Victor Osimhen has been offered a new two-year contract extension with a salary worth N6.5bn — €6.5m plus €1m in bonuses.

Serie A champions, Napoli offered Osimhen the new package to keep him at the club.

Osimhen has been attracting top European clubs following his outstanding performance which helped Napoli secure the title, their first in 33 years. The club has now offered Osimhen a new two-year contract extension with a salary worth N6.5bn — €6.5m plus €1m in bonuses, according to reports.

Skysports reported on Monday that Napoli was in advanced talks to extend his (Osimhen) contract until 2027 with an increase in salary.

Osimhen who has two years left in his contract had earlier requested an improved deal with €7 million. Napoli has now, however, tabled their offer that comes with a release clause of £170m.

Napoli’s new manager, Rudi Garcia had confirmed that Osimhen would remain at the club ahead of the new season, saying “Of course, I have spoken to Osimhen who wants to stay here to make another great season with Napoli.”

“I can assure you that he (OsImhen) wants to stay, he is happy to be with us and still wants to do great things.”

Osimhen scored 26 goals plus five assists in 32 league appearances for Napoli last season.

Hunger is violence. Many freaks, upheavals and misfortunes of history were by the fashioning of hunger. Hunger is a maximum ruler. It sets in motion inexorable forces of chaos and anarchy.

The French Revolution had the spurring of hunger. In 1788, France was scourged by deleterious winter resulting in widespread famine. Citizens were seized by hunger. They starved as the famine ratcheted up its grip. The price of bread became unaffordable. Soon, riots broke out in some cities, including Paris, the country was broke, and by 1789, the revolution conjured by hunger, with the alliance of some concomitants, began.

In Africa, food riots have led to the spiralling of violence, chaos, and anarchy. In 2018, "the bread revolution" in Sudan upended the country. The consequence of that revolution today is Sudan in the throes of a civil war. The Arab Spring and the Tunisia bread riots were also some of the fashioning of hunger. Why always bread?

We must appreciate the power of hunger to deal delicately with matters of food security. Food security is national security. In policymaking, addressing hunger is pivotal -- because "foodology" is at the nucleus of existence. Hunger is a mad man.

It is within this context that the federal government’s expeditious declaration of state of emergency on food security is most judicious. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Nigeria’s annual inflation rate rose to 22.79% in June relative to May headline inflation rate of 22.41%. Food inflation rose to 25.25% on a year-on-year basis in June 2023, higher than the rate recorded in June 2022 -- 20.60%. Evidently, this is a national emergency.

The federal government says all matters pertaining to food and water availability and affordability, as essential livelihood items, will now be within the purview of the National Security Council. It also says it will deploy some savings from the fuel subsidy removal into the agricultural sector focusing on revamping the sector.

According to Mr Dele Alake, spokesman of the government, the immediate intervention strategies are -- release of fertilizers and grains to farmers and households to mitigate the effects of the subsidy removal; urgent synergy between the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Water Resources to ensure adequate irrigation of farmlands and to guarantee that food is produced all-year round; creation of a National Commodity Board that will review and continuously assess food prices as well as maintain a strategic food reserve that will be used as a price stabilisation mechanism for critical grains and other food items; and engage the security architecture to protect the farms and the farmers so that farmers can return to the farmlands without fear of attacks.

Mr Alake says through the National Commodity Board the government will moderate spikes and dips in food prices.

Other measures he says the government is initiating to arrest the current drift are: ‘’Activation of land banks. There is currently 500,000 hectares of already mapped land that will be used to increase availability of arable land for farming which will immediately impact food output; Mechanization and land clearing - The government will also collaborate with mechanization companies to clear more forests & make them available for farming; River basins - there are currently 11 rivers basins that will ensure planting of crops during the dry season with irrigation schemes that will guarantee continuous farming production all year round, to stem the seasonal glut and scarcity that we usually experience. We will deploy concessionary capital/funding to the sector especially towards fertilizer, processing, mechanization, seeds, chemicals, equipment, feed, labour, etc. The concessionary funds will ensure food is always available and affordable thereby having a direct impact on Nigeria’s Human Capital Index (HCI). This administration is focused on ensuring the HCI numbers, which currently ranks as the 3rd lowest in the world, are improved for increased productivity; Transportation and Storage: The cost of transporting Agricultural products has been a major challenge (due to permits, toll gates, and other associated costs). When the cost of moving farm produce is significantly impacted - it will immediately be passed to the consumers, which will affect the price of food - the government will explore other means of transportation including rail and water transport, to reduce freight costs and in turn impact the food prices.’’

These remedial measures are timely and show that the government is attuned to the prevailing hardship. Addressing hunger is critical to deploying and sustaining other government plans and programmes. Nigerians have got to feed.

Food security is national security. No nation can secure itself if its citizens are hungry. Insecurity, itself, is a manifestation of the corollaries of hunger. So, addressing food security with deliverable targets and a Marshall Plan is a must, and a commendable effort.

A bulk of household cash is spent on food. According to the 2023 Minimum Wage report, the cost of basic food items required for survival by an average Nigerian family rose by 17.5 percent to N48,130 in January 2023 from N40,980 in 2022. So, if food prices are effectively tempered through incentivised agriculture, much of the quotidian stress many Nigerians are going through will be alleviated.

I believe "service plans" -- like the food security initiative -- are the most effective in addressing the collateral ramifications of policy implementation and in achieving a multiplier effect in mass survivance.

Another important service plan is the review of the minimum wage, which the government is currently working on. The cost of basic food items required for sustenance by an average Nigerian family is already above the minimum wage mark. So, this is most elemental. Some state governments, like that of Imo, have already begun to initiate a review of their own accord.

It is important that these plans are followed timeously -- as the government is already doing.

Nigerians have got to eat.

 Fredrick Nwabufo, Nwabufo aka Mr One-Nigeria is a media executive.

The Nigeria international left England for Spain a few years ago, but he is on the move again, with Portugal the most likely destination 

Super Eagles midfielder Kelechi Nwakali is on the brink of securing a two-year contract with GD Chaves, a top-division Portuguese club, following his spell with Spanish side Ponferradina, Soccernet.ng reports.

Ponferradina endured a disappointing season that resulted in their relegation, despite Nwakali’s commendable contributions.

The 25-year-old Nigerian international made 36 appearances, scoring one goal and providing four assists. Regrettably, his exceptional performances couldn’t save Ponferradina from the drop.

Subsequently, the club announced that he would be allowed to leave for a nominal fee, which has now apparently been paid by Chaves.

Various Spanish teams, including Racing Santander, expressed interest in securing Nwakali’s services. Nevertheless, the former Arsenal star opted to move to Portugal instead.

This transfer ends Nwakali’s three-year stint in Spain, which has been marred with difficulties. His time at top-division side Huesca came to an abrupt halt after he returned late from the 2021 Africa Cup of Nations, where he represented Nigeria.

GD Chaves, founded 73 years ago, concluded last season’s campaign in the Portuguese Primeira Liga with a respectable 7th-place finish.

The acquisition of Nwakali, a former U17 World Cup golden ball winner, is a significant step towards strengthening the team for improved performance in the upcoming season.

Exclusivo. Kelechi @nwakali25 deixa o @SDP_1922 para ser reforço do Desportivo de Chaves. Contrato para as próximas duas temporadas- até junho de 2025. Exames médicos agendados. 

 Kelechi representou o @FCPorto na época 2018/19 por empréstimo do @Arsenal .  pic.twitter.com/yn9CI4wcsy

— Pedro Sepúlveda (@pedromsepulveda) July 17, 2023

According to Portuguese transfer market expert Pedro Sepulveda, an official announcement regarding Nwakali’s signing is expected within the next few days following the completion of a routine medical examination.

All parties involved have already agreed to the terms of the transfer. This will mark his second spell in Portugal, having previously spent time on loan at Porto B from Arsenal.

Nwakali will be hopeful for a more prosperous period this time, as he struggled to establish himself as a regular starter during his 16 appearances for Porto B, mostly featuring as a substitute.

[Soccernet]

The 24-year-old has become the most expensive British footballer of all time after joining from West Ham in a deal worth up to £105million.

Rice's arrival takes the Gunners spending over £200m as Arteta continues to be one of the most-backed managers in the Premier League - and it's reaping rewards.

Arsenal may have gone trophyless last season, but finished second behind title winners Manchester City after leading the Premier League for 251 days - a record without lifting the trophy.

"I see him like a lighthouse," Arteta said of Rice. "He is willing to put the light in others, improve others and make the team better.

"We discussed a while ago how he could evolve the team and compliment the players and take that winning hunger into a team with players who really want to push themselves to a different level.

"He has an aura. The experience he has in this league is going to bring the team to a different dimension. He has the physical qualities we were missing for a while.

"The way he talks and presents himself. The ambition he has and his passion for the game is exactly what we needed."

[standard]

If Liverpool are to complete the transfer of Romeo Lavia it will not be with ease, as the Reds have been warned Arsenal are now ready to turn their attentions to Southampton prodigy.

The Southampton man has been heavily touted with a major Premier League transfer following on from an impressive breakout campaign. His capability to control play under pressure and dribble forwards offers an exciting prospect to any side, and that's without mentioning his so-called peak years are still far down the line.

Liverpool have been the ones most heavily linked in recent weeks, although the emergence of negotiations for Fabinho's exit to Al Ittihad has somewhat dampened things as the midfield rebuild strategy is re-drawn.

Meanwhile the Gunners have always been mentioned, albeit in a reduced capacity over recent weeks. This is because their resources have been spent finalising Declan Rice's transfer for a British record £105 million fee, but now that is done and dusted it has been suggested they won't wait around long to make approach for Lavia.

Football Insider revealed that their sources have reason to suspect Mikel Arteta is preparing a new move for the Belgian. This comes as Thomas Partey also finalises an exit to the Saudi Pro League.

Whilst Jurgen Klopp had been in the box seat to acquire Lavia it had been reported he would be on the market for a £45 million asking price.

With no rivals in sight, the start of the month would have been the ideal time to wrap this saga up, but now that fee could rise if the old top-flight rivals enter a bidding war.

£45 million would increase Arsenal's summer spend to at least £250 million, having also acquired Kai Havertz and Jurrien Timber this window.

And despite this, Arteta remained coy about the possibility of more incomings when quizzed by Sky Sports' Melissa Reddy.

"Let's see, it's a lot of time still in the market and a lot of expectations are in some of our players as well," he said on Monday. "We will have to see how things develop in the next couple of weeks.

"We will be alert, there is still time to do things, there is still time as well for exits obviously so I'm sure things will move."

[liverpoolecho]

Manchester United are on the verge of completing the signing of Andre Onana from Inter Milan in a deal worth around £47million.

The Cameroon international goalkeeper is expected to undergo medical tests in Manchester early this week before joining his new teammates for the pre-season tour in the USA. This marks United's second major signing of the summer, following the acquisition of Mason Mount from Chelsea for £60 million.

While the signing of Onana is a significant boost for United, their transfer plans are far from over, reports the Express. Manager Erik ten Hag is keen on strengthening his attacking options, with a striker being a top priority.

The club are now turning their attention to Atalanta forward Rasmus Hojlund, the highly-rated 20-year-old Danish talent. United face competition from Paris Saint-Germain for Hojlund's signature, but it is believed that the player prefers a move to Old Trafford.

The main hurdle in securing the deal is reaching an agreement with Atalanta over the transfer fee. United are yet to submit an opening proposal, but negotiations are expected to progress in the coming days and weeks as the club gain clarity on their transfer budget.

While Hojlund is seen as a capable striker for the present, United also consider him a promising talent for the future. If the deal goes through, United would have the flexibility to reassess their options for a striker in the summer of 2024, when Tottenham's Harry Kane becomes available on a free transfer.

In order to fund their transfer activities, the Red Devils are open to offloading several players. Harry Maguire, Fred, and Anthony Martial are among the players made available for transfer.

Eric Bailly and Alex Telles are also expected to leave the club, while there is interest from Nottingham Forest in signing Dean Henderson for a reported fee of £30million.

There have been reports of offers for Jadon Sancho, but little interest has been shown in the winger after two underwhelming seasons at Old Trafford. Ten Hag would consider offers for Sancho, but as of now, there have been no concrete developments.

While United focus on strengthening their squad, other clubs are also monitoring the situation at Old Trafford. Juventus have shown interest in Hojlund, with discussions ongoing regarding Dusan Vlahovic.

Bayern Munich, on the other hand, could turn to Hojlund if they fail to secure a deal for Harry Kane.

[dailystar]

According to reports, Belgium and Rennes winger Jeremy Doku is ‘ready’ to accept a move to the Premier League amid interest from Liverpool and Aston Villa.

Doku has often made a big impact when he’s played internationally for Belgium and he has consistently been linked with a move to the Premier League over the past couple of years.

The 21-year-old has arguably been more inconsistent when he’s played for Ligue 1 side Rennes but he grabbed seven goals and four assists in his 35 appearances last season across all competitions.

Jurgen Klopp is reportedly a major admirer of Doku, with it being reported last October that the German head coach has ‘never forgotten’ about the winger. 

Caught Offside are now reporting that Doku is ‘ready to reject a Serie A transfer for the Premier League’.

Liverpool and Aston Villa are ‘among the clubs interested’ in the youngster, but Unai Emery’s side are said to be the team ‘showing strongest interest’ in him while they ‘wait to find out what happens with Moussa Diaby’.

Liverpool meanwhile have ‘made recent checks on Doku’ but they are currently ‘focused on strengthening other areas of their squad including midfield and defence’.

A separate report from Football Insider has claimed that Liverpool want to sign two more midfielders before the summer transfer window closes. This comes amid the imminent departures of Jordan Henderson and Fabinho to Saudi Arabia.

As for Doku, the report from Caught Offside adds: ‘Doku has impressed in Ligue 1 and wouldn’t be short of suitors elsewhere in Europe either, though CaughtOffside understands he has made a move to England his clear priority, even though he’s also been approached by both AC Milan and Napoli in recent months.

‘Rennes would likely ask for around €40m to let Doku leave, so it remains to be seen if Villa or someone else view that as good value for money or if they try to negotiate that down.

‘Much will likely depend on Diaby’s decision, with the Frenchman currently being targeted by both Villa and clubs in the Saudi Pro League.’

Towards the end of last year, journalist Robin Bairner claimed that Doku’s “issue” has been his lack of consistency.

“The trouble with Jeremy Doku isn’t necessarily his talent. We’ve seen, particularly in the European Championships, just how good a winger he can be. He was devastating for Belgium against Italy,” Bairner told GiveMeSport.

“But his issue has just consistently been, since he moved to Rennes, staying fit. Again, he’s just been injured, he’s just coming back from injury now. It seems to be a repeating cycle with him.

“He’ll come back for two or three games then find himself injured for two or three months, and he doesn’t really get any consistency in his performances.

“I think that has to be a red flag for a team like Liverpool who are generally so strong in the transfer market, who pick up players who have got a strong mentality, who don’t get injured and can fit into their team straightaway.”

[football365]

One of the major issues begging for consideration as Nigeria and other stakeholders review the aftermath of the country’s 2023 General elections would definitely be the health of Nigeria’s political party system. It is a matter of fact that by the 90s, in an attempt to stem the tide of communism, one party states, and dictatorships around the world, the West recommended and supported multi-party democracy as the way forward, to ensure participation, inclusion, and fairness. This was packaged as a pill to address the menace of one-party states and authoritarianism and indeed many African countries, including Nigeria bought into it, and even went a step further to fashion our democracy after the American model.

For Nigeria, this was particularly instructive: in the First Republic, Nigeria had multiple political parties with strong, cultural, ethnic, and ideological identities, serving as major forces for social and political action, mobilizing the people on ideological grounds, and promoting democratic participation. The political system in Nigeria at that period may not have guaranteed stability, but it served as an intermediary with the people, and as a major force between the state and society. This came abruptly to an end in January 1966, with the intervention of the military and the emergence of Decree No 1 of 1966 which summarily imposed a unitary system on the country and abolished all existing political and cultural groups. The onset of military rule subsequently merely served the purpose of further truncating the growth of the country’s political system as a mechanism for social bonding, political choice and competition. The Murtala/Obasanjo administration of 1975-76, -1979 eventually completed the tortuous course of a military to civilian transition.

It was Obasanjo’s lot to see that through in 1979, amidst a cloud of arguments and litigation. The military had spent up to 12/13 years in power. They could not exactly be trusted. The politicians themselves could not be trusted. The emergent political parties had retained the ideological persona of old. It was possible to link the NPN, the NPP, the GNPP, the PRP and the Action Group to specific identities and ideologies. But something had also been omitted. The political parties became platforms for self-aggrandizement, and a play-ground for big men, with large egos. Nowhere was this more evident than in the then ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The Chairman of the Party, A.M.A Akinloye had his name embossed on bottles of champagne. One Minister at the time in charge of transportation and head of the Presidential Task Force on Rice, Umaru Dikko, also an NPN party chieftain said Nigerians were lucky because nobody was eating from the dustbin. It didn’t take long before the dust bin would become the dinner table for many Nigerians and Dikko himself ran away and had to be intercepted and put in a crate to be summarily smuggled back to Nigeria as “diplomatic baggage.” He was lucky he escaped!

In 1983, the return to democracy failed and for another 16 years (Generals M. Buhari to I. Babangida, to S. Abacha to Abdusalami Abukakar), Nigeria was in the grips of military rule, with the soldiers dictating their own version of democracy. They chose everything, including the number of political parties, their logos, party chairmen and for how long they could be in power. Between 1983 and 1993, and thereafter, the military’s disdain for civilian rule was writ large, but they had civilian collaborators throughout that ugly season being the stomach-driven characters in every nook and cranny of Nigeria who would do anything for a mess of porridge. Political parties, party members and their chairmen became puppets in the hands of the military. This was in part what gave the Nigerian military the courage to annul the democratic elections of 1993. It was their underestimation of the people’s will, the determination of some of the political actors led by Chief MKO Abiola and the resolve of the international community that propelled Nigeria back to civilian rule in 1999.

Over the years, something had died along the line: the integrity of political parties as major building blocks in the process of democratic consolidation. Our political parties had become caricatures, and tools for the promotion of authoritarianism, thus emerging as regressive political parties that could be hijacked or compromised by particular interest formations. The failure to have a stable democratic party system has foregrounded the need to rethink the nature of the political party systems not just in Nigeria however, but also in other African countries where multi-party system democracy has not checked the appetite for dictatorship. Truly, in many African countries, inter and intra-party crises have been the bane of political instability, creating a situation whereby questions are now being raised about democracy in a number of African countries: Mali, Niger, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau. Nigeria is a bit more resilient than other African countries, given its size, and complexity, but it is time we began to worry about the fragility of our political party system beyond the centrifugal elements implanted therein by the military and which have remained enduring.

The foregoing reflection is inspired as you may now imagine by the travails of the Chairman and National Secretary of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), namely Senator Abdullahi Adamu, and Senator Iyiola Omisore who reportedly had to resign from their positions on the orders of President Bola Tinubu, 24 hours to the party’s scheduled meetings of the National caucus and National Working Committee (NWC). To many observers of the Nigerian political scene, this probably did not come as a surprise. Senator Adamu had used his own mouth to crucify himself the other week, when he came out publicly to claim credit for the victory of the APC and President Bola Tinubu, albeit still a matter of litigation, in the 2023 General Elections. He said he did not support President Tinubu during the APC party’s primaries in 2022, but that he was at liberty to support Senator Ahmad Lawan or anyone else. However, Tinubu having emerged, he mobilized the party under his watch to deliver victory for the party. He asked to be praised,not vilified.

The Presidential order that he and his National Secretary should hand in their resignation letters and stand down is “the praise” he has now received. With due respect, Senator Adamu made himself a target, he fell upon the sword of his own indiscretion. Now, he is being accused of mismanaging party funds. He even made the additional mistake of being seen to have complained about the President’s choice of party leaders in the National Assembly. He had to be given a soft landing by Tinubu’s allies who asked him to resign or taste disgrace at the party’s scheduled meetings. But nonetheless, this is a battle for the soul of the APC, for a control of the party by the new power brokers in town, a further indication of the “emilokan ideology of power.” When the APC emerged in 2014, it was an amalgam of unusual bedfellows – the CPC, the old ANPP (that is the Buhari wing), the Action for National Congress (ANC), that is the Tinubu wing, the new PDP (led by Bukola Saraki and a number of other fringe, come-and join smaller coalitions). Bola Tinubu was the arrow-head of that entire process, which is why he could boast that he made Buhari President.

As events unfolded in the last eight years, the Bukola Saraki wing of the coalition was the first to fall aside. The Buhari wing that was in charge used the power that had been thrown into their laps with almost primordial obsession. At a point, even Tinubu, the kingmaker, began to look like a spectator. His resolve to take back what he made available to others marks a strictly Machiavellian chapter in contemporary Nigerian politics. Certainly, there were bound to be casualties. The Chairman of the Party, Adamu tilted towards the CPC wing as did others: it would be naive for them to think they would survive. The worse part of it is that Tinubu’s allies are also even accusing Adamu of being a tyrant and they are asking him to account for some party funds that are allegedly missing. Tinubu and his allies are bent on house-cleaning! There would be more casualties. By the time they are done, the APC would be a version of the ACN, not CPC. Buhari’s people would probably end up begging. It is called party politics, the worst variety that we have seen since the first political party, Herbert Macaulay’s NNDP, emerged in this country in 1923.

But it is not only the ruling APC that confronts us with the crisis in Nigeria’s political system. Before now, the rival People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had to deal with its own version of chaos. In March 2023, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, then PDP Chairman, was barred from parading himself any further as National Chairman of the party on the basis of an ex parte, interim injunction granted by Judge M. I. Ikpochi of Benue State High Court, ruling in favour of a prayer to that effect brought by members of the Igorov ward in Benue State. Members of Ayu’s ward at home said he had not been paying his membership dues hence they were expelling him as a member of the party. Dr. Ayu confidently said he would obey the court and pursue the matter in court. And so he did. But in the first week of June 2023, his case was worsened when the Chief Judge of Benue State, Maurice Ikpanbese upheld the earlier ruling and annulled Ayu’s membership of the PDP. Effectively, Dr. Ayu, former Chairman of the PDP is today no longer a member of the party except he goes on appeal, and hopes to secure victory.

Anyone that is familiar with recent politics within that party would easily connect the dots and surmise that Dr. Ayu is paying a price for not supporting former Governor Nyesom Wike’s ambition to be the flagbearer of the PDP in 2022, ahead of the elections. He even had the temerity of openly supporting Atiku Abubakar and going to visit former Governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal the day after the convention to declare him a messiah. The fall-out was that a group of five Governors led by Nyesom Wike, who became known as the G-5 swore that Ayu must be removed as PDP Chairman. They soon found other allies and they swore that they would block the chosen Presidential candidate of the party, Atiku Abubakar from winning in their states or becoming President of Nigeria. Their conscientious objection was clad in the garb of a preference for power rotation, the rule of law, and the alleged immorality of having the Chairman of the Party and the Presidential candidate coming from the same zone or a Northerner succeeding another Northerner as President of Nigeria. The G5, or the Integrity Group as the expanded body became known took their pound of flesh. The PDP lost the Presidential election. Ayu was politicked out of office. In many ways, his story is similar to that of Senator Abdullahi Adamu of the APC. Party Chairmen may talk as they wish about party supremacy but in Nigeria’s political parties, supremacy belongs to powerful individuals and forces within the party. Senator Abdullahi Adamu’s problems began earlier when the party’s National Vice Chairman (North-West) began to complain that he was running a one-man show. In 2015, Adamu Muazu lost his Chairmanship position in the PDP and was even accused of helping the opposition to win!.

The other political parties are not immune either. Shortly after the general elections, the Chairman of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNNP) tendered his letter of resignation, saying he wanted to give room for “fresh hands” to take over. Professor Alkali didn’t say more than that, but in a country where nobody wants any “fresh hands” to touch anything; that was quite loaded. He said clearly though, that the NNPP needed to be re-organized. But consider also the crisis in the Labour Party, the same party that everyone had praised and supported for putting up a remarkable performance in the elections. It didn’t take long before an intra-party crisis engulfed the party at both national and state levels, leading to litigations, name-calling, conspiracy theories, threats and abuses. The same party that was generally described as a “Third Force” in Nigerian politics splintered into factions. Rival Chairmen of the party and their supporters even fought in court premises.

It seems to me that the biggest threat to Nigerian democracy is how our political parties have not been able to extricate themselves from the stranglehold of the damage done to them by the military elite. This is partly why they are prostrate, redundant, and have failed as intermediaries. Every political party is driven by the ambition of an individual or a cartel. The individuals turn the parties into Special Purpose Vehicles for their own ambitions. They select those who run the parties, and they make the funds available. In the past, the parties existed on an “equal founder, equal joiner basis”. Members had membership cards and paid membership dues. These days, members wait for a rich individual to fund the party. The man with the deep pocket who funds the party appoints and disappoints as Nyesom Wike did to Prince Uche Secundus, former Chairman of the PDP and Iyorchia Ayu after him, and as Tinubu has done to Senator Adamu who got so bold as to question his ambition at a point. The men who emerge as party leaders are themselves driven by personal ambition. They want to be big men and hug the limelight. Who knows the Chairman of the Republican Party in the United States? I don’t see the American press discussing the Chairman of the Democratic Party either as an all-year round celebrity. Here, party officials are busy seeking relevance. When their sponsors win elections or see that they are beginning to develop a mind of their own, they drop them quickly. Parties are useful platforms for winning elections as defined in Section 221 of the 1999 Constitution, but after the party wins, nobody takes party supremacy seriously anymore here, especially in the absence of independent candidacy. It is assumed that the party Chairman and his allies have been paid for their services.

The dilemma of political parties could not have been better illustrated than the shabby treatment of party Chairmen across board since the return to democracy in 1999. Because the parties are weak, many of them come and go. After the 2019 general elections, the Electoral Commission, INEC, deregistered as many as 74 political parties for not winning a seat anywhere. In 2023, we had 17 registered political parties in the election, only 10 got a seat here and there, with the APC and the PDP being the more dominant parties. Our political party system is in urgent need of reform to prevent the prospect of a one-party state, in the hands of dictators whose personal will may be imposed on the entire state. In the meantime, let no one shed any tears for the fallen party bosses.

One is that they are obligated by section 14 (4.2) of the APC Constitution to present the quarterly reports of their activities to NEC. Quarterly reports of activities are as we have zones, state chapters and departments. All those should have been compiled. Issues such as what has happened, what are the challenges and then based on that we go to the NEC with a fair idea of how to address those challenges for the NEC to approve and not to approve.

•Two, by the provision of Article 13 (4.4) of the APC Constitution, we are obligated by the constitution to present quarterly reports of the income and expenditure of the party. I want to say this for the records. Since we came, we have never been presented, even at the last NEC of April 2022; we have not been presented with financial reports till today. I challenge both the national chairman and the national secretary; they have never presented to the NWC any financial statement.

•The third issue is that we are expected to present a proposed national budget to the NEC for approval by the provision of Article 13, 3A.14 of the APC Constitution. I felt embarrassed when I heard the National Secretary say the budget of the party had been sent to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). INEC is not the approving authority of the budget of the APC. The approving authority is the NEC. Till today, we don’t have a national budget. Yet we made over N30 billion from sales of forms. Till today, as a member of the NWC and majority members of the NWC, maybe except the Financial Secretary, Treasurer or Auditor who may have inside knowledge of how much was expended on the renovation of the national secretariat of the party, we do not know what is being expended.

Talking of the national budget, we are just coming out of elections whereby we are not able to sustain past precedence. What was the past precedence? Under Comrade Adams Oshiomhole in 2019, every candidate of the party received something from the national secretariat. In this last election, no candidate of the party received a dime from the party.

Regarding finances in our constitution, the NEC is supposed to approve some form of sharing formula. I am aware that each state chapter has received about N20 million out of the N30 billion, put together that is about N700 million less than a billion which is less than three per cent of the total income that has been earned. Yet, we want to sweep this under the carpet. We are having states, zonal, local councils and ward levels that are left on their own. The whole question of funding the party has not been addressed.

•The fourth issue which I have raised is that in our constitution, article 12 (19, 20 and 21) created the women, youths and persons with disability wings. The whole idea is that these wings would have their own rules and officials.

Till today as a party, we have not sat down to even discuss or give guidelines to them in terms of how they go about doing all these things. And these are very critical because they are categories of people considered venerable groups that need to be strengthened. And we are going to NEC and that is not going to be on the agenda. It is not what the national chairman and secretary want to be on the agenda that should go to NEC and National Caucus. It should be what the NWC has approved. And I am saying till this moment the NWC has not approved any agenda. I am also saying till this moment there is no proper notice to any person who is supposed to be at that meeting. For goodness sake, we are dealing with a category of people like the President, the Senate President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives and his Deputy. These are very high-level people and you want them to come to the meeting without telling them what the agenda is. That is not right.

•The fifth issue is by the provision of Article 18 of the APC constitution, five standing committees have been provided-Establishment, Finance, Intergovernmental and Conflict and Reconciliation committees. Till today, we have not formed those committees. I was told at a meeting though I wasn’t there, that some proposals about membership of these committees have been presented, I am aware as of today we have not been properly notified by the leading NWC that this is the proposal going to NEC.

Yesterday, I reported to Senator Omisore that I don’t attend meetings. I challenge him to produce the attendance of all the meetings. If I had been absent from meetings throughout our tenure maybe three times. I attend the meeting. I raised issues with them because I tell them that I am a zonal officer based in Kaduna. If I was going to attend any meeting, I will give at least give eight hours’ notice. You don’t give four hours’ notice and you expect me to abandon what I am doing in the zone.

•The sixth issue is that we are just coming out of elections. A lot happened, including the dynamics that played out which we are all aware of.
There are currents within the party that didn’t want us to win the election. Anti-party activities took place in many places. For goodness sake this second-highest highest organ of the party. We should spare time and review what happened during that election and properly take decisions on how to prevent reoccurrence. We have four years. Four years is short. We have to start pig from now.

•The seventh issue is not just the case of Osun State. Osun was a disaster and that was where the national secretary hails from. I saw him yesterday shamelessly talking about a winning team. If we are a winning team, why prevent us from replicating the feat in our base? We did not only lose the governorship seat, but we also lost all the seats for the House of Representatives and the House of Assembly seats.

Osun is the only state we have that case. It is only the national secretary that is in denial of that reality. The first mark of progressive behaviour is the humility to accept your shortcomings.

I saw the national secretary talking brazenly as if he is a champion. We can’t celebrate those internal mechanisms to address the issues that are available. I didn’t make a blanket apology as is being presented.

•The other issue is the election of the presiding officers of the 10th National Assembly. You are my witness that the national chairman and national secretary said I should apologise when I sued the party.

Rather than developing guidelines as directed by the provision of Article The Section 13 (4.6) of the constitution that would guide the emergence of the leadership of the National Assembly was approached with a blanket cheque; there were no guidelines. As a result, if not for the intervention of the President, we would have walked into a disaster.

Soul-searching

Even in the meeting where governors passed a vote of confidence on the nation chairman, I am not against him or Omisore but we must have the humility to accept our failures.

This NEC and national Caucus should be used to review all the developments to prevent reoccurrence. We don’t have a situation in which we sit, the National Assembly would take decisions and then the secretariat of the party we are sending to or Tinubu would take decisions and the secret of the Nation are divulged.

•The other issue which I keep insisting on is why are we debating whether we should have meetings or not. It baffles me. My knowledge of politics is that it is about meetings. Why should politicians be afraid of meetings?

•I called for the resignation of Sen Abdullahi Adamu based on pure moral appeal, based on the dynamics that played out in the elections. But I can say, assuming we want to mutate to become a conservative party even with that kind of aspiration, I don’t think Abdullahi Adamu and Omisore are committed to leading the party based on the provision of its constitution. This is where we need soul-searching.

While FC Barcelona have already signed Gundogan and are also close to unveiling Oriol Romeu as their fourth summer signing, the club is still linked with another midfielder to further complement the midfield department. This midfielder is Bernardo Silva, who has been attracting the Catalan club’s attention since at least the last year.

According to SPORT, the name of Bernardo Silva is still alive and fresh around the Barcelona offices. Both Xavi and the higher executives like the Portuguese player, but as was the case last summer, the Blaugranes simply do not have the money to undertake such a big operation.

Barcelona’s interest in the player has been highlighted by one of the latest reported development. According to the report, some young fans in Barcelona repeatedly asked President Joan Laporta if the club is going to sign the Portuguese. In response to these questions, Laporta answered with a smile “I would like to”.

Bernardo Silva is an important part of the Manchester City squad that won the treble last season, and Pep Guardiola would be extremely reluctant to let the player leave. The Portuguese made 55 appearances for the Citizens in their most successful campaign, scoring seven goals and giving eight assists.

FC Barcelona would want to put the icing on the cake to their summer business by adding another interior midfielder, ideally Bernardo Silva, to their squad. However, their financial strength constraints the degree of action they can take in the transfer market, and allows only a player like Lo Celso on loan for now, before the club can move for a permanent transfer later.

[barcanewsnetwork]