According to reports, Belgium and Rennes winger Jeremy Doku is ‘ready’ to accept a move to the Premier League amid interest from Liverpool and Aston Villa.

Doku has often made a big impact when he’s played internationally for Belgium and he has consistently been linked with a move to the Premier League over the past couple of years.

The 21-year-old has arguably been more inconsistent when he’s played for Ligue 1 side Rennes but he grabbed seven goals and four assists in his 35 appearances last season across all competitions.

Jurgen Klopp is reportedly a major admirer of Doku, with it being reported last October that the German head coach has ‘never forgotten’ about the winger. 

Caught Offside are now reporting that Doku is ‘ready to reject a Serie A transfer for the Premier League’.

Liverpool and Aston Villa are ‘among the clubs interested’ in the youngster, but Unai Emery’s side are said to be the team ‘showing strongest interest’ in him while they ‘wait to find out what happens with Moussa Diaby’.

Liverpool meanwhile have ‘made recent checks on Doku’ but they are currently ‘focused on strengthening other areas of their squad including midfield and defence’.

A separate report from Football Insider has claimed that Liverpool want to sign two more midfielders before the summer transfer window closes. This comes amid the imminent departures of Jordan Henderson and Fabinho to Saudi Arabia.

As for Doku, the report from Caught Offside adds: ‘Doku has impressed in Ligue 1 and wouldn’t be short of suitors elsewhere in Europe either, though CaughtOffside understands he has made a move to England his clear priority, even though he’s also been approached by both AC Milan and Napoli in recent months.

‘Rennes would likely ask for around €40m to let Doku leave, so it remains to be seen if Villa or someone else view that as good value for money or if they try to negotiate that down.

‘Much will likely depend on Diaby’s decision, with the Frenchman currently being targeted by both Villa and clubs in the Saudi Pro League.’

Towards the end of last year, journalist Robin Bairner claimed that Doku’s “issue” has been his lack of consistency.

“The trouble with Jeremy Doku isn’t necessarily his talent. We’ve seen, particularly in the European Championships, just how good a winger he can be. He was devastating for Belgium against Italy,” Bairner told GiveMeSport.

“But his issue has just consistently been, since he moved to Rennes, staying fit. Again, he’s just been injured, he’s just coming back from injury now. It seems to be a repeating cycle with him.

“He’ll come back for two or three games then find himself injured for two or three months, and he doesn’t really get any consistency in his performances.

“I think that has to be a red flag for a team like Liverpool who are generally so strong in the transfer market, who pick up players who have got a strong mentality, who don’t get injured and can fit into their team straightaway.”

[football365]

One of the major issues begging for consideration as Nigeria and other stakeholders review the aftermath of the country’s 2023 General elections would definitely be the health of Nigeria’s political party system. It is a matter of fact that by the 90s, in an attempt to stem the tide of communism, one party states, and dictatorships around the world, the West recommended and supported multi-party democracy as the way forward, to ensure participation, inclusion, and fairness. This was packaged as a pill to address the menace of one-party states and authoritarianism and indeed many African countries, including Nigeria bought into it, and even went a step further to fashion our democracy after the American model.

For Nigeria, this was particularly instructive: in the First Republic, Nigeria had multiple political parties with strong, cultural, ethnic, and ideological identities, serving as major forces for social and political action, mobilizing the people on ideological grounds, and promoting democratic participation. The political system in Nigeria at that period may not have guaranteed stability, but it served as an intermediary with the people, and as a major force between the state and society. This came abruptly to an end in January 1966, with the intervention of the military and the emergence of Decree No 1 of 1966 which summarily imposed a unitary system on the country and abolished all existing political and cultural groups. The onset of military rule subsequently merely served the purpose of further truncating the growth of the country’s political system as a mechanism for social bonding, political choice and competition. The Murtala/Obasanjo administration of 1975-76, -1979 eventually completed the tortuous course of a military to civilian transition.

It was Obasanjo’s lot to see that through in 1979, amidst a cloud of arguments and litigation. The military had spent up to 12/13 years in power. They could not exactly be trusted. The politicians themselves could not be trusted. The emergent political parties had retained the ideological persona of old. It was possible to link the NPN, the NPP, the GNPP, the PRP and the Action Group to specific identities and ideologies. But something had also been omitted. The political parties became platforms for self-aggrandizement, and a play-ground for big men, with large egos. Nowhere was this more evident than in the then ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The Chairman of the Party, A.M.A Akinloye had his name embossed on bottles of champagne. One Minister at the time in charge of transportation and head of the Presidential Task Force on Rice, Umaru Dikko, also an NPN party chieftain said Nigerians were lucky because nobody was eating from the dustbin. It didn’t take long before the dust bin would become the dinner table for many Nigerians and Dikko himself ran away and had to be intercepted and put in a crate to be summarily smuggled back to Nigeria as “diplomatic baggage.” He was lucky he escaped!

In 1983, the return to democracy failed and for another 16 years (Generals M. Buhari to I. Babangida, to S. Abacha to Abdusalami Abukakar), Nigeria was in the grips of military rule, with the soldiers dictating their own version of democracy. They chose everything, including the number of political parties, their logos, party chairmen and for how long they could be in power. Between 1983 and 1993, and thereafter, the military’s disdain for civilian rule was writ large, but they had civilian collaborators throughout that ugly season being the stomach-driven characters in every nook and cranny of Nigeria who would do anything for a mess of porridge. Political parties, party members and their chairmen became puppets in the hands of the military. This was in part what gave the Nigerian military the courage to annul the democratic elections of 1993. It was their underestimation of the people’s will, the determination of some of the political actors led by Chief MKO Abiola and the resolve of the international community that propelled Nigeria back to civilian rule in 1999.

Over the years, something had died along the line: the integrity of political parties as major building blocks in the process of democratic consolidation. Our political parties had become caricatures, and tools for the promotion of authoritarianism, thus emerging as regressive political parties that could be hijacked or compromised by particular interest formations. The failure to have a stable democratic party system has foregrounded the need to rethink the nature of the political party systems not just in Nigeria however, but also in other African countries where multi-party system democracy has not checked the appetite for dictatorship. Truly, in many African countries, inter and intra-party crises have been the bane of political instability, creating a situation whereby questions are now being raised about democracy in a number of African countries: Mali, Niger, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau. Nigeria is a bit more resilient than other African countries, given its size, and complexity, but it is time we began to worry about the fragility of our political party system beyond the centrifugal elements implanted therein by the military and which have remained enduring.

The foregoing reflection is inspired as you may now imagine by the travails of the Chairman and National Secretary of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), namely Senator Abdullahi Adamu, and Senator Iyiola Omisore who reportedly had to resign from their positions on the orders of President Bola Tinubu, 24 hours to the party’s scheduled meetings of the National caucus and National Working Committee (NWC). To many observers of the Nigerian political scene, this probably did not come as a surprise. Senator Adamu had used his own mouth to crucify himself the other week, when he came out publicly to claim credit for the victory of the APC and President Bola Tinubu, albeit still a matter of litigation, in the 2023 General Elections. He said he did not support President Tinubu during the APC party’s primaries in 2022, but that he was at liberty to support Senator Ahmad Lawan or anyone else. However, Tinubu having emerged, he mobilized the party under his watch to deliver victory for the party. He asked to be praised,not vilified.

The Presidential order that he and his National Secretary should hand in their resignation letters and stand down is “the praise” he has now received. With due respect, Senator Adamu made himself a target, he fell upon the sword of his own indiscretion. Now, he is being accused of mismanaging party funds. He even made the additional mistake of being seen to have complained about the President’s choice of party leaders in the National Assembly. He had to be given a soft landing by Tinubu’s allies who asked him to resign or taste disgrace at the party’s scheduled meetings. But nonetheless, this is a battle for the soul of the APC, for a control of the party by the new power brokers in town, a further indication of the “emilokan ideology of power.” When the APC emerged in 2014, it was an amalgam of unusual bedfellows – the CPC, the old ANPP (that is the Buhari wing), the Action for National Congress (ANC), that is the Tinubu wing, the new PDP (led by Bukola Saraki and a number of other fringe, come-and join smaller coalitions). Bola Tinubu was the arrow-head of that entire process, which is why he could boast that he made Buhari President.

As events unfolded in the last eight years, the Bukola Saraki wing of the coalition was the first to fall aside. The Buhari wing that was in charge used the power that had been thrown into their laps with almost primordial obsession. At a point, even Tinubu, the kingmaker, began to look like a spectator. His resolve to take back what he made available to others marks a strictly Machiavellian chapter in contemporary Nigerian politics. Certainly, there were bound to be casualties. The Chairman of the Party, Adamu tilted towards the CPC wing as did others: it would be naive for them to think they would survive. The worse part of it is that Tinubu’s allies are also even accusing Adamu of being a tyrant and they are asking him to account for some party funds that are allegedly missing. Tinubu and his allies are bent on house-cleaning! There would be more casualties. By the time they are done, the APC would be a version of the ACN, not CPC. Buhari’s people would probably end up begging. It is called party politics, the worst variety that we have seen since the first political party, Herbert Macaulay’s NNDP, emerged in this country in 1923.

But it is not only the ruling APC that confronts us with the crisis in Nigeria’s political system. Before now, the rival People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had to deal with its own version of chaos. In March 2023, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, then PDP Chairman, was barred from parading himself any further as National Chairman of the party on the basis of an ex parte, interim injunction granted by Judge M. I. Ikpochi of Benue State High Court, ruling in favour of a prayer to that effect brought by members of the Igorov ward in Benue State. Members of Ayu’s ward at home said he had not been paying his membership dues hence they were expelling him as a member of the party. Dr. Ayu confidently said he would obey the court and pursue the matter in court. And so he did. But in the first week of June 2023, his case was worsened when the Chief Judge of Benue State, Maurice Ikpanbese upheld the earlier ruling and annulled Ayu’s membership of the PDP. Effectively, Dr. Ayu, former Chairman of the PDP is today no longer a member of the party except he goes on appeal, and hopes to secure victory.

Anyone that is familiar with recent politics within that party would easily connect the dots and surmise that Dr. Ayu is paying a price for not supporting former Governor Nyesom Wike’s ambition to be the flagbearer of the PDP in 2022, ahead of the elections. He even had the temerity of openly supporting Atiku Abubakar and going to visit former Governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal the day after the convention to declare him a messiah. The fall-out was that a group of five Governors led by Nyesom Wike, who became known as the G-5 swore that Ayu must be removed as PDP Chairman. They soon found other allies and they swore that they would block the chosen Presidential candidate of the party, Atiku Abubakar from winning in their states or becoming President of Nigeria. Their conscientious objection was clad in the garb of a preference for power rotation, the rule of law, and the alleged immorality of having the Chairman of the Party and the Presidential candidate coming from the same zone or a Northerner succeeding another Northerner as President of Nigeria. The G5, or the Integrity Group as the expanded body became known took their pound of flesh. The PDP lost the Presidential election. Ayu was politicked out of office. In many ways, his story is similar to that of Senator Abdullahi Adamu of the APC. Party Chairmen may talk as they wish about party supremacy but in Nigeria’s political parties, supremacy belongs to powerful individuals and forces within the party. Senator Abdullahi Adamu’s problems began earlier when the party’s National Vice Chairman (North-West) began to complain that he was running a one-man show. In 2015, Adamu Muazu lost his Chairmanship position in the PDP and was even accused of helping the opposition to win!.

The other political parties are not immune either. Shortly after the general elections, the Chairman of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNNP) tendered his letter of resignation, saying he wanted to give room for “fresh hands” to take over. Professor Alkali didn’t say more than that, but in a country where nobody wants any “fresh hands” to touch anything; that was quite loaded. He said clearly though, that the NNPP needed to be re-organized. But consider also the crisis in the Labour Party, the same party that everyone had praised and supported for putting up a remarkable performance in the elections. It didn’t take long before an intra-party crisis engulfed the party at both national and state levels, leading to litigations, name-calling, conspiracy theories, threats and abuses. The same party that was generally described as a “Third Force” in Nigerian politics splintered into factions. Rival Chairmen of the party and their supporters even fought in court premises.

It seems to me that the biggest threat to Nigerian democracy is how our political parties have not been able to extricate themselves from the stranglehold of the damage done to them by the military elite. This is partly why they are prostrate, redundant, and have failed as intermediaries. Every political party is driven by the ambition of an individual or a cartel. The individuals turn the parties into Special Purpose Vehicles for their own ambitions. They select those who run the parties, and they make the funds available. In the past, the parties existed on an “equal founder, equal joiner basis”. Members had membership cards and paid membership dues. These days, members wait for a rich individual to fund the party. The man with the deep pocket who funds the party appoints and disappoints as Nyesom Wike did to Prince Uche Secundus, former Chairman of the PDP and Iyorchia Ayu after him, and as Tinubu has done to Senator Adamu who got so bold as to question his ambition at a point. The men who emerge as party leaders are themselves driven by personal ambition. They want to be big men and hug the limelight. Who knows the Chairman of the Republican Party in the United States? I don’t see the American press discussing the Chairman of the Democratic Party either as an all-year round celebrity. Here, party officials are busy seeking relevance. When their sponsors win elections or see that they are beginning to develop a mind of their own, they drop them quickly. Parties are useful platforms for winning elections as defined in Section 221 of the 1999 Constitution, but after the party wins, nobody takes party supremacy seriously anymore here, especially in the absence of independent candidacy. It is assumed that the party Chairman and his allies have been paid for their services.

The dilemma of political parties could not have been better illustrated than the shabby treatment of party Chairmen across board since the return to democracy in 1999. Because the parties are weak, many of them come and go. After the 2019 general elections, the Electoral Commission, INEC, deregistered as many as 74 political parties for not winning a seat anywhere. In 2023, we had 17 registered political parties in the election, only 10 got a seat here and there, with the APC and the PDP being the more dominant parties. Our political party system is in urgent need of reform to prevent the prospect of a one-party state, in the hands of dictators whose personal will may be imposed on the entire state. In the meantime, let no one shed any tears for the fallen party bosses.

One is that they are obligated by section 14 (4.2) of the APC Constitution to present the quarterly reports of their activities to NEC. Quarterly reports of activities are as we have zones, state chapters and departments. All those should have been compiled. Issues such as what has happened, what are the challenges and then based on that we go to the NEC with a fair idea of how to address those challenges for the NEC to approve and not to approve.

•Two, by the provision of Article 13 (4.4) of the APC Constitution, we are obligated by the constitution to present quarterly reports of the income and expenditure of the party. I want to say this for the records. Since we came, we have never been presented, even at the last NEC of April 2022; we have not been presented with financial reports till today. I challenge both the national chairman and the national secretary; they have never presented to the NWC any financial statement.

•The third issue is that we are expected to present a proposed national budget to the NEC for approval by the provision of Article 13, 3A.14 of the APC Constitution. I felt embarrassed when I heard the National Secretary say the budget of the party had been sent to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). INEC is not the approving authority of the budget of the APC. The approving authority is the NEC. Till today, we don’t have a national budget. Yet we made over N30 billion from sales of forms. Till today, as a member of the NWC and majority members of the NWC, maybe except the Financial Secretary, Treasurer or Auditor who may have inside knowledge of how much was expended on the renovation of the national secretariat of the party, we do not know what is being expended.

Talking of the national budget, we are just coming out of elections whereby we are not able to sustain past precedence. What was the past precedence? Under Comrade Adams Oshiomhole in 2019, every candidate of the party received something from the national secretariat. In this last election, no candidate of the party received a dime from the party.

Regarding finances in our constitution, the NEC is supposed to approve some form of sharing formula. I am aware that each state chapter has received about N20 million out of the N30 billion, put together that is about N700 million less than a billion which is less than three per cent of the total income that has been earned. Yet, we want to sweep this under the carpet. We are having states, zonal, local councils and ward levels that are left on their own. The whole question of funding the party has not been addressed.

•The fourth issue which I have raised is that in our constitution, article 12 (19, 20 and 21) created the women, youths and persons with disability wings. The whole idea is that these wings would have their own rules and officials.

Till today as a party, we have not sat down to even discuss or give guidelines to them in terms of how they go about doing all these things. And these are very critical because they are categories of people considered venerable groups that need to be strengthened. And we are going to NEC and that is not going to be on the agenda. It is not what the national chairman and secretary want to be on the agenda that should go to NEC and National Caucus. It should be what the NWC has approved. And I am saying till this moment the NWC has not approved any agenda. I am also saying till this moment there is no proper notice to any person who is supposed to be at that meeting. For goodness sake, we are dealing with a category of people like the President, the Senate President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives and his Deputy. These are very high-level people and you want them to come to the meeting without telling them what the agenda is. That is not right.

•The fifth issue is by the provision of Article 18 of the APC constitution, five standing committees have been provided-Establishment, Finance, Intergovernmental and Conflict and Reconciliation committees. Till today, we have not formed those committees. I was told at a meeting though I wasn’t there, that some proposals about membership of these committees have been presented, I am aware as of today we have not been properly notified by the leading NWC that this is the proposal going to NEC.

Yesterday, I reported to Senator Omisore that I don’t attend meetings. I challenge him to produce the attendance of all the meetings. If I had been absent from meetings throughout our tenure maybe three times. I attend the meeting. I raised issues with them because I tell them that I am a zonal officer based in Kaduna. If I was going to attend any meeting, I will give at least give eight hours’ notice. You don’t give four hours’ notice and you expect me to abandon what I am doing in the zone.

•The sixth issue is that we are just coming out of elections. A lot happened, including the dynamics that played out which we are all aware of.
There are currents within the party that didn’t want us to win the election. Anti-party activities took place in many places. For goodness sake this second-highest highest organ of the party. We should spare time and review what happened during that election and properly take decisions on how to prevent reoccurrence. We have four years. Four years is short. We have to start pig from now.

•The seventh issue is not just the case of Osun State. Osun was a disaster and that was where the national secretary hails from. I saw him yesterday shamelessly talking about a winning team. If we are a winning team, why prevent us from replicating the feat in our base? We did not only lose the governorship seat, but we also lost all the seats for the House of Representatives and the House of Assembly seats.

Osun is the only state we have that case. It is only the national secretary that is in denial of that reality. The first mark of progressive behaviour is the humility to accept your shortcomings.

I saw the national secretary talking brazenly as if he is a champion. We can’t celebrate those internal mechanisms to address the issues that are available. I didn’t make a blanket apology as is being presented.

•The other issue is the election of the presiding officers of the 10th National Assembly. You are my witness that the national chairman and national secretary said I should apologise when I sued the party.

Rather than developing guidelines as directed by the provision of Article The Section 13 (4.6) of the constitution that would guide the emergence of the leadership of the National Assembly was approached with a blanket cheque; there were no guidelines. As a result, if not for the intervention of the President, we would have walked into a disaster.

Soul-searching

Even in the meeting where governors passed a vote of confidence on the nation chairman, I am not against him or Omisore but we must have the humility to accept our failures.

This NEC and national Caucus should be used to review all the developments to prevent reoccurrence. We don’t have a situation in which we sit, the National Assembly would take decisions and then the secretariat of the party we are sending to or Tinubu would take decisions and the secret of the Nation are divulged.

•The other issue which I keep insisting on is why are we debating whether we should have meetings or not. It baffles me. My knowledge of politics is that it is about meetings. Why should politicians be afraid of meetings?

•I called for the resignation of Sen Abdullahi Adamu based on pure moral appeal, based on the dynamics that played out in the elections. But I can say, assuming we want to mutate to become a conservative party even with that kind of aspiration, I don’t think Abdullahi Adamu and Omisore are committed to leading the party based on the provision of its constitution. This is where we need soul-searching.

While FC Barcelona have already signed Gundogan and are also close to unveiling Oriol Romeu as their fourth summer signing, the club is still linked with another midfielder to further complement the midfield department. This midfielder is Bernardo Silva, who has been attracting the Catalan club’s attention since at least the last year.

According to SPORT, the name of Bernardo Silva is still alive and fresh around the Barcelona offices. Both Xavi and the higher executives like the Portuguese player, but as was the case last summer, the Blaugranes simply do not have the money to undertake such a big operation.

Barcelona’s interest in the player has been highlighted by one of the latest reported development. According to the report, some young fans in Barcelona repeatedly asked President Joan Laporta if the club is going to sign the Portuguese. In response to these questions, Laporta answered with a smile “I would like to”.

Bernardo Silva is an important part of the Manchester City squad that won the treble last season, and Pep Guardiola would be extremely reluctant to let the player leave. The Portuguese made 55 appearances for the Citizens in their most successful campaign, scoring seven goals and giving eight assists.

FC Barcelona would want to put the icing on the cake to their summer business by adding another interior midfielder, ideally Bernardo Silva, to their squad. However, their financial strength constraints the degree of action they can take in the transfer market, and allows only a player like Lo Celso on loan for now, before the club can move for a permanent transfer later.

[barcanewsnetwork]

…Says Having Dual Citizenship Doesn’t Stop Him From Becoming President

The legal team of the President Bola Tinubu has told the Presidential Election Petition Court sitting in Abuja that the flagbearer of the People’s Democratic party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, tendered an alleged expired Guinean passport as exhibit to back the claim that Tinubu holds dual citizenship in a bid to embarrassing him and invalidate his electoral victory.

Tinubu’s team led by Chief Wole Olanipekun, SAN, said even if a Nigerian holds dual citizenship, the laws of the land do not stop such person from vying for the office of President.

He urged the PEPC in its final written address to not just dismiss Atiku’s petition against his election, but also discountenance all the documents tendered by Atiku allegedly relating to his academic, career and diplomatic records.

THE WHISTLER earlier reported that the PDP legal team led by Chris Uche SAN had on June 25 presented its 27th witness, Barrister Mike Enahoro Ebah (PW27), to prove that Tinubu was a dual citizen of Nigeria and Guinea prior to the polls, among other allegations.

Some of the documents Atiku tendered include Tinubu’s certificate of service from Mobil Nigeria Plc, alleged extract of his Guinean passport as well as particulars submitted to INEC when he ran as Lagos state governor.

But giving a final response about the tendered passport (extract), Olanipekun argued that the Guinean passport which the PDP witness claimed to have downloaded from the internet, purportedly representing the data page of the Tinubu’s Guinean passport, shows that the passport expired in 2020.

“It is all a guesswork, aimed at embarrassing the respondent (Tinubu),” he stated.

He urged the court to hold that an expired document does not command any probative value in the eyes of the law.

Olanipekun did not concede that Tinubu holds a dual citizenship.

But he added that even if his client holds dual citizenship, the 1999 constitution does not prevent him from seeking to occupy the number one office in the country.

“Assuming without conceding that the respondent was ever issued that passport, it is our further submission that facts relating to citizenship of a foreign country are rooted in the laws of that country, which have to be proved in Nigeria.

“It is submitted further, that even if the respondent has a dual citizenship, which is not conceded, the Constitution does not preclude him from contesting the office of President of Nigeria,” he stated.

On Tinubu’s academic records in US, Olanipekun contended that the PDP witness tendered documents that were not certified by the school, even though, Enahoro had earlier told the court that the letter from the school meant there was no need for certification.

“On the contrary, the respondent (Tinubu) who has no burden placed on him, went all out to obtain certified true copies of all his educational records from the Chicago State University, including his University Degree certificate and a public notice issued and signed by the Registrar of the University that he distinctively passed through its portals,” the learned silk added.

Adamu Evacuates Personal Belongings, Secretariat Staff Jubilate

The sudden resignation of the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, and National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore, was spurred by the manner they handled the contentious audit report of the party’s account.

This is as indications emerged that President Bola Tinubu and governors elected on the platform of the party have started shopping for a replacement for the departed officials.

Adamu and Omisore handed over their resignation letters on Sunday amid controversies about the reason for their actions.

Their resignation letters were officially confirmed at an emergency meeting held by the National Working Committee at the party headquarters in Abuja on Monday.

The announcement was made by Adamu’s successor, Senator Abubakar Kyari, who has taken over the mantle of leadership in acting capacity in line with the party’s constitution.

Omisore’s attempt to join the NWC meeting was thwarted as he was prevented from accessing the venue.

Aggrieved NWC members told our correspondent on Monday that the contention over the manner the two men handled the audit of the party’s account, refusal to render party account for one year, lack of transparency, violation of the party constitution and running a one-man show without the contribution of the National Working Committee, were responsible for their downfall.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, an NWC member stated, “The final straw that broke the camel’s back was the manner they (Adamu and Omisore) contracted the audit account to an external auditor without the consent of the NWC or NEC.

“When the audit was completed, rather than extend it to members of the committee for scrutiny, Adamu and Omisore both signed and forwarded it to INEC. That aroused suspicions and further made the NWC to inform President Bola Tinubu and the APC governors of an imminent implosion if the tension is not doused on time.”

A party chieftain at the secretariat, who also craved anonymity, also gave a similar narration.

The NWC member stated that the process for rendering the party’s account should have been followed, including the use of the party’s internal audit department.

He said, “Before you send anything to the regulator (INEC), you must allow the management of a company to finish its work. When the board looks at it, they will take it to the general meeting. It is even after that the company can consider sending it to the regulator.

“In this case, the management has not even looked at it. The audit report was signed primarily by the secretary and the chairman. Yet, we have rules and regulations that guide how things should be done.”

On why Omisore was humiliated and barred from joining the NWC meeting, the source said the former secretary no longer had any business in the secretariat.

“I am not making excuses for him. But if I were him, I wouldn’t have bothered turning up at the secretariat instead of allowing it to get to this level. Unlike the chairman, who was given a ‘dignified exit’ in the sense that he didn’t bother to show up for the meeting,” he stated.

He told newsmen: “As members of the NWC of the APC, we are here to address you to the happenings and recent developments regarding the party. The NWC wishes to inform you about the resignation of the National Chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adamu and that of the National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore.

“With this development and according to the constitution of the APC, it is now incumbent on my humble self, Senator Abubakar Kyari, as deputy national chairman (North) to assume the office of the acting national chairman of the APC. Subsequently also, the deputy national secretary, Festus Fuantar, will now assume the office of the acting National Secretary of the APC.

“And with this recent developments in the change of leadership, I will like to inform everybody here that the proposed National Caucus meeting slated for Tuesday, July 18 and the National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the party slated for Wednesday night, July 19 are hereby postponed.

“This postponement will not be indefinite but a new date will be communicated in the near future. At this point, the individuals have resigned voluntarily and that is what is available at this moment. Reasons for resignations will be made to you in the near future.”

On whether the NWC would unleash anti-graft agency on Adamu following allegations of financial recklessness, Kyari replied: “Everybody has his own style of administration. And I think this present NWC will be in line with what the physician says. I will operate based on that.”

Meanwhile, Adamu has evacuated his personal effects from his office. As at 1.30pm, yesterday, his personal staff were seen packing out his belongings such as ablution materials, portraits, among others.

His large portrait pictures were equally removed from his office, conference rooms, other offices and replaced with that of Kyari.

Names like James Faleke, Emma Enukwu and Simon Lalong among others are being bandied as Adamu’s replacement. However, reacting to it, a member of the NWC told our correspondent that the party would not be in any hurry to replace the resigned chairman.

He stressed that the party’s leadership would engage in extensive wide consultation before taking final decision on it.

In the early hours of yesterday, there was palpable tension and anxiety at the party’s secretariat over the development. Members of the secretariat staff that arrived the headquarters early to confirm the veracity of the news about Adamu’s resignation went into wild jubilation.

The secretariat staff who gathered in groups inside the complex to discuss the development did not hide their joy over the ouster of Adamu, who they described as a sadist.

“He threatened us with sack to cow us but he employed over 20 personal staff and gave them jumbo take-home packages. The allowances the party supposed to pay us, he denied us. He approved millions of naira for the leadership during the presidential election and refused to give anything for the staff. But the NWC members he gave money could not deliver their wards. They lost their wards yet the staff delivered.

“The most allowing one was our request for allocation of land to the secretariat staff. The NWC members hijacked it and sent only their names and it is awaiting approval. Our prayer is that it should not approved.

“It is good that he is gone. He inflicted so much pains and misery on us since he assumed here. We have prayed for a day like this and thank God our prayers have been answered today. Let him go because we are tired of him,” the jubilant secretariat staff told our correspondent in confidence.

Head of the European Union (EU) Delegation to Nigeria and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Samuela Isopi, has said it was up to Nigeria to decide what to do with the report of the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Nigeria for the 2023 general election.

He stated this in Abuja while briefing journalists on the award of postgraduate scholarships to 135 Nigerians.

The statement by the EU envoy is coming after the recent harsh reaction of the presidency to the report presented by the EU EOM.The presidency had rejected the report, saying it was a product of a poorly-done desk job that relied heavily on few persons.

While saying that the report was a jaundiced report, the presidency, through the Special Adviser to the President on Special Duties, Communications and Strategy, Dele Alake, also said the it was to merely sustain the same premature denunciatory stance contained in EU’s preliminary report.

Isopi, however, said the rejection by the presidency would not affect the EU’s relations with Nigeria in anyway, saying the EU and Nigeria have very strong relations. She stated that there were engagements between EU institutions, EU leaders and the administration of President Bola Tinubu, while also recalling a telephone call after his inauguration with the President of the European Union Council.

Isopi added that the EU would continue to collaborate and cooperate with Nigeria in so many areas, even as she said that both the EU and Nigeria will strengthen new areas.

She recalled that since 1999, the EU has been deploying election observer missions to Nigeria on the invitation of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Isopi said: “It is the responsibility of host country, it is the responsibility of the partner country, to is the responsibility the electoral management body to decide if they want to make use or not of that report.

“Our experience with Nigeria so far has been positive and I mean and I can say that the report of the international observation missions, including the European Union, has helped a lot and has helped guide the action and the reform processes and I have no doubt that this will be the case also this time.”

Meanwhile, the EU has announced the offer of postgraduate scholarships to 135 young Nigerians in top European universities, under its flagship educational programme, Erasmus+.

Isopi said the figure places Nigeria on the number one spot among beneficiaries of the EU postgraduate scholarships in Africa in the past five years, and among the top five globally.

She stated that in recent years, the EU has been ramping up support to the academia through the EU’s key funding programmes: Erasmus+ in the higher education sector, and Horizon Europe for research and innovation.

While saying that Erasmus+ offers many opportunities apart from its flagship scholarship programmes, Isopi added that it supports mobility and short stays in Europe for researchers, students and staff, capacity-building of universities and TVET institutions through joint projects with sister European institutions, etc.

Former governor of Rivers state, Nyesom Wike, has described the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC, as a cash cow organisation that needs to be reviewed.

Wike stated this while speaking at the groundbreaking ceremony of Governor Siminialayi Fubara’s N195.3bn Port Harcourt Ring Road – a 50.1km project in Port Harcort, on Monday.

The dual carriage road project, to be executed by Julius Berger, spans six local government areas with six flyovers and one bridge, to be completed within 36 months.

Wike said: “Ordinarily, this project you’re doing is meant to be done by NDDC if it was a development commission.

“Unfortunately, what we have is Niger Delta Cash Cow. Unfortunately.

“It is a cash cow, not a development commission. Please, change that phrase to Niger Delta Cash Cow. All they do is go to a primary school; stating that they are doing a six-classroom block which nobody asked them to do.

“Everyone wants to be chairman of NDDC, Minister of NDDC, all because of cash cow. I believe our President would change what we use to have as cash cow to bring development to Niger Delta.

“I’ve never seen a region that hates itself like our region. I’ve never seen that.”

Addressing Fubara, Wike said, “Let me advise you, this good thing you are doing today attracts envy, attracts gang up against you.

“You will see a lot of gang-up against you amongst your peers, particularly in your region.”

“Instead of them to appreciate, they will be asking, what is he trying or show? Just like his predecessor did’.

“Don’t bother about those things. What you must bother about is what good you’ll do for your people.”

The former governor bragged that no sitting governor could match Fubara in landmark projects delivery under current leadership in Nigeria.

Wike said, “In 2007, 2008, one man was governor at a time; in a month we got N100 billion. I was Chief of Staff.

“We put N100 billion in a bank; that we were going to do this road. Up till today there is no Ring Road.

“But today, a man one month in office has awarded a project of N195 billion and has paid N150 billion.

“I challenge any state, any governor today that will say he has the chest, the capacity to engage a reputable company like JB to award N195 billion single contract and pay N150 billion.

“When he (Fubara) will show you 100 days, Nigerians will be shocked.”

The owner of London Line Transport Company Ltd, Emmanuel Viashima, has demanded N5 billion in damages for his automobile workshop where 32 vehicles allegedly belonging to the former governor of Benue State, Samuel Ortom, were towed away by the asset recovery committee.

Viashima, in a petition addressed to the State Governor, Rev Fr. Hyacinth Alia, expressed his grievances over the invasion of his premises by the asset recovery committee.

Last week, the committee stormed the automobile workshop, which is reportedly owned by Oracle Business Limited, a company associated with the former governor, and seized 32 vehicles.

Viashima, the Chief Executive Officer of the company, clarified that although the land belongs to Oracle Business Limited, it was leased to him.

The petition, dated July 14, 2023, and signed by Viashima, was made available to newsmen in Makurdi on Monday.

According to Viashima, the committee members, led by Tom Uja, forcefully broke into his premises, took stock of the vehicles, and confiscated them.

The petition was also copied to the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, National Human Rights Commission, the Inspector General of Police, the Commissioner of Police, Benue State Command, President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Makurdi, Secretary to the Benue State Government, Chairman of the Assets Recovery Committee, and the Tor Tiv.

Viashima mentioned that the committee members harassed his workers, who had started recording the invasion and seized some of their phones, which were later returned.

According to the petition, not all the vehicles seized from the workshop belong to the former governor.

Viashima listed the owners of the impounded vehicles, including former governor Samuel Ortom, his wife Mrs Eunice Ortom, himself, a traditional ruler, and some aides of the former governor.

Viashima further stated that his wife’s Lexus 250 was severely damaged by the committee during the towing process. He proceeded to itemise each of the 32 vehicles that were taken away, along with their owners and vehicle particulars.

He stated, “Contrary to claims by the Asset Recovery Committee that 30 vehicles were towed away from the company’s premises, the number of vehicles forcefully taken away from the company by the committee is 32.”

Viashima petitioned the governor’s office to address the issues raised and rectify the erroneous impression created in the minds of the public.

He requested the release of the seized vehicles and the payment of N5 billion in damages by the Benue State Government, considering the economic impact of his losses, in order to mitigate the said losses and revive his collapsed business.

“Your Excellency, it is in the light of the foregoing that I petition your good office to look into the issues I have raised herein with the mindset to erase the erroneous impression created in the minds of the public order a release of the vehicles seized as well as payment of N5 billion damages by the Benue State Government in view of the economic impact of my losses to enable me to mitigate the said losses and jumpstart my crumbled business”.

A Federal High Court in Lagos yesterday adjourned proceedings until October 24 for adoption of written addresses in the trial of a surgeon Dr. Anuoluwapo Adepoju, who is charged with alleged evasion from investigation into a failed plastic surgery by the Federal Competition and Consumers Protection Commission (FCCPC).

The case, which was scheduled for adoption of addresses yesterday, could not go on.

Adepoju is standing trial alongside her clinic, the MedContour Services Limited, on a five-count charge bordering on refusal to honour an invitation for investigation into a post-body surgery complications, as well as production of investigation documents.

She was re-arraigned on July 17, 2020, alongside her medical outfit before Justice Mohammed Liman where she pleaded not guilty to the charges and was granted bail on self recognisance.

Trial has since commenced in the suit and the FCCPC had also since closed its case.

Her defence counsel filed a no case submission on grounds that no case had been established against her by prosecution to warrant her entering a defence.

Meanwhile, Justice Liman had ruled against the no case submission by the defendant on April 7, 2022 because the evidences before the court satisfied the elements of the criminal charges pending against the defendant.

The court had then adjourned the case for the defence to open its case.

The case, however, has suffered several adjournments for various reasons. On May 5, 2023, the defence opened its case and called the first defendant as sole witness.

The defendant was led in evidence and also cross examined after which the court adjourned the case until June 21, for adoption of written addresses.

On June 21, the court did not sit and the case was then adjourned until July 17 (yesterday) when the case was further adjourned till October 24.

In the five-count charge brought against the defendants, the prosecution alleged that the first defendant failed to appear before the FCCPC in relation to investigation into a reported failed plastic surgery in compliance with the commission’s summons dated April 15, 2020.

The prosecution also alleged that without sufficient cause, the first defendant also refused and failed to produce documents which she was required to produce in compliance with the commission’s notice of investigation dated April 14, 2020.

The defendant was alleged to have prevented and obstructed the commission from carrying out its investigation into the said issue.

The offences contravened the provision of Sections 11(1)(a), 33(1)(a), 110, 113(1)(a) and 159(4) of the FCCPC Act, 2018.