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Nigeria: Govt Withdraws Contempt Proceedings Against Organised Labour
The Federal Government says it has withdrawn the contempt of court proceedings against organised labour for embarking on a nationwide protest.
This is contained in a letter addressed to the lead counsel to the NLC, Falana and Falana's Chambers and obtained by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Tuesday in Abuja.
The letter dated Aug. 7 to Falana's Chambers was signed by the Solicitor General of the Federation, Mrs B.E. Jeddy-Agba.
NAN reports that the Federal Ministry of Justice had through the National Industrial Court (NICN) issued the leadership of organised labour summons on contempt of court for embarking on the protest.
NAN also recalls that organised labour had threatened to embark on a nation-wide strike from Aug. 14, if the Federal Government failed to withdraw its contempt of court charges.
Organised Labour had embarked on mass protest over anti-poor policies of government,especially the removal of subsidy that had brought untold hardship to Nigerians.
The letter reads: "kindly recall the exchange of correspondence between the ministry and your office on the need for compliance with the extant court orders, restraining industrial action of any kind on the part of the Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress.
"The position of the ministry was informed by the need to safeguard the integrity of the court and prevent avoidable service disruption or damage to public facilities.
"Inspite of these exchanges/interventions, the labour unions on Aug. 2, proceeded with the industrial action through public pretests".
It also said the protest led to disruption of work and the eventual pulling down of the gate of the National Assembly.
"The foregoing, it said, prompted the ministry to initiate contempt proceedings by tiling Form 48 on the same 2nd August 2023 in accordance with Section 72 of the Sheriffs and Civil Process Act and Order 9 Rule 13 oftlwe Judgment (Enforcement) Rules.
"It is trite that issuance of Form 48 is just the starting point in contempt proceedings which will only crystalize upon the issuance of Form 49 and the consequential committal order."
It noted that upon the intervention of President Bola Tinubu and the decision of the labour unions to call-off their industrial action after meetings with the President and leadership of the National Assembly.
"The ministry did not proceed further with the contempt proceedings, which would have required the issuance of Form 49 within two days of thc issuance of Form 48.
"It is self-evident that the none-issuance of Form 49 as at Aug. 4, renders the contempt proceedings inchoate.
"You may therefore wish to advise or guide the labour unions on the practice and procedure of contempt proceedings.
"Also particularly to the effect that the issues or concerns raised by NLC in its communique on the proceedings, have been overtaken by events,"it said.
(NAN)
Chloe Kelly: Penalties don’t scare me ... I knew that I would score
Kelly, who grew up playing cage football in Ealing, thumped home the decisive penalty as the Lionesses beat Nigeria to reach the World Cup quarter-finals.
It was the third time in just over a year that the winger has settled a major match for the side.
Kelly scored the winner in the Euro 2022 Final last summer and struck the decisive penalty when England beat Brazil to win the Finalissima in April.
The Manchester City forward was handed England's fifth penalty in yesterday's shoot-out and relishes the pressure.
"Stepping up, I just thought I'm gonna score," said Kelly. "That's the way I look at penalties.
"It's confident, I know, but it's always important when you win that mental battle. I don't think too much about it to be honest, just be ready in the moment. It's just a penalty, me versus the keeper, and stepping up to it is about winning the mental battle. We have been practising (penalties) a lot and it has been working."
Kelly started her run up with a customary hop and a skip before an emphatic finish into the top corner to leave Nigeria goalkeeper Chiamaka Nnadozie no chance.
"I see Chloe Kelly do that every single day," said defender Alex Greenwood, who also scored her penalty. "That is normal Chloe Kelly… routine, focused. I had no doubt that she'd put the ball away. It's just what she does.
"I think to go down to 10 and show the resilience that we did, and to win on penalties, it shows the character in the team. "Nigeria caused us problems at times and we had to show a different side of us again, which we've done a few times this tournament. I'm really proud of the team."
Why Petrol Prices Could Reach N700 Per Litre
As consumers fill up their tanks, there’s growing concern over the looming possibility of petrol prices surging above N700 per litre in the near future. The reasons behind this impending increase are multi-faceted, stemming from a combination of factors that are sending shockwaves through the global oil market.
One significant contributor to the potential price hike is the drastic reduction in oil production by Saudi Arabia and other major oil-producing nations. These production cuts come at a time when geopolitical tensions, including the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, have already sent shockwaves through the oil market. The result? A staggering tripling of crude oil costs over a mere eight-week period.
Saudi Arabia, the world’s second-largest oil producer, has been playing a pivotal role in shaping the trajectory of oil prices. By successfully reducing crude oil production and announcing further cuts, the nation aims to align with its ambitious Vision 2030 plan. This plan seeks to diversify Saudi Arabia’s economy, moving away from its traditional dependence on oil and creating new job opportunities.
To reinforce their objectives, Saudi Arabia has also made the strategic decision to decrease oil exports by a million barrels daily. These calculated moves are aimed at supporting higher oil prices, which in turn can bolster the nation’s economic transformation.
The ripple effects of these global events have been felt domestically in Nigeria as well. Challenges in the country’s fuel industry, coupled with delays in refinery projects and non-functional local refineries, have added to the complexity of the situation. However, there is a glimmer of hope on the horizon as President Tinubu has announced the projected commencement of production at the Port Harcourt refinery by December 2023.
Since the removal of petrol subsidies in May 2023, Nigeria’s petrol consumption has seen a noticeable decline. This decline coincides with a significant increase in monthly imports in West Africa, which jumped by a remarkable 56% in the second quarter of 2023. Daily petrol consumption has also dipped, standing at 46.38 million litres per month, down from the pre-subsidy removal figure of 65 million litres.
Market forces are playing a pivotal role in the increasing costs at petrol stations, a clear indication of the effects of deregulation. Mele Kyari, Group CEO of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), has pointed out that these market dynamics could lead to further fluctuations in petrol prices. The NNPCL’s oil swap deal, aimed at optimizing revenue, has faced its share of challenges, resulting in revenue losses, foreign costs, and escalated debts.
Despite these challenges, industry experts anticipate a potential silver lining: a potential reduction in petrol prices by N70 per litre once local refining operations reach full capacity. This projection is rooted in the anticipated benefits of the Nigerian government’s investment in functional refineries. Mike Osatuyi, National Controller of Operations for the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), expresses optimism that the completion of refinery refurbishments will significantly alleviate the pressure of imports and ultimately lead to more affordable fuel prices for consumers.
Finally, the spectre of petrol prices reaching N700 per litre reflects the complex interplay of global oil dynamics, production cuts, and domestic hurdles. As consumers prepare for potential price hikes, the prospects of market fluctuations and the promise of functional refineries will undoubtedly continue to shape the future trajectory of fuel costs in Nigeria.
Source: Legit.ng
El-Rufai, Two Other Ministerial Nominees May be Re-Screened – Senate
The Senate may re-invite three ministerial nominees who were not confirmed by the chamber on Monday, pending security clearance.
POLITICS NIGERIA reports that the nominees are former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, Senator Abubakar Danladi from Taraba State, and former Nexim Bank Managing Director Stella Okotete.
Senate Spokesperson Yemi Adaramodu said on Tuesday that the chamber would re-invite the nominees if it is satisfied with their security clearance.
“If security is not satisfied, Senate cannot be satisfied. It depends on what security agencies and the person that nominates them say,” Adaramodu said on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily programme.
The Senate had on Monday approved and confirmed the ministerial nominations of 45 other appointees of President Bola Tinubu after a voice vote.
The 45 nominees cleared by the Senate are Festus Keyamo, Mariya Mahmoud, Lola Ade-John, Bosun Tijani, Isiak Salako, Tahir Mamman, Maigari Ahmadu, Zephaniah Jisalo, Shuaibu Audu, Yusuf Sununu, Bello Matawalle, Alkali Saidu, Ahmed Gwarzo, Atiku Bagudu, Simon Lalong, Ibrahim Gaidam, Aliu Abdullahi, Gboyega Oyetola, Heineken Lokpobiri and Tunji Alausa.
Others are Dele Alake, Lateef Fagbemi, Muhammad Idris, Ali Pate, Doris Uzoka, Dave Umahi, Wale Edun, Uche Nnaji, Adebayo Adelabu, Ekperikpe Ekpo, Hannatu Musawa, Musa Dangiwa, Nyesom Wike; Abubakar Kyari, Nkiruka Onyejeocha, Bello Muhammad, Badaru Abubakar, Joseph Utsev, Olubunmi Ojo, Betta Edu, Uju Kennedy Ohaneye, Abubakar Momoh, John Enoh, Iman Suleiman Ibrahim, and Yusuf Tuggar.
[PoliticsNigeria]
'I promise to learn from my experience': Lauren James apologises for World Cup red card send off
England star Lauren James has publicly apologised for standing on her opponent during the Lionesses' last-16 World Cup win over Nigeria and vowed to learn from the experience.
The 21-year-old was sent off for standing on the back of Nigeria defender Michelle Alozie with three minutes of normal time remaining in Brisbane.
England survived the dismissal to advance to the quarter-finals, winning 4-2 on penalties after the game finished goalless following extra time.
In response to a tweet from Alozie, James posted: “All my love and respect to you. I am sorry for what happened.
“Also, for our England fans and my team-mates, playing with and for you is my greatest honour and I promise to learn from my experience.”
The incident resulted in an automatic one-match ban for James that could be extended to three games.
Her World Cup fate will now be decided by FIFA’s disciplinary committee - a decision which could see her miss the rest of the tournament even if the Lionesses reach a first-ever final.
Although the Chelsea forward's England stars rallied round her in support, others were more critical of James arguing she could have hampered the team's victory.
Urging others to offer James some grace, Alozie had tweeted: "Abeg, rest. We are playing on the world’s stage.
"This game is one of passion, insurmountable emotions, and moments. All respect for Lauren James."
Earlier, England defender Lucy Bronze revealed she made a post-match beeline to console her “upset” teammate following the incident.
Bronze said: “Obviously she’s going to be disappointed in herself. I went straight off the pitch after the game to make sure she was OK.
“Obviously she was a little bit upset and rightfully so and more than anything she just feels bad for the team. I said to her, ‘We’ve made it through. It’s a team, it’s not just one player.'”
England will now face Colombia in Saturday’s quarter-final after the world number 25 side beat Jamaica 1-0 on Tuesday to reach the last eight for the first time in their history.
Captain Millie Bright insists England have already moved on from learning they would lose James for at least Saturday’s World Cup quarter-final.
The Lionesses were boosted by the return of Keira Walsh against Nigeria – a comeback from a knee injury few imagined possible after she was removed from the pitch on a stretcher in the first half of England’s second group match, a 1-0 triumph over Denmark.
Scans revealed the issue was not as serious as first suspected and Walsh managed 120 minutes against Nigeria, including the nervy 30 minutes of 10-woman extra time to force penalties, the result sealed 4-2 for England by Chloe Kelly’s emphatic spot-kick.
Though boss Sarina Wiegman’s switch to a 3-5-2 formation in Walsh’s absence seemed to spark the Lionesses into life in their 6-1 group-stage victory over China, her side did not play as well against Nigeria with three at the back, and in fact looked more controlled when they were short-handed.
[Itv]
[OPINION] Military Intervention in Niger Is Bound to Fail - Folahanmi Aina
Nigeria has understandable security concerns, but using force to dislodge Niger’s junta could spark a refugee crisis and regional war.
The capture of political power by Niger’s military junta has triggered speculation about the possibility of a regional military intervention. Niger is a landlocked West African country that remains one of the poorest in the world; it also faces a growing threat, particularly in its Tillabéri region, from violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram and the Islamic State in the West African Province (ISWAP), which have caused many deaths and mass displacement.
The putschists in Niger, led by Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, have capitalized on this insecurity in their bid to justify their illegal, unconstitutional overthrow of Nigerien President Mohamed Bazoum’s government, which was barely three years old. Niger has experienced several military coups since its independence from France in 1960—but this one is eliciting a stronger regional reaction.
Concerned about the unfolding situation in Niger, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has risen to the challenge. On July 26, the regional body’s Authority of Heads of State and Government convened an Extraordinary Summit to discuss the political situation in Niger, under the chairmanship of Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In describing the gravity of the situation, Tinubu called the coup a “hostage” situation, a position Bazoum himself reiterated in his recent op-ed in the Washington Post, calling on the United States and the international community to come to his rescue.
A perceived security threat along the Niger-Nigeria border is making leaders in Abuja and other regional capitals nervous, and might influence their decision to take action. But some of ECOWAS’s recent moves to pressure the junta in Niger’s capital, Niamey, could have unintended consequences.
There are doubts about whether the military junta in Niger will be able to effectively control its porous borders. After all, Niger has not been able to do so in the past. But ECOWAS’s hardnosed stance overlooks the fact that controlling the borders is even less likely in a situation in which humanitarian and foreign aid has been cut off. The consequences of unmonitored borders will be increased infiltration by terrorists across the border into Nigeria.
The nefarious activities of jihadist insurgencies across the troubled Sahel region have resulted in the influx of 300,000 refugees from Mali to Niger. That number is expected to increase significantly, with most likely to flee to Nigeria and other neighboring countries in the event of a full-scale armed conflict.
In such a scenario, Nigeria would not sit idly by, especially when it is dealing with multiple internal security threats of its own. There is also the possibility that Chad, which also has a strong army, might be inclined to intervene alongside Nigeria on security grounds. But so far, it appears that Chad is willing to give diplomacy a chance.
ECOWAS has dispatched envoys to Niger as part of efforts to explore a peaceful and diplomatic resolution to the situation. The Monday deadline for the regional body’s ultimatum, which threatened armed intervention, has passed. In the meantime, diplomacy involving current and former military leaders continues, including a visit to Niger by the leader of the transitional government of Chad, Mahamat Déby. So far, these efforts appear to have fallen on deaf ears, with the putschists remaining adamant and severing ties with France, Nigeria, Togo, and the United States. ECOWAS has since begun preparations for military intervention, albeit as a “last resort.”
As the window for a peaceful and diplomatic resolution closes, a military intervention appears to be increasingly inevitable. It would not be the first time ECOWAS has embarked on a military intervention within the region. ECOWAS intervened during the Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil wars in the early 1990s, on humanitarian grounds, as well as in more recent times in Gambia, following the refusal of then-President Yahya Jammeh’s reluctance to hand over power to Adama Barrow, who emerged as the winner of the elections in 2017.
These military interventions resulted in the restoration of peace, security, and stability in these countries and across the region. More importantly, they were welcomed by the citizens of these countries who saw the intervening forces as their saviors at the time.
However, the current realities are different. A first major impediment to a successful regional military intervention in Niger is the absence of ECOWAS’s full-scale legitimacy among the citizens of Niger. Following the coup, some Nigeriens have taken to the streets in demonstration of their support for the putschists. For as long as a significant portion of Nigerien society backs its new rulers, a foreign intervening force will struggle to win the hearts and minds of locals on the ground. The fluid nature of the situation could mean the absence of a comprehensive exit strategy or transition plan, thereby giving way to a prolonged intervention.
Given Nigeria’s current chairmanship of ECOWAS, it would be expected to take the lead in any regional military intervention in Niger. However, it is perceived to be struggling with a legitimacy crisis in the wake of a contested presidential election and much-needed reforms that have unintentionally created economic hardships for many Nigerians.
Shouldering both the financial and human costs of the intervention in this context will be difficult. Given its current economic woes, the end to its fuel subsidy regime, and the multiple internal security challenges it faces that have left its military overstretched, Nigeria’s ability to prosecute an effective foreign intervention is in no way guaranteed. This holds true, especially since both Ghana and Senegal, two other leaders in the region, are currently confronted by serious economic and political challenges, respectively.
Should Nigeria choose to intervene in Niger, it might drive a wedge between the state and society—a relationship that has been characterized by years of distrust by citizens toward the government. The Nigerian Senate has also cautioned against a military move. An armed intervention in Niger without the full backing and support of Nigerian society would cost the government significantly domestically—a situation it cannot afford at the moment, given the tensions prevalent across the country thanks to economic hardship.
A direct consequence of the potential armed conflict would be the inevitable spillover of refugees and the mass influx of displaced persons into Nigeria and other neighboring countries. There is also an increased likelihood of infiltrations by foreign terrorist fighters. This could no doubt put pressure on the limited infrastructural and social amenities across the various states in the region.
Furthermore, a regional military intervention would trigger a proxy war of state and non-state actors. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Guinea have already pledged support to Niger in the event it is invaded by a regional military force. These pledges are credible and worth taking seriously, as all three countries have weaponry obtained from years of security force assistance and can obtain logistical help from Russia to move a relatively large defensive force off their territories, irrespective of their unstable nature, to fight a foreign war.
Mercenaries from Russia’s Wagner Group, which has already made significant inroads in the Sahel region, have already been called upon for help. Plans to stop Wagner from gaining another foothold with an anti-West junta through the restoration of a pro-West government appear to be too little, too late.
It is likely the European Union, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States would provide both direct and indirect support to ECOWAS in the event of a full-scale military intervention, given the need to protect their strategic interests across the region. This situation could quickly spread across the Lake Chad and Sahel regions, with violent extremist groups taking advantage of the chaos, thereby worsening insecurity and engulfing the entire region into instability.
As ECOWAS mobilizes for military action in Niger, the prospect of a failed intervention far outweighs any projected gains. Rather, ECOWAS should tread with caution while exploring robust, diplomatic responses to the crisis. Time should also be given for ongoing mediation efforts to take root. Human lives are at stake; a non-military solution must be prioritized above all else.
Folahanmi Aina is an associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute. His research interests include terrorism, extremism, and insurgency in Nigeria, the Lake Chad Basin, and the Sahel region.
Al-Hilal offer deal worth €200m to Osimhen
Al-Hilal are desperate to sign Victor Osimhen before the end of the ongoing summer transfer window and has offered the Nigerian striker a lucrative deal worth €200 million.
Transfer News Live on Tuesday quoted Calcio Napoli as saying that Al-Hilal’s latest offer to Osimhen will see the Super Eagles striker earn €40m a year over a five-season deal.
Meanwhile, an earlier report had suggested that Italian club, Napoli rejected Al Hilal’s huge attempt to lure Osimhen to the Saudi Arabia Professional League ahead of the new season.
According to reports in Europe, Al Hilal initially tabled a €140 million (N118.9 billion) offer to Napoli in order to land the services of the 24-year-old attacker.
French media outlet, L’Equipe and UK’s Sky Sports had reported that the extraordinary proposal was put forward by the Saudi Arabian club in July.
The report details how Al Hilal which is one of the four Saudi clubs backed by the sovereign wealth fund PIF are eager to sign Osimhen whom they see as an alternative to Paris Saint-Germain forward, Kylian Mbappe.
Napoli president Aurelio De Laurentiis who is known for being a tough negotiator said he has no intention of selling Osimhen this summer.
De Laurentiis and the club’s management have as a result been in close contact with the player’s agent Roberto Calenda in a bid to agree a new contract.
The major sticking point in these talks has been the release clause which implies that the two parties are yet to reach an agreement.
Osimhen is discussing a deal that would be worth €7million per season, plus bonuses at the Stadio Diego Armando Maradona.
He led Napoli to their first Serie A title in 33-years after netting 31 goals for the Partenopei in all competitions last season, 26 of which were in the league, thereby becoming the first African to finish as top-scorer and win the golden boot in the 147-year-old history of the Serie A.
At €120m, he is the fourth most valuable player in the world behind Kylian Mbappé, Erling Haaland and Vinicius Jnr. Osimhen is joint-fourth in value with Arsenal’s Bukayo Saka and Real Madrid ace, Jude Bellingham, according to Transfermarket.
[Guardian]
[OPINION] Navigating Democracy: Unraveling the Nigerian Presidential Electoral Petition Tribunal and Public Perceptions - Kayode Ajulo
In the intricate tapestry of Nigeria's democratic journey, the ongoing presidential electoral petition tribunal emerges as a pivotal crossroads, testing the core principles of justice, equity, and democratic essence.
This phase symbolises the intricate interplay of law, politics, and public sentiment, encapsulating the nation's ongoing saga of democracy. Within this context, it becomes imperative to unravel the complexities surrounding the tribunal – from the roles of the justices to the varying public perspectives and the challenges confronting the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in tackling spurious allegations against the judiciary.
Examining the Nigerian Presidential Election and the Tribunal
The year 2023 marked a pivotal moment in Nigeria's history with the highly anticipated presidential election, which heralded a defining juncture in the nation's democratic voyage. Beyond mere political contenders, this election resonated with Nigerian citizens exercising their democratic rights to steer their nation's destiny.
Following the election, the establishment of the presidential election tribunal emerged as a consequential event. This legal platform was designed to address emerging disputes and allegations. It is a forum where evidence is presented, and arguments are advanced concerning the legitimacy of election outcomes. Consequently, all eyes in the nation have converged on this tribunal, with its proceedings overseen by the Honourable Justices of the Court of Appeal.
Roles and Duties of Tribunal Justices
The Justices overseeing the presidential electoral petition tribunal hold a profound duty in upholding Nigeria's electoral sanctity. They are entrusted with impartially evaluating evidence, assessing the legality of election procedures, and making judicious decisions grounded in constitutional and legal tenets. Essentially, they function as sentinels of democracy, safeguarding the true reflection of the people's will in the election outcomes.
These Justices are tasked with an intricate analysis of electoral laws, meticulous scrutiny of electoral conduct, and a thorough evaluation of irregularities or violations. Their rulings wield the power to validate or nullify election results, endowing them with an authoritative influence over the nation's political trajectory.
Public Sentiments and Diverse Outlooks
The public's response to the ongoing presidential electoral petition tribunal echoes a symphony of hopes, expectations, and reservations. While some harbor confidence in the tribunal's potential to render justice, others are plagued by skepticism due to historical instances of perceived judicial partiality. It's important to recognize these varied perspectives as emblematic of a vibrant democratic society engaging in discourse on matters of national significance.
Opinions range from cautious optimism to skepticism, reflecting the dynamic nature of a democracy grappling with history and present-day complexities. Certain segments exhibit optimism, viewing the tribunal as a bastion of integrity for the electoral process. They trust that the Justices will rigorously analyze evidence and render judgments in alignment with the rule of law. Conversely, skepticism arises from past instances where judicial impartiality has been questioned. Some members of the public fear political influence, corruption, and bias among the Justices, apprehensive that justice could be compromised for political convenience.
Challenges of Disregard for The Tribunal, The Judiciary and Upholding Integrity
Alas, a troubling trend of public disregard for both the ongoing tribunal and the broader judiciary has emerged. A particularly alarming trend is the growing disrespect for the judiciary, characterized by absurd conspiracy theories, slanderous remarks, and baseless allegations – often targeting the Honourable Justices. This trend thrives due to historical perceptions of partiality, polarization, and the rapid spread of misinformation via social media.
Regrettably, there has been a growing trend of public disregard for both the ongoing tribunal and the broader Nigerian judiciary. One malignant trend I have noticed, which is slowly becoming the norm, is the utter disregard and disrespect of the judiciary by Nigerian citizens, which is characterized by ludicrous conspiracy theories, slanderous statements and false accusations, which are majorly targeted at the Honourable Justices. This trend is fueled by various factors, including historical instances of perceived judicial partiality, political polarization, and the amplification of false information through social media. It is important to recognize that a healthy democracy relies on the judiciary's independence and credibility, making it crucial to address and counteract these negative sentiments. The proliferation of misinformation erodes public trust in the judiciary and undermines the fundamental tenets of democracy.
In less than 24 hours, I have come across two separate posts on social media which are perfect examples of the negative sentiments in question. In the first post, the writer accused a former governor and minister of writing the judgment of the presidential election tribunal, which is yet to be announced. In the second post, which was a video, a pastor displayed the pictures of the presiding Justices, and asked his congregation to make certain declarations and ‘lay hands on the Justices’. In addition to these, I have also come across several comments castigating and berating the Justices, whilst accusing them of partiality and questionable practices.
What is most upsetting about these accusations and negative theories is the fact that the Justices in question, by virtue of their calling, the ethics guiding this prestigious profession, and the nature and sensitivity of their offices are not afforded the luxury of addressing these false and ludicrous claims which seek to stain their names, their offices and their integrity. The plight of the presiding Justices, and the judiciary is a sad one which has forced me to act as a voice to an institution that is unable to defend itself from this onslaught.
As stated earlier, the sensitive nature of the offices of the presiding justices is such that they are unable to defend themselves and give a reply to the numerous false accusations and stories which are an attack on their morality. This therefore begs the question, who then will speak on behalf of the judiciary and its judicial officers, and defend it against these fallacies?
After going through, a number of these posts, articles and videos, I have come to the conclusion that these attacks are premeditated and can be traced to have originated from, and are being sponsored by, some particular groups and political affiliations.
Another instance of the recent contempt suffered by the Nigerian Judiciary, although not related to the presidential election tribunal, occurred at the Niger State High located in Suleja, where I was a counsel in a matter. The Respondent in this matter who had never appeared before the Honourable Judge, went as far as writing a petition against the Judge accusing him of attempting to snatch his wife. Prior to this, the same person had previously accused two high-ranking police officers, DPOs of also attempting to snatch his wife, regardless of the fact but unknown to him that one of the officers in question was a woman.
This instance makes it evident that there is much disdain directed towards the judiciary, as well as a plethora of false accusations being peddled, which all seek to paint the judiciary in a negative light.
These examples and instances all point to the fact that the shameful manner in which the judiciary is treated and regarded by members of the public, must be addressed in order to prevent a total breakdown of law and order.
It's crucial to acknowledge that a robust democracy rests on the pillars of an independent and credible judiciary. Addressing this issue is imperative to prevent a complete erosion of law and order. A recent example involves posts accusing respected individuals of manipulating tribunal judgments and even involving religious figures in influencing judicial outcomes.
The judiciary's inability to respond due to ethical constraints only exacerbates this worrying situation.
Countering False Accusations and Restoring Trust: The Role of the Nigerian Bar Association, The Body of Benchers, the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria and Judicial Institutions.
The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) bears a critical role in countering unfounded accusations and reinstating trust in the judiciary. As the umbrella body for lawyers in Nigeria, the NBA is tasked with advocating for the rule of law and upholding the justice system's integrity. To achieve this, the NBA should actively communicate the judiciary's role, dispel misinformation, and foster transparency. Collaborating with the media, civil society, and educational institutions can bridge the gap between the public and the judiciary.
Moreover, the Body of Benchers, responsible for legal ethics and professional standards, must engage in proactive initiatives. This could involve public outreach, using various media platforms to educate the public about judicial impartiality and ethical standards. In supporting the justices, they should help navigate the challenges of public perception while ensuring justice prevails.
Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria is made of distinguished elites of the legal profession in Nigeria, its primary role is to serve as compass for others to follow, the role is better served in confronting the ills under consideration ditto the other formal judicial institution with full backing of the instrumentality of the law.
The NBA “National” and “Branches” can take a stand by publicly addressing the baseless attacks on the judiciary and its members. Collaborative efforts with media, civil society, and educational institutions can provide clarity and counter false narratives.
Conclusion
The Nigerian presidential electoral petition tribunal is a canvas capturing Nigeria's democratic essence, principles, and sentiments. The Justices presiding over it are the guardians of justice, entrusted with the monumental task of upholding democracy's core values. Amidst divergent public opinions and the perilous disregard for the judiciary, the NBA and other stakeholders should emerge as a powerful agent to dispel misinformation and fortify the defense of judicial integrity. Nigeria navigates this juncture with the hope that justice will triumph, democracy will flourish, and the rule of law will remain sacrosanct in the hearts of its citizens.
[OPINION] Niger coup: Why Ecowas-led military intervention is unlikely - Olayinka Ajala
• Niger shares a border with seven countries in the region, four of which are members of Ecowas.
• Of those four, Mali and Burkina Faso have been suspended due to similar coups d'etat.
Niger Junta Appoints Transitional Prime Minister
Niger’s junta appointed a transitional prime minister Monday according to a decree read on national television, more than a week after the military coup that toppled President Mohamed Bazoum.
The caretaker government, which calls itself the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Country, appointed economist Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine, according to a decree by Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, the former commander of Niger’s presidential guard, who declared himself the head of a transitional government.
Zeine, 58, served as finance minister under Mamadou Tandja, who led the country from 1999 to 2010 after its return to civilian rule.
Zeine currently serves as the African Development Bank’s Country Manager for Chad.
Zeine, who previously served at the same institution and position in Ivory Coast and Gabon, is expected to lead consultations for the formation of a new government.
ECOWAS to Address Niger’s Political Crisis
The West African regional bloc the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is to hold another emergency summit on Thursday in Nigeria to address the political crisis in Niger after the military leaders ignored its ultimatum to cede power.
On Monday, the US State Department said it made direct contact with the coup leaders and had stressed the need to reinstate Bazoum and for Niger to revert to its “constitutional order.”
Bazoum was detained by members of the Presidential Guard on July 26, who later that evening announced the government takeover.
[BNN]