Mayra Bueno Silva defeats Holly Holm via submission (standing guillotine) at 0:38 of round 2

Mayra Bueno Silva just picked up what is undoubtedly the biggest win of her career.

The fight ended with a rare standing guillotine/ninja choke against the fence, giving Mayra her third consecutive submission inside the octagon. The Brazilian endured a close opening round with Holm before seizing the opportunity as Holly pushed her against the fence. Mayra had the choke locked in tight immediately and even maintained control as Holm spun them around in an attempt to break free.

Bueno Silva is now tied with Ronda Rousey for the most submission wins in women’s bantamweight history (3). This is only the second time in Holm’s career that she has lost by submission, with the first coming at UFC 196 against Meisha Tate.

Mayra followed up on her victory (which earned a performance bonus) with a very vulnerable and inspiring post-fight interview detailing her struggles with life:

“Recently I found myself in a huge huge depression, I thought that life was not worth it anymore – find somebody, go and talk (to them), reach out to somebody. The victory is always there.”

Mayra Bueno Silva (Fabiano Buskei translation) post-fight UFC Vegas 77

Jack Della Maddalena defeats Bassil Hafez via split decision (29-28, 29-28, 29-28)

Jack Della Maddalena finally got his chance to fight after he had two opponents pull out of bouts scheduled for UFC 290, and a fight is certainly what he got.

Bassil Hafez was able to trouble JDM early on with the threat of some takedowns and a willingness to exchange in the pocket. 14 men previously attempted to fight in a phone booth with Jack Della Maddalena and they were all punished heavily for it; Hafez actually performed well in that area early on. Jack was able to find some more success in the second round, almost finishing Hafez. The third round was even more in Jack’s favor as he had Hafez on wobbly legs multiple times.

In the end, JDM went the distance for the first time in his UFC run and got the victory. He even threw a small dig at the judges during his post-fight interview, despite being crowned the winner:

“I thought it could go either way. So, when I heard it was a split- the judges always don’t make good decisions so, (we) might have a good show.”

Jack Della Maddalena post-fight UFC Vegas 77

Other Results:

Francisco Prado defeats Ottman Azaitar via TKO at 4:05 of round 1

Francisco Prado dropped Ottman Azaitar with a spinning elbow and followed up with thunderous ground and pound to get the finish. Azaitar was desperately hanging on as Prado continued his ground assault. Eating unanswered punches in the process, Ottman received a stern “fight back” from the referee; Ottman decided to give a thumbs up to the ref as Prado was fully postured up raining down fight-ending shots. The ref quickly called the fight off, and Ottman protested heavily soon after.

Jun Yong Park defeats Albert Duraev via submission (rear-naked choke) at 4:45 of round 2

Jun Yong Park picked up yet another submission win and is now tied for the second-longest active win streak in the middleweight division (four consecutive victories, Du Plessis holds a six-fight win streak). After dropping Duraev with a short left elbow, “The Iron Turtle” swarmed him hunting for the submission. Once he flattened Duraev out from the back position, Park sank in a rear-naked choke and ended the contest, with a victory dance to boot.

Norma Dumont defeats Chelsea Chandler via unanimous decision (30-27, 30-27, 30-27)

Norma Dumont extended her win streak to three in a row with a decisive victory over Chelsea Chandler. Dumont looked impressive in the sense that she won virtually all aspects of this fight, but her performance was ultimately overshadowed by Chelsea Chandler’s 40-yard dash:

Nazim Sadykhov defeats Terrance McKinney via submission (rear-naked choke) at 1:07 of round 2

Nazim Sadykhov got off a beautiful submission (with a bit of help from grabbing the cage) and finished Terrance McKinney early on in the second. That’s six consecutive finishes and nine straight victories overall for the Ray Longo product. Nazim was able to trap one of Terrance’s arms with his left leg from the back position, leaving McKinney with just one limb to defend himself. Keep an eye out for Nazim Sadykhov, he may be one of those fighters that climbs the ranks quicker than most given his level of competition just one year into his UFC run.

Novak Djokovic will be taking on Carlos Alcaraz in the Men's Single's final of the ongoing Wimbledon 2023 on Sunday. World number one and US Open winner Alcaraz, playing only his fourth grass-court tournament, defeated Daniil Medvedev 6-3, 6-3, 6-3. Djokovic, the reigning Australian Open and French Open champion, reached his ninth final at the All England Club and record 35th at the Grand Slams by seeing off Jannik Sinner 6-3, 6-4, 7-6 (7/4). 

On Sunday, the 36-year-old world number two will attempt to equal Roger Federer's mark of eight Wimbledon titles and Margaret Court's all-time record of 24 majors.

[Sports.ndtv]

President Bola Tinubu has admonished African leaders to respect democracy, rule of law, and ensure political stability.

He also urged African military institutions and states to recognize and respect the need for democratic renewal.

He made the assertions on Saturday in his statement at a high-level event organised by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on the margins of the Fifth Mid-Year African Union (AU) Coordination Meeting, in Nairobi, Kenya.

Tinubu, who is also the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, said coups d’état should be discouraged in the continent, especially in the face of challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic, insecurity, and climate change.

In the statement, presented on his behalf by Ambassador Adamu Ibrahim Lamuwa, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tinubu said it was regrettable that West Africa, despite its numerous instruments and mechanisms for promoting democracy and good governance, is leading other regions in the use of unconstitutional means to change governments.

He warned that the ugly trend of the military straying into the political arena is causing threats to peace, security, and stability, and engendering poverty, displacement, and humanitarian crises.

A statement issued by Dele Alake, Special Adviser to the President (Special Duties, Communications and Strategy) quoted the President as saying: ”This ugly trend has only succeeded in threatening the peace, security and stability of the sub-region and by extension the African continent, leaving in its trail poverty, internally-displaced persons and humanitarian crisis. In the same vein, this ugly trend has also led to food shortages and escalated health challenges.

“We therefore must take deliberate steps to address the root causes of unconstitutional changes and coups d’état in Africa. As a continent, we cannot make progress toward achieving the goals and targets of the UN Agenda 2030 for sustainable development, as well as those of the AU Agenda 2063 for the ‘Africa We Want.’

“Between 2020 and now, Africa has witnessed six successful coups d’état and three unsuccessful attempts. This rise in military takeovers and unconstitutional changes in government disrupts our democratic processes and undermines stability on the continent.

”It is for this reason that I call on all African leaders at all levels to make concerted efforts in respecting the tenets of democracy and the rule of law, in order to ensure political stability on the continent.”

Reiterating that Africa has no intention of regressing on its democratic gains and credentials, as well as its maturing democratic political culture, President Tinubu said: “I call on all Afro-centric supranational organisations, especially the African Union, the various Regional Economic Communities and Regional Mechanisms, to individually and collectively adopt Protocols on democracy and good governance, and ensure their effective implementation.”

While acknowledging that democracy may present challenges in terms of management and dynamics, President Tinubu reiterated that it is the best form of government for 21st-century Africa.

Drawing a comparison between military rule and democratic regimes, he noted that democracy ensures good governance, inclusivity, transparency, and accountability.

Emphasising the need to disincentivize coups d’état, the ECOWAS Chairperson urged the United Nations to take a firm stance against military coups.

“It is my view that while grappling with the challenges caused by the socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and other geostrategic tragedies, including insecurity and climate change amongst others, African leaders must disincentivize coups d’état.

“The United Nations must also stand firm and unyielding in its opposition to military coups,” he said.

He also acknowledged that democracy and development are interconnected in achieving sustainable goals and the African vision, adding that commitment to democratic principles and governance is crucial for long-term peace, security, and economic growth.

As Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, President expressed his readiness to work with the UNDP and other development partners to advance the course of democracy on the African continent.

The Nigerian leader thanked UNDP for inviting him to deliver a goodwill message at the event and assured the organization of his commitment to confronting the issue of military coups and promoting democratic renewal in Africa.

“The issue of Military Coups and the need for democratic renewal in Africa is one that I am passionate about and indeed committed, along with my colleagues, to confront and we are prepared to change the narratives,” he said.

He commended the UNDP for launching its flagship report ‘Soldiers and Citizens: Military Coups and the Need for Democratic Renewal in Africa’, stating that the military has no place in the governance of the 21st Century Africa.

Jide Okeke, UNDP Regional Programme Coordinator (Africa), said his organization invited the Nigerian leader after his inspiring message, denouncing military coups, during his inauguration as Chairman of ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government on July 9.

He expressed delight that President Tinubu’s presence and participation in the UN high-level event demonstrates Nigeria’s commitment to democratic values and stability, reasserting Nigeria’s leadership in Africa and the global community.

He described the President’s message as sending a positive signal to the international community about Nigeria’s commitment to democratic values and stability.

On the UNDP flagship report, the African Regional Coordinator said it is timely in advancing Nigeria’s vision of stability for West Africa and the continent as a whole.

He explained that the report combines empirical data, literature, and personal stories from citizens who have lived through coups, contrasting their experiences with those in countries transitioning to democracy.

The statement also informed that the Gambia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation, and Gambian Abroad, Dr Mamadou Tangara, Hanna Tetteh, Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for the Horn of Africa, Amb. Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner of Political Affairs, Peace and Security, African Union Commission, delivered their respective remarks at the event.

[Tribune]

Penultimate Wednesday, 5th July, 2023, all roads led to Chrisland University, Abeokuta as my friend and brother, Prof. Babafemi Adesina Badejo, delivered his inaugural lecture as Professor of Political Science and International Relations. Badejo’s inaugural lecture stood out for at least two reasons: It was the first in the university founded in 2015 and the topic was just one word, “Interests”. Quite captivating and intriguing! Starting out from Lagos early that morning, I chose to go through the Lagos-Ibadan expressway despite the gridlock associated with that road whose unending construction, which reportedly started in the year of our return to democracy in 1999, is still work in progress, causing commuters excruciating pains and loss of man-hours on a daily basis. The other alternative route – the Lagos-Ota-Abeokuta road – was a “no-go” area. The last time I ventured there two years ago, I spent five excruciating hours on a journey to Abeokuta that should have taken less than one hour. To think that this is the same road that passed through the Ota farm and led to Abeokuta, the advertised homestead of an erstwhile military Head of State and two-term civilian president! Someone needed to be wheeled to Daura, Katsina state to learn some object lessons from a person junior to him in all respects on how charity must begin from home!

I was fortunate that traffic on the Lagos-Ibadan expressway was light that Wednesday and I soon found myself coursing into Abeokuta, the city founded by Sodeke and noted for its Olumo Rock and “adire” industry. As if by coincidence, the seat of power where Gov. Dapo Abiodun holds sway (he has won a second term in office in an election still being contested in court); the (contentious?) Conference Hotel belonging to a former governor of the state and now senator elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to represent Ogun East, Otunba Gbenga Daniel; and former President Olusegun Obasanjo presidential library all situated in the same vicinity as I drove into town. The rumblings in the political forest of Ogun, the Gateway state, of recent have pitched Abiodun against Daniel and vice-versa. The hide-and-seek between the two leaders is as interesting as the side jabs another former governor of the state, Ibikunle Amosun, throws at Abiodun and the alliance of convenience he is seemingly trying to forge with Daniel.

When Daniel was governor, Amosun, the senator representing Ogun central, was an irritant to Daniel. I can recollect his entourage on one occasion contesting the right of way with Gov. Daniel. Amosun took over from Daniel and OGD, as Daniel is fondly called, was consigned into the political wilderness for the eight years that he, Amosun, was in office. Not only that: Daniel was investigated, the EFCC came for him; he was charged to court on sundry allegations of corruption; and some of his properties, including Conference Hotel, were confiscated by fiat by Amosun. Daniel fought his way through the courts and was exonerated in the end. When Amosun left office and was no longer in control of the coercive powers of the state, Daniel recovered his seized properties and began to work his way back to political relevance. One achievement of Daniel stands out: he started the transformation of Ogun from a sleepy civil service state to its present status as the business destination of choice.

It has been said that in politics, there are no permanent friends but permanent interests. Don’t forget that the title of Prof. Badejo’s inaugural lecture is “Interests”. We shall soon return to that! So it should not surprise anyone that in the build-up to the last governorship election in Ogun state, Amosun reportedly tried to forge an alliance with Daniel to deny Abiodun a second term in office! But since Daniel was running for election as senator on the same APC platform with Abiodun as the sitting governor and de facto leader of the party in the state also running for second term, Daniel must have been in a dilemma. How can he possibly forget his harrowing experience in the hands of Amosun? But here also is Abiodun who did not want him as senator! Contrary to the information put out there by some elements, Abiodun reportedly never lent a helping hand to Daniel throughout his years in court; neither did he re-issue the Certificate of Occupancy on Daniel’s properties that Amosun revoked. It is to the credit of Abiodun, however, that he did not unleash his powers against Daniel when the latter won his case in court and retook possession of his properties.

One would have thought that Abiodun and Daniel should be the best of friends but the contrary is said to be the case. Why is this so? Partisans of both leaders dish out contrary narratives. Those on the side of Abiodun said he was instrumental to Daniel winning election as senator; the Daniel side countered that, on the contrary, Abiodun made futile efforts to deny Daniel the ticket but only caved in, in a face-saving measure, when it became clear to him that there was no stopping the former governor. Did Abiodun fund Daniel’s election as alleged by some people? Daniel partisans said he did not. Did the governor help Daniel in his court cases? Again, Daniel’s supporters said Abiodun minded his own business and left Daniel to fight his battles. Fair, they say, is fair; why then the seeming cold war between the two leaders?

Five reasons have been offered; the first is that Abiodun’s election is still being challenged and until the court makes its final pronouncements, no one can be too sure of anything. Two: The way Amosun has been courting Daniel lately is said to give Abiodun cause for concern. As if to confirm this, a photograph of Amosun grinning from ear to ear with Daniel flashing his trademark smile, went viral recently. Three: With both Abiodun and Daniel coming from the same Ogun East Senatorial District, what happens in four year’s time if Abiodun, after completing his second term, seeks to retire upstairs to the Senate whose ticket is now firmly in Daniel’s hand? Fourth: Recall that Abiodun backed the wrong horse in the former VP, Yemi Osinbajo, in the last presidential primaries of the APC, which Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu eventually won. The “eleyi” outburst of Tinubu, directed at Abiodun at Abeokuta, is still fresh in our memory. Finally, the rising profile of both Daniel and Amosun with Tinubu cannot but be a source of worry to Abiodun who had to fight tooth and nail to win his own re-election. Daniel (a long-time ally of Tinubu) and Amosun (an APC presidential aspirant who stepped down for Tinubu when it mattered most) are names being touted as ministerial nominees to represent Ogun State. Both men have now turned around their hitherto sour relationship; this cannot but be bad news to Abiodun.

Those were the thoughts that raged in my mind as I drove past the Governor’s Office. Gov. Abiodun is said to be leaving no stones unturned to repair his damaged relationship with Tinubu. To worm his way back into the president’s heart will not be easy but try he must. He cannot afford not to. But as I made the turn at the NNPC filling station and cast a final look at the expansive Obasanjo Presidential Library, I wondered if its owner will not be grounded in the political wilderness for whatever years Tinubu occupies the Presidential villa!

Back to INTERESTS! Prof. Badejo’s lecture was gripping; his various definitions and levels of interests – at personal, filial, associational, national and international levels – and the three core human interests of air, water and food, being the pivots on which other interests rests since “being alive is a core human interest (and since these three) are crucial for the fulfilment of the right to life, it stands to reason that these crucial values are a sine qua non for the realisation of the right to life”. Persons, families, associations, even States at sub-national, national and international levels have to be “alive” or “living” before they can project, promote or defend interests! But since “for human beings the real purpose of life goes beyond only survival… there are several civil, social, economic and political rights that have been reasonably agreed as fundamental individual or human rights flowing from the core interests (of air, water, and food)” And since “man is a political animal” (quoting from Aristotle’s “Politics”), then, everyone has one interest or the other to project, promote or defend.

Badejo may not have been a dye-in-the-wool or fire-spitting Marxist but as a student of Political Economy, his understanding of the Marxian explanation of society was lucid. Hear him: “As per Marxist explanation, classes… are objective differences among human beings deriving from their relationships on the means of production in different modes of production… States (therefore) represent the dominant forces in the territories that they represent” Karl Marx posits that the dominant ideas in any given society are the ideas of the ruling class. Flowing from this, the dominant interests that are served are also those of the ruling class; be it at sub-national, national or international levels.

How, then, are interests served? Badejo posits that “power, influence and authority are modalities involved in providing responses to interest-driven demands of each individual, families, groups, classes, spatial entities and, of course, nations/states. Power is not politics as some easily suggest. Power is an important instrument needed in the allocation of values. In effect, power (the capacity to make others do what they otherwise would not have done) is important in managing interests, that is, in the management of politics” What, then, is politics? Quoting David Easton who defined politics as “the authoritative allocation of values”, Badejo argues that so much allocation of values takes place outside of authoritative arrangements at different levels of the striving to satisfy interest-driven demands. Of course, yes!  What of godfathers and unelected cabals giving orders to elected officials on the allocation of State resources and offices!

Before I turn this into a term paper, let me quickly run through the lecture and close! Badejo tore the 1999 Constitution (as amended) into shreds and advocated a confederacy arrangement for the country to move forward. Quoting Edmund Burke who defined a political party as “a body of men united for promoting the national interest on some particular principles in which they all agree”, he regretted that there are no political parties properly so-called in Nigeria.  What we have are “shifting alliances… that have an identical focus on the capture of political power for the purpose of what Prof. Segun Osoba calls primitive capital accumulation, also known as the plundering of the national patrimony without ideological differentiation, a situation that the World Bank calls ‘elite capture"

Badejo is sceptical that the country’s present ruling class can successfully fight corruption other than offer platitudes because the political will is lacking. Nigeria, he says, lacks Plato’s kind of philosopher-king to lead the assault on the cankerworm of corruption. No nation develops above the quality of its education and ours, he says, is still deeply mired in the colonial mentality that has stunted our growth decades after attaining what he describes as “Flag Independence” A word for the Nigerian people from Prof. Badejo before I close: “The Nigerian people have been too docile and tolerant of corruption for too long. Hence, corruption will continue to thrive until a determined (and) organised result-driven Nigerians arise in firm resistance against the current order that continues to ridicule and insult our national sensibilities” It could not have been better put!

The two-count charge levelled against the suspended Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Godwin Emefiele by the Department of State Service have been described as a political witch-hunt targeted at him for his implementation of the naira redesign policy that almost frustrated the campaign of the then presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Bola Tinubu during the last election.

Many senior government officials including President Tinubu, and some governors in the All Progressives Congress, have in the build up to the last general election faulted some of the monetary policies of the CBN under Emefiele particularly the naira redesign policy.

Tinubu had, shortly after taking over as President, suspended Emefiele from office. He had stated that it was sequel to the ongoing investigation of his office and the planned reforms in the financial sector of the economy.

The suspended CBN Governor became a guest of the Department of State Services following his arrest in Lagos by operatives of the secret State Service and airlifted to Abuja.

Emefiele was detained for over a month before the DSS was last Thursday ordered to either release him or charge him to court.

Following the order of the court, a two-count charge was quickly instituted against him by the DSS.

The DSS in the charge sheet, accused Emefiele of possessing a single-barrel shotgun (JOJEFF MAGNUM 8371) without a licence.

The government maintained that the offences are contrary to section 4 of the Firearms Act Cap F28 Laws of the Federation 2004 and punishable under Section 27 (1b) of the same Act.

In the second count, the suspended CBN Governor was accused of having in his possession 123 rounds of live ammunition (Cartridges) without a licence, which is contrary to section 8 of the Firearms Act Cap F28 Laws of the Federation 2004 and punishable under Section 27 (1)(b)(il) of the same Act.

But reacting to the two count charge by the DSS, some Human Rights Lawyers and Finance Experts said the offence allegedly committed by the suspended CBN governor does not justify his incarceration for over one month.

Those that spoke on the matter in separate telephone interviews are a Lagos-based human rights lawyer
Inibehe Effiong; a Human Rights Activist, Barrister Jones Akpan; and
the Chief Executive Officer, Dairy Hills Limited, Kelvin Emmanuel

Effiong described the charges by the DSS as “extremely ridiculous” adding that the alleged offence that Emefiele was being sued over by the DSD falls under the purview of the Nigerian police.

He said, “This (two-count charge)is ridiculous, extremely ridiculous. If you are keeping somebody in custody for over 30 days and the reason for detaining the person is possession of firearms, it shows that the agency is not serious, it shows that the government is not serious, it shows that they have taken Nigerians for a fool.

“What they said was on the insinuation that Emefiele was being detained for alleged terrorism financing, now, if you are now charging him for illegal possession of firearms and this was a charge that came about after his house was invaded, then it means that they are telling us that before his house was searched, they had no reason to have arrested him.

“Why is it the DSS that is now the one investigating the case of physical possession of firearms.

“That is supposed to be within the jurisdiction of the police because it does not necessarily affect the internal security of the country, which is what the DSS is statutorily empowered by the National Security Agencies Act to do.

“So, if it this is what led to the detention of Emefiele, then it only gave credence to the position some of us took ab-initio that this case is political and that while Emefiele may have committed some infractions, the intention of the government is not necessarily to punish him for that infractions but to prosecute him and to punish him for standing against the candidacy of Tinubu and APC in the last election. That is what this looks to be about.

He added, “If the charge is not about getting back at him for being against Tinubu, why would you keep him for one month to arrest for illegal possession of firearms. You have found the firearms and if the person does not have license, then such offence should have been charged within 24 hours.

“This is what we have been saying about this agency that it is now a political tool in the hand of occupants of Aso Rock and it makes nonsense of the entire case.

“We have said that you cannot prosecute Emefiele for the naira redesign policy which Tinubu was vehemently against because it is a policy of government approved by government and so, whether that policy is successfully implemented or not is not a crime.

“I think time has come for Nigerians to be told what is actually the mandate of the DSS. Illegal possession of firearms is a matter that the police should handle and not DSS.”

Also reacting to the issue, Akpan said the charges by the government after the court had ordered for the release of the suspended CBN governor appears to be an after-thought.

He said, “The DSS cannot be seen to be prevaricating and blowing hot and cold. Are they just waking up to the realization that Emefiele is in possession of firearms just only when the Courts have ordered his release or he be charged to Court? Is it within their statutory powers to charge for illegal possession of firearm.

“It is pertinent to ascertain who is empowered under the extant laws to issue license for firearms? The authorized agency to issue approval for gun license should be in the position to sanction those who have not been issued license.

“But come to think of it, do you think that Emefiele would not have been issued a license? There is more to this? Connect the dots. The currency issue before election. Also look at the EFCC Chairman. So this is a serious challenge to the rule of law.

“In saner climes, before arraignment, the agencies would have concluded their investigation. But here, the Agency arrested and went shopping for evidence. Initially it was terrorism charge, but now illegal possession of firearms. Even though Emefiele may have breached extant laws, let him have his day in the court. That is the essence of rule of law.”

For Emmanuel, who is the CEO of Dairy Hills Limited, he described as worrisome the culture of impunity with which law enforcement and security agencies use the instrumentality of the state to administer criminal cases.

He said the rule of law is one of the most important metric foreign investors use as a tool to measure the ease of doing business, and grounds for which to deploy capital into a country.

He said, “The culture of impunity with which law enforcement and security agencies use the instrumentality of state to administer cases in which there are allegations of breaking the law is worrisome.

“Regardless of the alleged offences of the suspended CBN Governor, Sections 35 says ‘Any person who is arrested or detained shall be informed within twenty-four hours of the facts and grounds for such arrest or detention’

“Section 36 also says ‘A person shall be entitled to a fair hearing within a reasonable time by the court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality.’

“It is therefore unconstitutional that the suspended Governor of the Central Bank has been kept in detention for nearly a month against the provisions of the fundamental rights act as stipulated in the 1999 constitution,

“The rule of law is one of the most important metric foreign investors use as a tool to measure the ease of doing business, and grounds for which to deploy capital into a country.

“The government needs to understand that every single thing it does is a signal to international investors on how issues on fair hearing, fundamental human rights, quality before the law and independence of the judiciary is situated.”

The Federal Government of Nigeria has come out to disclose that 80 out of the girls rescued from armed conflict areas in the country are now in tertiary institutions of learning and undergoing their studies.

The Federal Government via its Ministry of Women Affairs also stated that the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari Ratified the Safe Schools Declaration (SSD) in December 2019, which is a global commitment to students, teachers and educational personnel as well as the validation of the Minimum Standard on Safe Schools in July 2021.

The Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Women Affairs, Mrs. Monilola Udoh disclosed this during the meeting with UN Security Council Working Group on Children encountered in the course of Armed Conflict, led by UNICEF’s Christian Monduate, who came around with Daniel Ohlstein, Kaitlin Brush, Christian Monduate, Ariane Lignier, Nicolas Martin-AchardAndreg Sarushein, for a fact-finding on how Nigeria is protecting children caught up in situations of armed conflict or during military operations.

The UN Security Council Working Group led by UNICEF’s Christian Monduate, which came around with Daniel Ohlstein, Kaitlin Brush, Christian Monduate, Ariane Lignier, Nicolas Martin-AchardAndreg Sarushein.

She said: “It would be recalled that the Nigerian Government, through the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs, earlier on the 25th of March, 2017, fruitfully engaged with International Partners, precisely the Country Representatives of UN agencies, including the UNICEF, UNFPA, UNHCR, UN WOMEN, and the UN OCHA in support of the completion of the education of the ‘recused Special Girls’ (Chibok Girls).

“In collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Education and the Presidential Committee on Victims’ Support Fund, the Ministry succeeded in re-enrolling the rescued “Special Girls” and retaining them in School, including supporting them to tertiary education in the country.

“At present, eighty (80) of the “rescued Special Girls” are in various tertiary institutions undergoing their studies.”

According to Udoh: “The Federal Government of Nigeria in her efforts in ensuring the security of children in Nigeria, ratified the Safe Schools Declaration (SSD). The Child Right’s act has also been domesticated in 35 States of the Federation.

“The attacks on schools during armed conflict started globally in 2009. In Nigeria, the major attacks began 2014-2015 in the North-East as the result of the activities of terrorist groups, which left so many children out of school.

“Consequently, the former President Muhammadu Buhari Ratified the Safe Schools Declaration(SSD) in December, 2019, which is a global commitment to students, teachers and educational personnel as well as the validation of the Minimum Standard on Safe Schools in July, 2021, which signals the Federal Government’s commitment towards ensuring the general well-being of children.

“All these to ensure that our schools are Safe and in pursuant to section 15 of the Child Right’s Act, which gives the Child the right to free, compulsory and universal primary education. The Federal Government of Nigeria, through inter-agency collaboration has taken the following necessary actions:

“Developed Training Manuals on Safe School’s Declaration (SSD), which was launched for Security Agencies and Human Rights Organizations on the 14th of October, 2021. Hosted the 1st International Conference on the Safe Schools Declaration in Africa with the theme “Ensuring Safe Education for All, from commitment to practices”.

She listed some key interventions of the Ministry towards children who are survivors of terror and violent extremism, especially in the humanitarian emergency. Amongst them are:

“Some school children affected by crisis of terror and violent extremism in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe, were provided with a number of psycho-social support services ranging from medical treatment, school feeding, school bags, books and other educational materials, in collaboration with States Ministries of Women Affairs, the UNICEF, Street Child International, Save the Children among others, in order to support their rapid emotional recovery, school re-enrollment and retention.

“The Ministry has had fruitful partnership working with the North-East States’ Ministries of Women Affairs, Plan International; and the UNFPA to provide anti-Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGVB) trainings for learners and teachers in conflicts, insurgency and humanitarian emergency host communities; as well as provision of sanitary kits for girls in IDP Camp schools.”

She further added that the Ministry has sustained collaboration with Implementing Partners in supporting access to education and reducing the precarious incidences of Child & Forced Marriage (CFM) escalated by the insurgency and terrorists activities in the North-East, as well as via Nigeria for Women Project (NFWP), provide help low income women and mothers to come out of extreme poverty through access to soft and cooperative loans facilities, in order to strengthen families’ capacity for children development opportunities; thus enhancing the children’s resilience to incentives and antics used by terrorists and violent extremist groups.

•Details poor allocations to capital projects, worsening infrastructure deficit
•Seven ways to stem tide

As the controversy over the cost of governance in Nigeria rages, findings of a study show how states squander funds on overhead costs to the detriment of capital projects.

Case study is the 2019 fiscal year and study carried out by BudgIT. A statement on BudgIT website describes it as a civic organisation driven to make the Nigerian budget and public data more understandable and accessible across every literacy span. The statement adds: “BudgIT’s innovation within the public circle comes with a creative use of government data by either presenting these in simple tweets, interactive formats or infographic displays. Our primary goal is to use creative technology to intersect civic engagement and institutional reform”.

Findings of study:

Executive Summary

The cumulative actual expenditure for all 36 states grew by 2.73% from N5.12 trillion to N5.26 trillion between 2018 and 2019 fiscal years.

Actual recurrent expenditure and loan repayments grew by 4.75% from N3.17 trillion to N3.33 trillion within the period.

The rising nature of Nigeria’s sub-national government expenditure is expected to yield economic growth, but over the years, analysis of states’ fiscal data has shown that growth in public spending has not translated meaningfully into economic performance as there’s still a high rate of unemployment, decaying infrastructure, and worsening poverty rate.

State governments’ recurrent costs have increased significantly over the years with only a small portion of collected revenue and loans dedicated to meet capital expenditure; 36.73% or N1.93trillion of the N5.26trillion total expenditure in 2019 was dedicated to capital expenditure while 63.27% or N3.33trillion went to recurrent expenditure and loan repayments.

Year on year, between 2018 and 2019, actual expenditure on capital projects for all 36 states reduced by – 0.57%, from N1.94 trillion to N1.93 trillion.

This is a worrying sign as Moody’s Investors Service estimates that Nigeria’s infrastructure, which is significantly behind those of emerging market peers, needs an estimated $3trillion over the next 30 years to close the gap; this is the equivalent of spending N38 trillion per year for the next 30 years at today’s Naira-Dollar exchange rate.

Of course, not all the funding to close Nigeria’s infrastructure gap will come from the state government; the Federal Government and even the private sector have roles to play, but clearly, state governments need to do better.

They need to restructure their spending, increase spending on capital projects, comparatively reduce recurrent expenditure to a sustainable level, and ensure the effectiveness of all expenditures.

It is not to say that spending on recurrent expenditure is unimportant because workers’ salaries and retirees’ pensions need to be paid but over time bloated overhead components of many states’ recurrent expenditure crowd out much-needed spending on infrastructure.

In 2019, 11 states spent more on overhead costs than on capital expenditure, worsening the infrastructure deficit in those states.

Nigeria’s desired economic growth can be achieved if the recurrent expenditure component is optimised while the spending component going to capital infrastructure especially in the economic and social sectors is prioritised.

According to 2019 state fiscal data, only 11 states actually spent over 50% of their budgeted capital expenditure in the fiscal year. Further analysis also shows that 8 states could not meet their recurrent expenditure with their available revenues which include IGR and Gross FAAC, thereby building up their public debt.

Furthermore, 31 states gave more attention to their recurrent expenditure than capital expenditure. This spending pattern is not sustainable as this has opened gaps in providing quality healthcare services and educational systems, thus slowing down social development as well as growth in other key areas of the economy.

CAPITAL EXPENDITURE

Introduction

It is a no-brainer that the government’s capital expenditure, whether national or in this case, sub-national, plays a key role in how effective its economy functions. In simpler terms, the more the government spends on infrastructure, the better the performance output of its economy, thereby impacting economic growth.

Whereas, recurrent expenditure focuses on the running cost of government, such as payment of salaries, and pensions and overheads, capital expenditure on the other hand, deals with investing in infrastructure and assets that have short and long-term benefits in stimulating economic growth, as well as improving the lives and living conditions of the general public.

Inasmuch as capital expenditure is important for the economic growth of sub-national states, understanding the peculiarities of the state, as well as the realities and needs of the public will be important to assess the kind of infrastructure the state government should implement.

Nigerian state governments have a simple task: understanding that not all capital obligations are viable economically. This will go a long way to determine how useful state proposed capital investment will impact citizens’ living standards. This knowledge will prove whether states’ capital investments will augment economic growth, or be another needless “white elephant project”, a colossal waste of public funds.

Capital Expenditure Performance

There is a huge disparity between state governments’ budgeted capital expenditure amounts and the actual.

Although, it is a common point to note that budgeting of an amount does not automatically translate into disbursing of allocated funds, the salient reasons why state governments fail to meet their capital expenditure obligations is majorly attributable to a general inadequate lack of planning.

Sadly, these fundamental issues or gaps are not just limited to poor funding/revenue generation, but can also be linked to other underlying factors like inadequate budget planning process, a lack of informed knowledge of the current realities of the macroeconomic environment, and a huge politicisation of project implementation.

There is a huge disparity between state governments’ budgeted capital expenditure amounts and the actual performance of its capital expenditure in the 2019 fiscal year.

Out of the 36 states of the federation, only 11 states performed over the 50% average with Kaduna topping the list with 97.53%; followed by Rivers state with 74.53%; others are Lagos, 69.81%; Jigawa, 67.99%; Abia, 65%; Delta, 59.01%; Enugu, 57.28%, Anambra, 53.92%; Kwara, 52.31% and Gombe state with 50.41%.

It is also sad to see that 15 states have a capital budget performance less than 30%. A major reason is also the lack of budget realism across states in Nigeria. For example, Cross River had 2.78% performance due to its bloated projections of N1.04tn.

As seen also in the Federal Government, most states project high budget numbers only to meet the recurrent expenditure component due to its “compulsory” payments to staff and running of government, while strafing opportunities to expand capital projects.

Over the years, the sub-national governments’ actual capital expenditure spending has consistently fallen lower than their budget targets. This has particularly become a common trend, whereby state governments fail to meet their capital expenditure obligations, usually by a huge percentage.

Recurrent/Capital Performance Ratio: An expanding gulf

Based on the 2019 states’ financials, most states are prioritising recurrent expenditure over capital expenditure. At the end of the 2019 fiscal year, out of the total actual expenditure of N5.24tn of all the 36 states in 2019, N3.31tn was spent on recurrent bills. As such, states received a prominent percentage of 63.20% while capital expenditure only accounted for 36.80% or N1.93tn.

Recurrent/Capital Performance Ratio

An expanding gulf In Appendix 2, it is obvious that recurrent expenditure performance can be as high as 118.58% in Kogi, 114% in Kano, 105% in Lagos 104% in Edo and 101% in Gombe. 27 states have recurrent expenditure higher than 80% while capital expenditure showed that 20 states posting performance less than 40%.

Capital Expenditure: Reviewing Cost VS Value

Sub-national governments need to reevaluate their various approaches to funding and executing capital projects within their respective states.

State governments’ budgets are filled with a large number of unnecessary projects that have no developmental or economic impact or benefit, and can largely be viewed as an irresponsible waste of resources.

Some of these “administrative projects” have huge price tags attached to them, amounts which could be diverted elsewhere based on the needs and realities of the populace.

The COVID-19 pandemic continues to threaten our way of life in Nigeria, and around the world, with state and national governments forced to adapt to new realities.

Based on the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control’s numbers, some of the worst hit states include Lagos, Oyo, Kano, Rivers and Edo. As such, more attention has turned to bolstering the health infrastructure within the states, so as to cope with the effects of the pandemic.

N1.93tn

At the end of the 2019 fiscal year, out of the total actual expenditure of N5.24tn of all the 36 states in 2019, N3.31tn was spent on recurrent bills.

RECURRENT EXPENDITURE

Introduction

Based on the sub-national fiscal sustainability ranking in BudgIT’s 2020 State of States Report, about 8 states namely, Osun, Bauchi, Plateau, Gombe, Adamawa, Ekiti, Kogi and Oyo, could not adequately cover their recurrent expenditure obligations with their total revenue.

This is also coupled with the fact that most states are still struggling to pay the federal government’s newly approved minimum wage. With the high cost of overheads, bloated wage bill and the cost of servicing political appointees, nothing will be left for the provision of infrastructure such as construction of roads, provision of quality healthcare and education.

This has further led to indiscriminate borrowings from domestic and foreign sources for meeting recurrent obligations, this development, which is fiscally unsustainable, is also contrary to government’s pledge to deploy all borrowed funds to the development of critical infrastructure.

Sustainability of Over-bloated Recurrent Bill

State governments’ recurrent expenditure continues to increase astronomically over the years due to factors such as the expansion in the size of the state’s workforce and the cost of running the government among others.

This has reduced the public revenue available to implement projects that will have an impact on the social and economic well being of the people. The total recurrent expenditure for all the 36 states witnessed an increase of 4.75% or N139.9bn from N3.17tn recorded in 2018 to N3.33tn in 2019, with over 19 states responsible for this increase.

Kogi state was topping this list with over 78.9% increment from the 2018 figure of N57.07bn to N102.13bn in 2019.

Sustainability of Over-bloated Recurrent Bill

At the end of 2019, the financials showed that Lagos state reported a total recurrent expenditure and loan repayments of N555.65bn, the highest figure in the country.

The state’s personnel expenditure increased by 43.5% from what was witnessed in 2017. Lagos still maintains a sustainable threshold compared to other states in the region as a result of its huge Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). States such as Delta, Bayelsa, and Akwa Ibom are running high recurrent expenditure of N231bn, N137bn, and N130bn respectively despite their size and population compared with states like Edo, and Kebbi with higher populations, with far lesser recurrent expenditure.

Recurrent Expenditure Growths Profile

23 states increased their total actual recurrent expenditure and loan repayments between 2018 and 2019. The biggest increases were observed in Kogi, Cross River and Imo states with increases of 78.96%, 46.77% and 38.58% respectively.

A total of 13 states saw a cut in their total actual recurrent expenditure and loan repayments. The biggest drops were observed in Sokoto, Ondo and Osun states which had cuts of 28.03%, 27.75% and 22.39%.

Recurrent/Capital Ratio

A total of thirty-one states had higher recurrent/capital expenditure ratio indicating that recurrent expenditure (including loan repayments) in those states crowded out capital spending. Leading the pack in this category are Taraba, Benue and Oyo which spent 89%, 86% and 81% of their total expenditure on recurrent expenditure and loan repayments.

South-South States’ High Recurrent Bill & Other Trends

Based on the figures available from the states in their 2019 audited statement, it was observed that most states in the South-South region such as Delta, Bayelsa, Akwa-Ibom and Cross-River, are running high recurrent bills. An evidence of this is what these states spend on overhead cost. Delta state and Cross-River state spend 37.87% and 36.26% of their total recurrent on overhead.

Delta state also spent N33bn on miscellaneous under Overhead component of its Recurrent expenditure. This N33bn miscellaneous spending is more than actual Expenditure on Personnel in the same year by 21 non-oil producing states which ranged from N7bn to N31bn per state.

While recurrent expenditure per capita stood at N6,845 in Kano, it was as high as N59,220 in Bayelsa and N34,608 in Delta state. Delta state spending over N215bn on recurrent expenditure or Bayelsa spending more on recurrent expenditure than Kano State does not look good for fiscal sustainability considering the volatility of oil prices.

Further breakdown also revealed that states with a high proportion of their recurrent expenditure dedicated to overhead costs include Kwara, Zamfara, Kaduna, Anambra and Benue. 46.5% or N33.47bn of Kwara state’s total recurrent expenditure of N71.59bn was spent on overhead costs.

With consistent borrowing to service the budget deficit in order to balance revenue and the expenditure, the states are borrowing heavily to maintain government bureaucracy. This has dealt a blow on the capital component that has led to abandoned projects.

Also, no new projects are being implemented as a result of lack of funds which has in turn contributed immensely to the slowing down of the economic activities of states. It is evident that the huge cost of running the government has a higher chance of contributing to wasteful spending and embezzlement of public funds.

SEVEN RECOMMENDATIONS

Favouring Developmental Capital Projects over Administrative Capital Projects
State governments need to prioritise projects that will have a direct impact on the standard of living as well as aid economic development of the state. Capital expenditure should only be allocated appropriately and based Developmental capital expenditure projects should take precedence over administrative capital projects within the budget of sub-national governments.

Administrative capital projects are projects that in every sense do not affect the lives and livelihoods of citizens within a state. These projects have no direct impact on economic growth, and can only be seen as a waste of resources.

Development capital projects on the other hand are projects that have both economic growth and standard of living value to the state and its indigenes. Development capital projects stimulate economic activities within the state, and directly impact citizens’ lives.

State governments need to prioritise projects that will have a direct impact on the standard of living as well as aid economic development of the state. Capital expenditure should only be allocated appropriately and based on the needs of the state.

Understanding the Needs of the States

It would be wise for sub-national governments in Nigeria to shun being sub-national governments can solve the lapses in their execution of capital expenditure obligations within their various jurisdictions through a purposeful and informed budget formulation process that takes the people’s realities and needs into account.

This approach should be participatory where citizens will be involved in policy planning, policy development and budget implementation. This will bring government closer to the people, foster the spirit of cooperation, thereby enhancing community service and infrastructural development.

This will also enable the execution of only viable projects that will both impact citizens’ lives, communities and also stimulate economic activity.

Capital expenditure should only be appropriately allocated based on the needs of the state. Determination of capital expenditure allocation should constitute a long and stringent financial planning process, which should not only just cover the implementation of the capital project, but also monitoring, management and future maintenance of the project.

Elimination of ‘White Elephant’ Projects that Yield No Economic Benefits

It would be wise for sub-national governments in Nigeria to shun being wasteful in their spending towards capital projects and infrastructure that has no direct impact on the lives and livelihoods of its citizens as well as have an economic impact.

Therefore, resourceful spending has to be encouraged when implementing capital expenditures within the states. Priority should be given to sectors that yield the best value in stimulating economic growth and improving standards of living.

Productivity Concern for Recurrent Expenditure

Sub-national government spending on recurrent expenditure continues to be on an upward trajectory, and if not checked will reach a state of unsustainability which could spell disaster for the states. There have been several calls for state governments to restructure their labour force, putting into context the realities of the state, which include most importantly, its ability to generate enough revenue to keep its government afloat.

The high cost of states’ recurrent expenditure has raised several concerns if this matches the expected productivity level of the public sector.

The problem involved has been likened to the lack of a well-trained workforce including inadequate checks in the political and the budget formulation process. Expenditure on bogus overhead costs that do not serve useful economic and social objectives has further increased the size of recurrent expenditure with low productivity in the face of dwindling revenues.

The state governments need to allocate resources optimally for developmental goals and adequately finance public investment projects and also initiate public sector reform programmes that will increase demand for quality and responsive public services that will deliver result-oriented outputs. It is not enough for the state government to lament the current shortfalls in revenue target without dealing with the inefficiency in the usage of the available resources or block the unnecessary cost the government incurs that siphon public revenue.

Overhead costs optimisation should be implemented. This would help in reducing general and administrative costs for proper management of available resources.

Sub-national governments, as a matter of urgency, need to reduce recurrent expenditure to a sustainable level by cutting wasteful spending, eradicating corruption as well as blocking loopholes by eliminating ghost workers in its monthly payroll.

There should also be a reduction in the number of political officeholders serving in state cabinets. Each state government should also consider the merger of Ministries, Departments, and Agencies that perform duplicating functions to reduce the cost of governance. By doing these, state governments will be able to block leakages, reduce waste and be able to use saved funds for social development.

Rationalise Overhead Costs by Centralising Expenditure

It is not enough for the state government to lament the current shortfalls in revenue target without dealing with the inefficiency in the usage of the available resources or block the unnecessary cost the government incurs that siphon public revenue. Overhead costs optimisation should be implemented, this would help in reducing general and administrative costs for proper management of available resources.

Public Debt for Public Investment Increase Public Revenues

Incurring public debts domestically and externally to fund self-liquidating capital expenditure and carry out development projects will enhance economic activities that will increase economic growth. The government should initiate and implement appropriate policies that will ensure that these borrowings are put into appropriate use that will stimulate public investments and also ensure that borrowing is not diverted for personal aggrandizement.

Increase Public Revenues

State governments should, as a matter of urgency, search for new ways to generate more revenue and increase their capacity to generate proportionately what they are spending on recurrent expenditure. This can be done sustainably by each state tapping into the state’s natural resources.

States need to reduce their overreliance on federal allocation and grow their IGR. This requires a drive for investments in states and strengthening the capacity of the revenue-generating agencies. States should also try as much as possible to depend less on federal allocations and more on their IGR, proper usage of such revenue to create an impact on the economy is also paramount.

• Source: States’ 2019 Financial Statements, BudgIT Research

[Vanguard]

The office of National Security Adviser in Nigeria has acquired a string of curious myths. Think of a public office somehow above open discussion by citizens except in whispers and hushed speculations. Imagine a department of state that can interfere in the affairs of other departments without much qualms and cite ‘national security’ as the enabling source of authority. Contemplate a public office that incurs huge expenses and spends public money without much regard for the rules of open public accountability. Think again of a publicly funded office that can be used to conceal nefarious political spending and often monumental corruption in the assurance that few questions would be asked. To sustain the halo of inscrutability around the office of the NSA, all that is required is to couch a dubious spending as a matter of ‘national security’. Just stamp the enabling memo ‘confidential’. Place the paperwork in a folder with the bold inscription: ‘Top Secret”. End of the matter. No questions asked. No consequences for billions spent in invisible transactions.

An extension of this myth of national security as a fetish is what has come to be known as ‘Security Vote’ in all of our 36 states. To service the unquenchable thirst of this ubiquitous deity, all state governors yank off huge sums of state funds every month for free unaccounted spending in the name of ‘security vote’. With that latitude in place, a governor is free to ‘donate’ hundreds of millions of Naira in support of every conceivable cause. A recent survey puts the security vote per state at an average of N250 million every month. The richer states reportedly charge much more on the treasury of their states. For the 36 states, that comes to a princely sum with hardly any accountability requirements.

 Yet every state has detachments of official federal security agencies: Police, Department of State Security, Army, Air Force and Navy (where applicable), Civil Defence Corps, all with their respective budgeted federal funding. As with the federal level, once these curious state expenditures are dubbed ‘security votes’, no more questions are asked. Of course in some states, real internal security threats require state governments to augment the funding of official federal security agencies. States donate vehicles to aid police logistics. Others augment the duty allowances of security personnel in their states.

In the general lack of accountability requirements among state governors, abuses have become rampant. It has drawn the attention of the Nigerian Governors Forum which is said to be working on a peer accountability protocol to check the excesses of some of their members. In general, security in Nigeria has become a thriving industry, almost a deity above questioning, reproach and reprimand.

We must quickly admit that the specific operational mechanics of national security are universally protected from open discussion in barber shops. Similarly, in nearly every country, times and situations of grave national emergency and the pursuit of sensitive national interest, security personnel and agencies do get waivers from routine accountability requirements. Senior security officials  get permits in such situations to ‘play’ with cash to achieve specific objectives. For instance, at the early stages of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, CIA field operatives carried huge cash troves to facilitate ingress and egress of operational assets or to acquire vital intelligence.  They could pay off warlords and influential mullahs or buy over informants to ease the progression of advancing troops.

In Nigeria, a strange type of needless myth of secrecy surrounds everything ‘security’. The office of National Security Adviser is the bastion of this myth of secrecy. At different times and under different presidents, the office has served different functions sometimes at variance with constitutional stipulations. On the functions of the NSA and his office, the constitution is unambiguous. The NSA is just one of the gamut of presidential advisers albeit one entrusted with counselling the president on matters of national security. 

A consequence of the deification of the NSA’s office is the erroneous belief that only persons with a military, police or security background qualify to be appointed National Security Advisers. Thus we have had an unbroken string of retired military and police persons as NSAs. This of course is a gross misconception. The misconception underplays the deeply intellectual requirement of that office. In the best traditions of the presidential system, an NSA should possess a broader intellectual grasp of aspects of national security. He or she needs to have the capacity to connect all aspects of the security needs of the nation to the uniqueness of national history, economy, society and culture at any given time.

The ideal NSA must therefore be able to connect all aspects of the national reality to credible security threats to the government and people at any given moment in time. Poverty, hunger, environmental challenges, ethnocentrism, religious bigotry, etc are as much matters of national security as bandits, terrorists, separatist militias and cross border military manoeuvers by a hostile neighboring state.  Most importantly, the NSA must be able to relate the perceived security threats of the moment to the specific agenda of his president.

Because national security is dynamic, the ideal NSA must be able to maintain a synergy with existing defense and security establishments in order to deal with the immediate security challenges. It is because of this broad intellectual requirement of the office that the US from where we cloned our constitution has had a tradition of appointing either renowned intellectuals or intellectually inclined military or security persons as NSAs.

In the pure intellectual  tradition, America has had the likes of Henry Kissinger, Condoleeza Rice, Zbigniew Brezinski,  Susan Rice and Jake Sullivan as NSA. In the ranks of outstanding persons with military and security background, there have been the likes of Collin Powell, Michael Flynn and H .R Mcmaster in that capacity. Even those with a military background are required to show outstanding intellectual acuity in their understanding of the multi faceted nature of America’s complex national security burden.

Of course, we need to locate America’s choices of the intellectual type NSA to its historical, locational and geo strategic obligations. North America and specifically the US is the territorial equivalent of an aircraft carrier. Surrounded by three great oceans, nothing must threaten the security of people living on and defending the ‘carrier’ nation. All troubles must take place far away from the carrier platform and ‘homeland’. The theatres of trouble must be places far away. America can go far away to contain troubles, put out fires, project its power  and advance its national interests in order to maintain its global pre-eminence and secure the homeland. This has remained the basic pillar of America’s national security doctrine over the decades. It is essentially a foreign policy-driven notion of national security.

For this reason, the events of 9/11 were a rude shock to American national security thinking. As a consequence, the creation of a separate department of Homeland Security was a consequential alteration of US national security doctrine. It has meant a subtle division between domestic and external aspects of national security for the first time. The realization is that the “aircraft carrier” nation now also requires internal protection from its resident adversaries as well.

In Nigeria’s instance, however, national security has remained an essentially domestic preoccupation. There have been occasional external pressures in the past. Threats either from Apartheid South Africa, jihadist terrorists from the Sahel across the northern borders and border skirmishes from Cameroun have sporadically and periodically flared up. But these have remained largely external threats which have been the headache of the professional military. 

Within this essentially domestic orientation, Nigeria’s national security picture has been copiously dynamic. We have had the series of crises that produced the civil war, the upsurge of micro nationalist pressure, the rise of militant regional nationalism, sectarian violent eruptions (the Maitatsine uprising), rise of sectarian and jihadist terrorism (Boko Haram), intra communal violent eruptions (Zango-Khataf, Modakeke/Ife , Shagamu crises,  the rise of militant separatism (IPOB, Niger Delta militancy), herdsmen versus settled farmer clashes, urban cultism, banditry, transactional kidnapping, armed robbery etc. Different presidents have adopted different strategies to contain whichever of these threats confronted them.

President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua assumed office literally under a barrage of gunfire. Militancy in the Niger Delta was the most potent and urgent national security threat. The military was literally outgunned and overwhelmed. His NSA was under immense pressure to reassert the armed superiority of the state. State governors under severe threat had alternative ideas on how to secure their states. A number of them in the troubled Niger Delta applied for arms import waiver and licenses to import military grade weapons and munitions. One governor then got a license from the then NSA to bring in helicopter gunships and surveillance drones. Authority was quickly granted and stripped down equipment was flown in, assembled and handed to the military. Bombardments of militants camps followed, thus forcing the trouble makers to surrender and submit to the amnesty programme. Yar’Adua used the office of NSA was used to achieve a clear national security objective.

President Jonathan was ignorant on national security. He could literally not distinguish between a pistol and a rifle. So he got help from the late General Azazi, a fellow Niger Delta citizen as NSA. No one knows whether Azazi’s purely military approach would have worked since he died prematurely. Jonathan later changed his NSA as well as the meaning of national security. The definition of National security was broadened to include and prioritize the political security of the incumbent president. Thus, resources deployed towards political ends to advance the power hold of the incumbent president and party were legitimate national security spends.

Literally, all hell was let loose. A deluge of political money was unleashed. Politicians, journalists, hair dressers, unbranded facilitators, herbalists, aafas, marabouts and Pentecostal prayer warrior pastors were all drafted to the political bazaar to ensure Jonathan won in 2015. The office of the NSA became the cash office! Jonathan lost. The money disappeared.

When Mr. Buhari assumed office in 2015, one of his first ports of call as an anti-corruption trumpeter was the office of NSA. He shredded the veil and revealed that humongous amounts of public money had been funnelled and casually shared out for purposes of defeating him in the election. Multiple arrests were made and some paltry change recovered. Some weak cases were filed in court. Jonathan’s NSA, my friend Sambo Dasuki, was put away almost indefinitely for presiding over the money bazaar in the name of ‘national security’. Not much came out of that drama by way of convictions.

Buhari appointed his own NSA. A president who was a retired combat general with an NSA that was also a good retired intelligence officer raised hopes of better national security. But the face of national security had drastically altered. All manner of non-state actors had their signatures on the face of the nation . Herdsmen emerged as killers from nowhere to terrorise communities that had hitherto welcomed them and their cattle amicably. Kidnapping became a business. Shooting farmers became a sport. Bandits took over farmlands and extorted ransom and tributes. Separatist rascals took up arms against the state, claiming phantom sovereignty and territory. Faith became weaponized as places of worship became targets of terror attacks. As NSA, only Mr. Monguno knows what exactly he achieved in that office in eight years.

Therefore, of all the appointments so far announced by Mr. Tinubu to date, those of the NSA and the service chiefs are perhaps the most significant from point of view of national security. Death is everywhere in the land and fear of death and insecurity is now the greatest unifier of all Nigerians.

The choice of Mr. Ribadu as NSA is quite consequential. He was the founding Chairman of the now infamous EFCC. Even though he allowed the agency to periodically drift into political abuse, the consensus is that he left a positive mark. A section of the public thinks the security situation could improve under his watch. But that optimism can only be predicated on the hope that he can rescue the office of NSA from its serial infamy and accumulated fallacies and myths.

To succeed, Mr. Ribadu must jettison the illusion that the office of NSA is in any way superior to those of the other presidential advisers. His task area is only different. For Mr. Ribadu, the challenges are well defined but the solutions lie beyond familiar approaches. He, in collaboration with the service chiefs, must seek solutions from outside the traditional box of national security myths.

The situation is dire, urgent and could get worse. Since Mr. Tinubu was sworn in, over 500 Nigerians have died in the hands of bandits and sundry gunmen. Plateau state alone has recorded over 200 fatalities in the last less than 20 days. Those statistic could get more frightening unless something drastic is quickly done. Here are a few areas of darkness:

• Our defense and security effort must change its spatial orientation. Security agencies must retake all ungoverned spaces in the country. Bandits, terrorists, kidnappers and killer herdsmen all operate from and are based in forests, bushes, savannahs often beyond the reach of security forces. These spaces serve as fortresses for non-state actors while security agencies operate from urban inhabited spaces. Our ungoverned spaces have become an alternative republic from where assaults are mounted against the state and citizens.

• The new NSA needs to urgently research, probe and unravel the relationship between political interests and violent actors in different parts of the country. Which politicians arm the various gunmen? What percentage of the ‘unknown gunmen’ in the South East, for instance, are sponsored by political interests?  What percentage are separatist militia activists?

• When and why did herdsmen make the transition from innocent cattle herding to armed terrorism and criminality? What politicians invited and armed these herdsmen mostly from neighboring countries to advance their interests? Where did the guns come from?

• We need a deeper understanding of the interface between security agencies and criminal cartels operating in different parts of the country. There is a strong argument out there that as criminal violence has grown, so also has the security establishment become a series of business cartels and racketeering rings.

• Since kidnapping became an industry, how does it interface with other sectors of the economy? Most kidnap ransom payments are made through the banking system. How come the banks have not helped in providing leads to the kidnappers and other criminal networks?

• There have been reports of a close link between government agencies and criminal gangs involved in illicit economic activities. Illegal mining of solid minerals in northern states and oil theft in the Niger Delta stand out. In spite of this knowledge, there have been scant arrests, prosecutions, indictments or earth shattering disclosures.

Mr. Ribadu comes into office at a time of unusual challenges. The bulk of Mr. Buhari’s toxic legacy happens to be in the area of insecurity. Of course, Mr. Ribadu’s appointment comes with a mixture of cautious optimism and cynicism. He has a rather interesting mixed ancestry. He is a policeman. He has been an active partisan politician. He has had a handshake with Nigeria’s corruption high command. The man has experience in power and public office. He has a working knowledge of Nigeria’s crime and corruption industry. But he remains first and foremost a Nigerian policeman. The police knows us and we know them well. This mutual knowledge contains the prospects and problems of Mr. Ribadu as the new NSA.