Borgu,” Dantoro was a conciliatory, even-tempered, and pleasant person who loved to build bridges across cultures, regions, ideologies, and faiths. Six months before his death, former President Muhammadu Buhari testified that even though he imprisoned Dantoro in 1984, along with other Second Republic politicians, he forgave him and even went “ahead to establish [a] very strong and cherished personal relationship” with him.

Dantoro and my father’s immediate younger brother, J.B. Kperogi, were also fierce political rivals in the Second Republic in the old Borgu, yet when I had a chance to meet him in 1999 as a young reporter and he recognized me as the nephew of his former political opponent, he was kind and gracious to me, asked after my uncle, and emphasized the importance of unity in the old Nigerian Borgu that is now splintered in parts of Kwara, Niger, and Kebbi states. 

Having said this, it’s important to state that “jagaba” is not a Borgu title; it’s borrowed from Hausa land. The ancient Borgu empire was a pluri-ethnic, confederate polity and was peopled by many ethnic groups, but mostly by the Baatonu (whom Yoruba people Bariba, Ibariba, or Baruba), the Boko (or Bokobaru/Bisa), the Fulani, the Kambari, and the Dendi people.

 Ancient Borgu stretched from what is now northeastern Benin Republic (where a Borgou state exists) to present-day Baruten and Kaiama local governments in Kwara State; Borgu and Agwara local governments in Niger State; and Bagudo and Dandi local governments in Kebbi State.

In 1904, Nigerian Borgu, which Lord Salisbury once angrily derided as "a malarious African desert…not worth a war," was initially designated as a province by British colonizers. That was the equivalent of a state in modern parlance. It was later downgraded to a “division” of several provinces, including Kebbi Province, Kontagora Province, and finally Ilorin Province because it wasn’t economically self-sustaining.  

When Kwara State was created in 1967, most of Borgu (except Bagudo and Dandi) became a part of the state and existed as Nigeria’s largest local government area until August 27, 1991, when IBB carved out what is now Borgu and Agwara local governments to Niger State. What was left of Borgu in Kwara State became Baruten and Kaiama local governments.

I don’t know why Dantoro didn’t give Tinubu a title that is native to the Bisa/Boko-speaking people of New Bussa, but Professor Halidu Usman, the Emir of Desa (known as Ilesha Baruba by Yoruba people) in the Baruten Local Government in Kwara State once defended handing out Hausa-derived traditional titles because, according to him, the repertoire of native Borgu titles is severely limited and has been exhausted in light of the changing cultural environment.

In any case, Borgu has always been a melting pot that fuses multifarious cultural influences from far-flung places. Many historic and deeply entrenched Borgu royal titles have Hausa or Kanuri roots. Take Kilishi Yeruma, for example. It is a fossilized, time-honored title in all of Borgu for the heir apparent to the throne. It is derived from a fusion of Hausa and Kanuri.

Kilishi is the Hausa word for rug (which symbolizes the throne) and Yeruma is the corruption of the Kanuri “yerima,” which means prince. The town of Kishi in the Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State, was founded by a Borgu prince called Kilishi Yeruma, and Kishi (or Kisi) is the short form of Kilishi. It’s a historical fact that people of Kishi are intimately familiar with and proud of. That is why the Iba of Kishi attends the yearly Gaani festival in Borgu.

Interestingly, when I discussed Tinubu’s Borgu title with my paternal uncle a few days ago, he jokingly wondered if Tinubu was aware that he was shirking the duties his title required of him by removing fuel subsidies, which has multiplied the deprivation of border communities such as Borgu.

The President, Bola Tinubu, will on Monday make his first official broadcast as part of the June 12 celebration.

The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, at a press briefing in Abuja on Friday said the celebration would be low-key, which according to him, was a result of the recent presidential inauguration which was elaborately celebrated.

Akunme noted that the activities lined up for celebration were the press briefing and the President’s address to the nation by 7am on Monday.

Akume stated, “It is important to note that Democracy Day has been reviewed to be celebrated annually on June 12 to honour the heroes who championed the struggle and made extraordinary sacrifices for the enthronement of democratic rule in Nigeria from 1999 till date.

“However, May 29 remains the date or anniversary of handing over or taking over power, and this happens every four years, according to the Nigerian Constitution. It is pertinent to state that has had an elaborate presidential inauguration some weeks back, activities to mark the 2023 June 12 Democracy Day will be low-key with just two major activities; the press conference and then a presidential broadcast on Monday by 7am.”

He said the theme for the celebration would be ‘Hope Reassured’.

Akume promised that adequate measures had been put in place to ensure citizens’ safety, before, during and after the celebration.

He added, “I invite all Nigerians to come out en masse to celebrate Hope Reassured as Nigeria will be better for us all.”

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) of Nigeria has declared the activities of Binance in Nigeria illegal.

According to a statement published on its website, any Nigerian trading on Binance Nigeria Limited, a subsidiary of the well-known global cryptocurrency exchange Binance, is doing so at his or her own risk.

SEC noted that the company’s activities are in violation of Nigerian law urging Nigerians to exercise caution when dealing with unregistered and unregulated platforms such as Binance Nigeria.

The statement from SEC reads: “The attention of the Securities and Exchange Commission (the Commission) has been drawn to the website operated by Binance Nigeria Limited, soliciting the Nigerian public to trade crypto assets on its various web and mobile-enabled platforms.

“Binance Nigeria Limited is neither registered nor regulated by the Commission and its operations in Nigeria are therefore illegal. Any member of the investing public dealing with the entity is doing so at his/her own risk.

“As the regulator with the statutory mandate of investor protection, the Commission urges Nigerians to be wary of investing in crypto-assets, and crypto-asset related financial products and services if the service provider/its platform is not registered or regulated by the Commission. Nigerian investors are hereby warned that investing in crypto-assets is extremely risky and may result in total loss of their investment.

“By this circular, Binance Nigeria Limited is hereby directed to immediately stop soliciting Nigerian investors in any form whatsoever.

“The Commission shall provide updates on further regulatory actions with respect to the activities of Binance Nigeria Limited, and other similar platforms and shall work with other regulators in Nigeria to provide further guidance on this matter.”

This notice comes after Binance.US, the U.S. subsidiary of the global exchange, was sued by the U.S. SEC, accused of operating an illegal securities exchange.

SEC also issued the warning after Nigeria passed a 10% tax on digital assets in its new Finance Act for the year 2023.

Asks Supreme Court, NJC To Sanction Erring Judges

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has said it would no longer respect what it described as “frivolous injunctions” issued by judges allegedly carrying out the biddings of the executive.

Raising concerns over the frequency of such injunctions which have restrained the Congress from freely protesting unfavourable policies of the government and exercising their right, President of the NLC, Comrade Joe Ajaero in a statement on Friday called on both the Supreme Court and the National Judicial Council (NJC), to sanction erring judges.

He said: “We at the Nigeria Labour Congress are concerned by the frequent issuance of ex-parte injunctions restraining us from lawfully protesting against negative policies of government or employers in the exercise of our right as contained in the provisions of ILO Conventions, Trade Union Act, Trade Dispute Act, the 1999 Constitution, the African Charter on Human Rights and other legal instruments.

“The latest of these injunctions was the order made by Honourable Justice O.Y. Anuwe in Suit No: NICN/ABJ/158/2023 between the Federal Government of Nigeria & Anor Vs. Nigeria Labour Congress & Anor. on the 5th day of June 2023 restraining NLC from protesting against the massive increase in the pump price of PMS.

“We consider the frequency of these orders against the Congress an abuse and a violation of the pronouncement of the Supreme Court against frivolous use of ex parte.

“More importantly, we consider these injunctions a violation of the extant laws aforementioned as well as an infringement of our right to lawful assembly and free speech.

“We are similarly concerned by the conduct of pliant Judges who often bend backward to accommodate the whims and caprices of the executive branch of government by way of granting frivolous injunctions which we shall hereinafter refer to as black market injunctions.

“We must warn that black market injunctions constitute an inherent and present danger to the image of the judiciary as the judiciary risks being ignored. Given our experience, the greatest threat to the judiciary comes from within the judiciary by way of some compromised Judicial Officers.

“We are sounding a note of warning that any further black market or jankara injunction will not be respected by us. To show our capacity and resolve, we will show active resistance by picketing such a court.

“We are also letting the public know that we have taken precipitate steps to vacate the extant injunction in question by briefing our lawyers.

“We wish to warn that when the citizenry loses faith in the judiciary, the probability of resorting to self-help could be quite high with unpredictable consequences. In light of these, we are calling on the Supreme Court and indeed NJC to speedily deal with erring Judges who issue frivolous injunctions.”

The applicants and their lawyer, Stanley Agumaeme, in a suit seeking an extension of ex-President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure pending the determination of the petitions before the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) have abandoned the case.

Justice Inyang Ekwo made this known on Friday in a ruling on the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/656/23 filed by Justice Initiative for the Disadvantage and Oppressed Persons and Lawman Nzenwa, 1st and 2nd plaintiffs in the matter.

Justice Ekwo, who observed that the applicants were not in court on the last adjourned date, said he had made an order directing the plaintiffs to be served with hearing notice for today’s proceeding.

The judge said he also made an order that the plaintiffs should be called on the phone and a text message sent to them to notify them of the proceeding.

He, however, expressed surprise that neither the plaintiffs nor their lawyer were in court.

According to Justice Ekwo, I believe the plaintiffs and their counsel have realised that what they seek is unconstitutional and can never be granted.

“It seems the plaintiffs and their lawyer have run away; they have abandoned their case,” he declared.

The judge, therefore, held that since the plaintiffs were not in court and he cannot make an order in their absence, he consequently dismissed the suit.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the plaintiffs, through their lawyer, had, on May 12, filed the suit dated May 12.

In the originating summons, they had sued the President and Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, the Attorney-General of Federation (AGF), the Chief of Defence Staff and the Inspector-General of Police as 1st to 4th defendants.

ji Atiku Abubakar, Senate President and Speaker, House of Representatives as 5th to 11th defendants respectively.

They, therefore, sought an order extending the tenure of Buhari (1st defendant) further from May 29 to such a time the presidential election petition would have been resolved in one way or the order.

They also sought an order mandating the Senate president (10th defendant) and Speaker (11th defendant) to invoke the principle of necessity and pass a resolution extending Buhari’s tenure after May 29 till when Abubakar’s petition against the presidential election is resolved.

They further sought an order directing the former president either by himself, appointees or agents, not to hand over offices of the president and vice president to Tinubu and Shettima until the election petitions are fully and finally disposed of by the courts, among others.

NAN reports that only Kassim Oyinwola, counsel for the 10th defendant (Senate president) was in court.

NAN also reports that Justice Ekwo had on June 6, awarded a N20 million fine against Chuks Nwachukwu, a lawyer representing five FCT residents in a suit seeking an order to stop the May 29 swearing-in of President Bola Tinubu.

The judge described the suit as vexatious, frivolous and an abuse of the court process.

Also, a sister court presided over by Justice James Omotosho had, on May 26, delivered a judgment in another suit filed by three applicants seeking to stop the swearing-in of Tinubu on May 29 as fifth Nigeria’s democratic president.

The judge had awarded a total sum of N17 million against the three applicants; Praise Ilemona Isaiah, Pastor Paul Isaac and Dr Anongu Moses, including their lawyer, Daniel Elombah, for filing a suit considered to be “frivolous, vexatious and an abuse of court processes.”

The Presidential Election Petition Court, PEPC, sitting in Abuja, on Friday, gave the candidate of Labour Party, LP, Mr. Peter Obi, the nod to tender two videos clips in evidence to support the case he filed to challenge the outcome of the 2023 presidential election.

Obi, who is insisting that he won the presidential contest that held on February 25, tendered the video recordings, which were contained in two flash drives, through a member of his legal team, Mr. Jubril Okutekpa, SAN.

The LP candidate had at the resumed proceedings in the case, notified the court that he subpoenaed Channels Television to produce the recordings.

Okutekpa, SAN, told the court that two separate subpoenas, dated May 30 and June 6, were served on the TV station, which he said sent one of its staff members, to tender the requested evidence.

The Justice Haruna Tsammani-led five-member panel admitted the subpoenas in evidence and marked them as Exhibits PBH-1 and PBH-2.

The court, thereafter, summoned Mr. Lucky Obewo-Isawode, who identified himself as a Senior Reporter/Editor at Channels TV, to mount the witness box.

However, counsel for President Bola Tinubu, Chief Akin Olujinmi, SAN, said he was opposed to the court allowing the witness to either testify or tender any evidence in the matter.

President Tinubu, through his lawyer, maintained that the witness was not competent to testify in the matter since his written statement was not front-loaded at the time the petition was filed.

Relying on Paragraph 4 (5) and (6) of the First Schedule to the Electoral Act 2022, Tinubu’s lawyer argued that the law was clear that petition must be filed within 21 days after the declaration of result of an election.

He contended that the petitioners ought to have attached all the necessary documents as well as the list of witnesses they would call in support of their case, at the time the petition was filed.

“A petition which fails to comply shall not be accepted, that is what the law says. My lords, it was after the proceeding started today that the statement of this witness was served on us.

“This is over three months after the declaration of the result of the election was made.

“This witness was not listed by the petitioners and his statement was not attached to the petition. To that extent, he is not a competent witness who can testify before this court,” President Tinubu’s lawyer insisted.

Citing plethora of decided case laws, Chief Olujinmi, SAN, argued that Obi and LP were aware that they would rely on video recordings, as at the time they filed the petition.

Adopting the submissions of President Tinubu’s counsel, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, through its own lawyer, Mr. Kemi Pinhero, SAN, argued that Obi and LP should have listed the proposed evidence in their petition.

However, counsel for the petitioners, Okutepa, SAN, contended that the subpoena was an order of court which his clients had no command over.

“My lords, my submission is that a subpoenaed witness is competent to testify in this matter,” Okutepa , SAN, added, even as he relied on Paragraph 41 (5) and (6) of the First Schedule to the Electoral Act.

Despite the objections, the panel, admitted the two flash drives in evidence and marked them as Exhibits PBH-3 and PBH-4.

Meanwhile, when counsel for the petitioners applied for contents of the flash drives to be played in the open court, President Tinubu’s lawyer, again, opposed.

He argued that his client was not served with any copy of the flash drive.

“This case is not hide and seek. We are entitled to be served with a copy so that we can know the content and be able to prepare. Until we are served, we will oppose allowing it to be played.

“The material, having not been served on us earlier, it will deprive the 2nd and 3rd Respondents (President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima) of their right to fair hearing.

“We have not been able to prepare against it,” Tinubu’s lawyer added.

However, INEC’s lawyer, Pinhero, SAN, said he saw no reason why the clips should not be played since the Exhibits were already before the court.

On its part, counsel to the All Progressives Congress, APC, Mr. Solomon Umoh, SAN, said it would amount to an ambush for the petitioners to be allowed to play the content of the flash drives without first serving same on the Respondents.

Ruling on the matter, head of the panel, Justice Tsammani, held that the Respondents would not be prejudiced if the video clips are played in the open court.

He, however, noted that it was already late in the day.

Consequently, the panel adjourned the matter till Saturday for the video clips to be played in the open court.

Meanwhile, the first flash drive, contained a press interview that the Chairman of INEC, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu granted prior to the general elections, where he assured that results of the election would be electronically transmitted in real time.

The second flash drive was equally a press conference by a National Commissioner of INEC, Mr. Festus Okoye, who equally restated the commitment of the Commission to transmit the election results.

Southern Nigerians have asked me two persistent, trivial questions about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The first is why most Hausa-speaking northerners don’t call Tinubu “Jagaban” as a standalone title like southerners do. Since I am from Borgu, I’ve also been asked why Tinubu was knighted as the “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu.” And what does the title mean, anyway?

I didn’t think the questions were worth a response, much less a column-length one, because, until now, Tinubu was either just a major, if unofficial, political player in the Buhari regime or a candidate for president. Now that he is president, I think these questions are deserving of a response in the interest of historical and political education.

Hausa-speaking northerners don’t say “jagaban” as a stand alone word because it is ungrammatical in their language. The usual word is “jagaba.” When it transforms to “jagaban” it must be followed immediately by a place name because the additional “n” is a preposition that signifies “of.” So, it is either “the Jagaba of Borgu” or “Jagaban Borgu.” If the title is not associated with a place, it’s simply “Jagaba,” not “Jagaban.”

To say “Jabagan of Borgu” is to commit an ungainly interlingual prepositional tautology since “n” and “of” mean exactly the same thing. Of course, interlingual tautologies are not uncommon. For example, we say Aso Rock even when “aso” means “rock” in the Gbagyi language. We say “Lake Chad” even when “chad” means “lake” in Kanuri. And we say “Sahara Desert” even when “sahara” means “desert” in Arabic.

Since linguistic habits often form and evolve outside notions of correct usage, I won’t be surprised if even Hausa-speaking northerners start to call Tinubu “Jagaban”—or even “Jagaban of Borgu.” Nigeria’s southwest is, after all, the country’s sociolinguistic pacesetter because of the centrality of Lagos as the cultural capital.

So, what does “jagaba” mean? Well, it’s the Hausa word for chief warrior, warlord, frontrunner, or simply a brave man. It’s derived from “ja,” which means pull and “gaba,” which means front in the Hausa language. A jagaba is, therefore, someone who leads from the front, which is another way of describing a war commander. In other words, “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu” means the Chief Warrior of Borgu.

The title was conferred on President Tinubu in February 2006 by the late Alhaji Haliru Dantoro who was Emir of Borgu in New Bussa from 2002 to 2015. Dantoro and Tinubu struck up an enduring, if unusual, friendship in 1992 when both of them served as senators in IBB’s abortive Third Republic. Dantoro was a senator on the platform of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Tinubu was elected on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Although they belonged to different political parties, had diametrically opposed ideological temperaments, and Tinubu was much younger than Dantoro, they hit it off and sustained their friendship even after Sani Abacha dissolved the senate.

On February 26, 2006, exactly four years after Dantoro became emir, he knighted Tinubu as “Jagaban Borgu” (or the Jagaba of Borgu) and Remi Tinubu, his wife, as Yon Bana Jagaban Borgu.“When God made me the Emir, I said this man was there when I was in dire need of help, so why can’t I use my position to make him what I feel will help him in future politically?” Dantoro said in a news interview before his death.

Dantoro’s graciousness toward Tinubu doesn’t come to me as a surprise. As I pointed out in my November 07, 2015, column titled “Tribute to Haliru Dantoro, Emir of Borgu,” Dantoro was a conciliatory, even-tempered, and pleasant person who loved to build bridges across cultures, regions, ideologies, and faiths. Six months before his death, former President Muhammadu Buhari testified that even though he imprisoned Dantoro in 1984, along with other Second Republic politicians, he forgave him and even went “ahead to establish [a] very strong and cherished personal relationship” with him.

Dantoro and my father’s immediate younger brother, J.B. Kperogi, were also fierce political rivals in the Second Republic in the old Borgu, yet when I had a chance to meet him in 1999 as a young reporter and he recognized me as the nephew of his former political opponent, he was kind and gracious to me, asked after my uncle, and emphasized the importance of unity in the old Nigerian Borgu that is now splintered in parts of Kwara, Niger, and Kebbi states.

Having said this, it’s important to state that “jagaba” is not a Borgu title; it’s borrowed from Hausa land. The ancient Borgu empire was a pluri-ethnic, confederate polity and was peopled by many ethnic groups, but mostly by the Baatonu (whom Yoruba people call Bariba, Ibariba, or Baruba), the Boko (or Bokobaru/Bisa), the Fulani, the Kambari, and the Dendi people.

Ancient Borgu stretched from what is now northeastern Benin Republic (where a Borgou state exists) to present-day Baruten and Kaiama local governments in Kwara State; Borgu and Agwara local governments in Niger State; and Bagudo and Dandi local governments in Kebbi State.

In 1904, Nigerian Borgu, which Lord Salisbury once angrily derided as “a malarious African desert…not worth a war,” was initially designated as a province by British colonizers. That was the equivalent of a state in modern parlance. It was later downgraded to a “division” of several provinces, including Kebbi Province, Kontagora Province, and Ilorin Province because it wasn’t economically self-sustaining.

When Kwara State was created in 1967, most of Borgu (except Bagudo and Dandi) became a part of the state and existed as Nigeria’s largest local government area until August 27, 1991, when IBB carved out what is now Borgu and Agwara local governments to Niger State.

I don’t know why Dantoro didn’t give Tinubu a title that is native to the Bisa/Boko-speaking people of New Bussa, but Professor Halidu Usman, the Emir of Desa (known as Ilesha Baruba by Yoruba people) in the Baruten Local Government in Kwara State once defended handing out Hausa-derived traditional titles because, according to him, the repertoire of native Borgu titles is severely limited and has been exhausted in light of the changing cultural environment.

In any case, Borgu has always been a melting pot that fuses multifarious cultural influences from far-flung places. Many historic and deeply entrenched Borgu royal titles have Hausa or Kanuri roots. Take Kilishi Yeruma, for example. It is a fossilized, time-honored title in all of Borgu for the heir apparent to the throne. It is derived from a fusion of Hausa and Kanuri.

Kilishi is the Hausa word for rug (which symbolizes the throne) and Yeruma is the corruption of the Kanuri “yerima,” which means prince. The town of Kishi in the Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State, was founded by a Borgu prince called Kilishi Yeruma, and Kishi (or Kisi) is the short form of Kilishi. It’s a history people of Kishi are intimately familiar with and proud of. That is why the Iba of Kishi attends the yearly Gaani festival in Borgu.

Interestingly, when I discussed Tinubu’s Borgu title with my paternal uncle a few days ago, he jokingly wondered if Tinubu was aware that he was shirking the duties his title required of him by removing fuel subsidies, which has multiplied the deprivation of border communities such as Borgu.