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Benue govt uncovers 2,500 ghost workers, schools
No fewer than 2,500 ghost workers have been uncovered from the payroll of local government areas in Benue State.
There are 23 local governments in the state.
Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, disclosed this in a press statement issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Kula Tersoo, and made available to journalists in Makurdi on Thursday.
The governor, who gave reason for the the delay in payment of salaries of teachers in primary and post-primary schools, as well as the local government staff, said there was a need to sanitize and clean all the manipulations created by the past administration.
Alia explained that the probe into activities of local government during the last administration revealed mindless padding of the wage bills and manipulation of the payroll.
The statement read in parts, “The governor says the decision for the delay in the payment of salaries of the above-mentioned workers was taken after the government discovered mindless padding of the wage bill and other fraudulent manipulations on their payroll.
“He says the decision became necessary after the discovery, to enable the government sanitize and cleanse the payroll; to ascertain the actual wage bill of the state, and to know the genuine workers that are worth their wages.
“He reveals that the first phase of an extensive staff verification and payroll audit for all teachers and local government staff has just been concluded, and it has already uncovered over 2500 ghost workers that have already been removed from the payroll.
“He identifies ghost workers, ghost schools, double dipping, unlawful employment, salary padding, payment to dead or retired individuals, unlawful replacement, and inflation of the wage bill, as some of the payroll infractions discovered from the audit.
“He assures that workers who were successfully screened will receive their salaries before the end of this week, noting that government is not only fishing out ghosts workers and removing the padding associated with payroll fraud but also putting in measures to ensure the systems are protected going forward.”
Alia had suspended the 23 local government chairmen to pave the way for a thorough investigation into alleged maladministration in the council areas by the state assembly.
Details Of Meeting Between Shettima And Former Senators Emerge
The Vice President described President Tinubu as a leader with a genuine interest to transform the country, adding that his principal is a good man.
He said: “President Bola Tinubu is a good man, I will urge all of us to rally around and support him.”
On his personal relationship with the former senators, the Vice President said “In the last four years, I have formed permanent bonds of friendship and of fraternity that I believe will stay with me for the rest of my life.
“I want to assure you that I will work with you in the interest of our nation. What binds us together as a family and a nation supersede whatever that divides us.”
Earlier in his remarks, the leader of the delegation, Sen. Philip Aduda, said the visit was not partisan as composition of the group comprised members across different political affiliations who are united for the progress of the country.
He pledged their support for the Tinubu administration and prayed for the success of its policies and programmes.
In the same vein, Senator George Sekibo expressed confidence that the capacity, humility and depth of knowledge of the Vice President will impact the policies and programmes of the Tinubu administration and reassured Shettima of their loyalty and solidarity at all times.
Other members of the delegation included Senator Sam Egwu; Sen. Aliyu Abdullahi; Sen. Gabriel Suswam; Sen. Emmanuel Bwacha; Sen. Chukwuma Utazi; Sen. Ibrahim Oloriegbe; Sen. Uche Ekwunife; Sen. Betty Apiafi; Sen. Yakubu Oseni; Sen. Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe; Sen. Suleiman Kwari; Sen Danjuma Laah; Sen. Cleopas Moses and Sen. Stella Oduah.
Sen. Biodun Olujimi; Sen. Nora Daduut; Sen. Bulus Amos; Sen. Istaifanus Gyang; Sen. Michael Nnachi; Sen Hassan Mohammed; Sen. Albert Bassey Akpan; Sen. Clifford Ordia; Sen. Hezekiah Dimka, and Sen. Chukwuma Ibezim, were also at the meeting.
Peter Obi @ 62: ‘We Made A Mistake To Have Fielded You As Presidential Candidate’ – Apapa-Led NWC
The National Working Committee (NWC) of the factional National Chairman of the Labour Party ( LP), Lamidi Apapa, has felicitated with the party’s flag bearer, Peter Obi, on his 62nd birthday.
The Apapa-led NWC of the party, as much as they jubilate with Obi, said they regret fielding him as the party’s presidential candidate for the 2023 presidential election, Naija News gathered.
According to the faction, Obi, rather than representing varied interests in the party, chose the interest of a faction.
The faction, in a statement issued on Wednesday night by Suspended National Publicity Secretary of the Labour Party, Comrade Abayomi Arabambi, said as he celebrates his 62 birthday, he should reflect on being a statesman rather than a regional bigot.
Arabambi said, “The National Working Committee (NWC) of the Labour Party (LP) felicitates with its popular presidential candidate, Mr. Peter Gregory Obi, on his 62nd anniversary.
“The Party wishes that the occasion should provide the celebrant a period of deep reflection and ponder on the citizens-conferred status of a statesman who represents interests beyond his ethnic leaning
“The Lamidi Apapa-led National Working Committee of the Party hereby charges the celebrant to, on this occasion of thanksgiving to God, to be reflective of the Nigerian interest, which he seeks to serve.
“While we in the Labour party join him to thank God and wish him a good health and prosperity we want to also remind him that his popularity emanates from the love of the people for the Labour party and galvanized by his representation of the people.
“In wishing him well, we want him to state that we regret fielding him on the platform of the party, in the light of recent development particularly actions that undermined the discipline the Labour party has been known for.
“It is indeed worrisome that even though he went to the Presidential Electoral Tribunal as a non-member of the Labour Party and lied severally that there was a time they issued subpoena to INEC for all those document and maintained that they, they were unable to pay all the documents they seek to tender, kicks regret in our party stakeholders.
“We are further disturbed that our presidential candidate would rely on a “non party agent’ who came to court to defend the alleged stolen mandate,” this is regrettable as it is laughable.
“We wish him well for his 62nd year birthday. We made a mistake to have fielded him to, which we will never repeat again.
“We had thought that this birthday will offer him an opportunity to have a reflection that would make him a better Nigerian and not an Ethnic bigot.”
[OPINION] Why Museveni Video Shames Africa - Azu Ishiekwene
There’s a trending video from nine years ago. If you watched it casually, you might in fact think that it was done yesterday. It was a clip of Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni, narrating what happened in 2014 when a delegation of African heads of state was asked by AU to mediate the Libyan crisis at the time.
Museveni’s account of the outcome of the assignment, which has so far not been denied by NATO, was a scandal – an African shame – on steroids. It’s surprising how the incident remained largely unreported until this video resurfaced again recently.
It wasn’t the usual anti-Western trope about colonialism, neo-colonialism or imperialism that caught my attention. It was what appeared, if Museveni were to be believed, to be the brazen, daylight interference of NATO in the peace mission of the African leaders and how they responded to it.
Museveni told a meeting of the Pan-African parliament in Midrand, South Africa, that a plane conveying six African heads of state to Tripoli, including his own minister who represented him, was asked not to proceed by NATO as the aircraft approached the Libyan airspace on its mission.
“How can African leaders nominated by an African continental body, on African soil, be stopped by NATO from doing their duty,” he asked the parliament, pointing out that even the Mauritanian President, Mohammed Abdul Aziz, who was chair of that session of the parliament, was also on the trip.
The Ugandan leader described the incident as a classic case of African elite betrayal. As the camera panned the helpless, forlorn look on the faces of the leaders present in the hall, you could almost hear a pin drop.
I don’t know what Museveni might have done if he was on the plane on that day, and he didn’t say either. It however appears improbable to me that a man who had been in bed with the West for decades would have done anything other than what the delegation on that Tripoli mission did: meekly accepted his fate, like the rest, while the plane returned to base. How could Museveni not see that he was a part of the African elite betrayal story?
Helen Epstein wrote in her book, Another Fine Mess: America, Uganda And the War on Terror, that Museveni owes his longevity in power to billions of American dollars that have been used to train and buy equipment for his army and prop his government. Western aid to Uganda accounts for over 10 percent of that country’s GDP, and was, in fact, up to 42 percent of the budget in 2006. To put it politely, western pipers have always called Uganda’s tune.
Things only began to fall apart between Museveni and his sponsors after the homosexual rights wars broke out, worsened by his strong-arm tactics against the opposition in that country’s last general election. Not that he suddenly discovered the despicable history of western colonialism and exploitation in Africa or the treachery of the elite.
Since watching that video of Museveni’s blood boiling over what was apparently a latter-day moment of African epiphany, made after he had been in power for 28 years, I’ve been asking myself if NATO might have asked a plane conveying Nelson Mandela, Robert Mugabe and Olusegun Obasanjo on that kind of mission to make a mid-air return. Very unlikely.
If the current crop of African leaders had not eaten the sour grapes of betrayal, it is improbable that NATO would treat them with such contempt. So, what would NATO have done if the airplane defied the return-to-base order? Shot down an aircraft carrying six African leaders on an AU peace mission in Africa? Sadly, the mission is a metaphor for the current state of leadership on the continent; they love life too much to dare.
Interestingly, there was not even a word of protest from the AU after the aborted mission, allegedly directed by NATO in name only. The mastermind, obviously, was Barack Obama, the first Black American president, who would later unleash perhaps one of the most consequential destabilising forces on the Sahel after the brutal elimination of Moummar Ghaddafi. I’m not sure it was a moment that Obama would look back on with pride. Yet, for the AU, too busy with the politics of subservience to care, it was business as usual.
Another African leader has been talking lately, making statements that re-echo memories of Museveni’s bluster. William Ruto, Kenya’s president while addressing the Djibouti parliament in June, said something fairly radical. Why, he asked Djibouti, should that country or any other African country for that matter, conduct bilateral trade amongst themselves in US dollars?
Although Ruto said he was not opposed to settling accounts for trade with the US in dollars, his statement was the diplomatic equivalent of what should have been the appropriate response of that AU-Libya mission to NATO’s meddling: that the alliance had no business stopping the AU delegation from landing on the soil of an African country which, in any case, was not a member of NATO.
On the face of it, there’s really no reason intra-African trade should be settled in dollars. The EU, perhaps the largest single currency union, conducts intra-European trade in euros. So, why can’t AU, especially if the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), the continent’s financial provider, set up a payment and settlement mechanism to facilitate intra-African trade? As tempting as this option may be and in spite of the obvious advantages including reduction of transaction costs among others, the devil is in the detail. Ruto knows.
With 54 countries in Africa, it would be interesting to test a continental payment clearing house that is not even contemplating optimum currency area – a slightly different system that would have allowed trading in one or more frequently used regional currencies – but is instead thinking of dealing with 42 different currencies on the continent simultaneously.
Given the current disastrously low volume of intra-African trade, which is about 18.2 percent or $169.7 billion in 2021, a common clearing house is hardly as important as removing the barriers to trade that have stunted the impact of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA).
Unnecessary restrictions and obstacles to the movement of people and goods, shambolic customs regulations and border policing — not to mention poor infrastructure and protectionist policies by countries that fear, not always irrationally, that their neighbours are conduits for cheap foreign products — have severely limited trade among African countries and denied citizens prosperity.
These are not problems that can be solved by settling bank notes or making sound bites. Until African countries develop the capacity to go beyond being just primary commodity markets, always looking outside the continent to consume, in excess, what they cannot produce, Ruto’s wishes would remain what they are – wishes.
Does Ruto know, for example, that a number of Francophone countries in West and Central Africa which are part of the CFA franc zone still maintain 50 percent of their reserves in the French Treasury in Paris? It isn’t a big secret that France torpedoed the attempt by ECOWAS to introduce the ‘ECO’ as a subregional currency three years ago. How will an African payment settlement system extricate Francophone West Africa from decades of French namby-pamby?
Also, when Britain announced recently, for example, that it was adding Nigeria’s naira to its list of pre-approved currencies, allowing it to provide financing for transactions with Nigerian businesses in the local currency, it was hardly an act of charity. It was, instead, that country’s calculated response to the new reality of its post-Brexit misery.
African leaders may chew the microphone all they want in Midrand, South Africa or in Djibouti. Ruto and his colleagues would soon find, as the six African leaders on that aborted AU mission to Libya found many years ago, that the strong have the weak for lunch.
When vested interests push back against the fancy idea of an African payment and settlement system, as they will, would the mission return to base?
Azu Ishiekwene is Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP
Why piracy is returning to Gulf of Guinea — Investigations
The ICC International Maritime Bureau (IMB) recently released its January to June 2023 IMB Piracy and Armed Robbery Report Summary Sheet, which indicates a resurgence of piracy around the Gulf of Guinea waters. In this report, TOLA ADENUBI looks at the reasons the scourge is returning.
The launch of the Integrated National Security and Waterways Protection Infrastructure, otherwise known as Deep Blue project by the Federal Government in 2021 and the collaborative efforts of international navies patrolling the Gulf of Guinea (GoG) waters brought succour to the waters off Nigerian coastline, leading to a drastic drop in the rate of piracy attacks on vessels between late 2021 and most part of 2022.
With a drop in piracy incidents, Nigeria recorded zero attacks on ships calling at its ports and this necessitated the removal of the most populous black nation from the list of countries designated as risk maritime nations by the International Bargaining Forum (IBF) in the first quarter of 2022.
The IBF, which is a body that brings together the International Transport Federation (ITF) and the international maritime employers that make up the Joint Negotiating Group (JNG), had listed five designated risk areas and applicable benefits in the event of attacks leading to deaths and disability, mentioning the Gulf of Guinea as second extended war risk zone covering Liberia/Ivory Coast border to 00°N 005°E, to the Angola/Namibia border.
However, events in the first and second quarter of 2023, according to the 2023 January to June IMB Piracy and Armed Robbery Report Summary Sheet of the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), has shown a return of insecurity in the GoG waters.
According to the IMB, 65 incidents of piracy and armed robbery against ships were recorded in the first half of 2023 in the GoG, an increase from 58 incidents for the same period in 2022.
Of the 65 incidents reported, 57 vessels were boarded, four had attempted attacks, two were hijacked and two were fired upon. Perpetrators successfully boarded 90 percent of targeted vessels. Violence towards crew continues with 36 taken hostage, 14 kidnapped, three threatened, two injured and one assaulted.
The IMB mid-year report further stated that “The Gulf of Guinea witnessed a concerning surge in maritime incidents between Q1 and Q2 of 2023, with five incidents in the first quarter and nine in the second quarter. Out of these, 12 were classified as armed robberies and two as piracy, predominantly targeting anchored vessels in the region.
“Fourteen crew were kidnapped, of which eight crew members were taken from vessels anchored within territorial waters. Additionally, in two separate hijackings, 31 crew members were held hostage, communication and navigation equipment destroyed and partial cargoes stolen. One of these incidents also involved the abduction of six crew members.”
Appealing to governments in the GoG waters to redouble efforts in tackling maritime crimes, IMB Director, Michael Howlett, said, “The resurgence in reported incidents including hostage situations and crew kidnappings in the Gulf of Guinea waters is concerning. The IMB calls for continued, robust regional and international naval presence as a deterrent to address these crimes.
“We once again call on the Gulf of Guinea regional authorities and the international community to refocus their attention on the region, to establish long-term, sustainable solutions that effectively address these crimes and protect the seafaring and fishing communities.”
Why resurgence of piracy?
Findings by the Nigerian Tribune have revealed that due to the ongoing onslaught against oil thieves on Nigerian waters, most of the people siphoning the nation’s crude oil are gradually returning to their first job – piracy.
Disclosing this to the Nigerian Tribune exclusively, a top official of Tantita Security Services, a private security firm contracted by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) to tackle oil theft, explained that most of the people perpetrating oil theft were also involved in kidnapping-for-ransom attacks on ships before.
The Tantita Security Services official, who wouldn’t want his name in print as he has not been authorised to speak on the matter, said “I am not surprised piracy is gradually on the rise again.
“The pirates never left before; they only switched trade due to the pressure on them from international navies and the Nigerian Navy. They switched to oil theft after some of them were killed by foreign navies patrolling the GoG.
“If you observed, as piracy declined, oil theft increased. These guys never left in the first place; they only switched trade. These guys are used to making money in foreign currency through illicit activities on Nigeria’s waterways.
“So, as piracy went down, activities in oil theft increased. Nigeria was losing huge revenue due to its crude oil being stolen to neighbouring African countries. That was why Nigeria witnessed a drastic drop in piracy attacks on ships.
“But since the NNPCL contracted Tantita Security Services to help in tackling oil theft, the pressure is now on these guys to switch trade again. You know that anywhere Tompolo puts his hands, the place always becomes hot for whoever is competing with him (Tompolo) for such space.
“Tompolo is fully focused on the war against oil theft and, as such, there cannot be room for people who indulge in such illegal activities. They are moving back to piracy because stealing crude oil now is a no-go area for them.
“Some of them have lost ships. We just destroyed a ship, MT TURA II, some days ago for trying to steal Nigeria’s crude oil to Cameroon. The vessel was burnt to serve as deterrent for other would-be-oil-thieves.
“So, they are going back to piracy. I saw the IMB report. It is important that our security operatives are on top of their game because the statistics of attacks on commercial ships may rise if unchecked.”
Recall that the vessel, MT TURA II (IMO number: 6620462), owned by a Nigerian registered company, Holab Maritime Services Limited, with registration Nnumber RC813311, was heading to Cameroon with stolen crude on board when it was apprehended at an offshore location (Latitude: 5.8197194477543235°, Longitude: 4.789002723991871°), with the captain and crew members on board.
[Tribune]
Tinubu’s wife meets female National Assembly members
The First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, on Wednesday in Abuja, urged female lawmakers in the 10th National Assembly to work together and remain teachable as they discharge their duties for the next four years.
“As a former lawmaker, I advise you to please work together, irrespective of party affiliation, because the success of the nation depends on this. My advice is that, be teachable. Stay that way. Learn new things. Try it. You can’t say you are all-knowing,” Mrs Tinubu said when she received female senators and members of the House of Representatives at the Presidential Villa, Abuja.
The Special Adviser to the First Lady, Busola Kukoyi, disclosed this in a statement she signed on Wednesday titled, ‘The First Lady Oluremi Tinubu encourages female National Assembly members to remain committed to constituents.’
The statement quoted her as saying, “You are the women here at the National Assembly for the masses, and you should not take this for granted”.
“As a former lawmaker, I advise you to please work together, irrespective of party affiliation, because the success of the nation depends on this.”
She urged the women not to lose their femininity in the execution of their duties.
[Punch]
FG mulls $5bn revenue from job export in 2024
The federal government says the country targets to earn $5 billion from exporting jobs in the outsourcing industry in 2024.
Dr Ezra Yakusak, the Executive Director of the Nigerian Export Promotion Council, NEPC, disclosed this at the National Conference on International Trade-in-Service organized by the council on Wednesday in Abuja.
He emphasized the significance of outsourcing to the Nigerian economy.
Yakusak explained that some outsourced services include financial, advertising, courier, customer support, and logistics.
According to him, Nigeria is moving gradually and focusing more on the export of services because it is an area that has been neglected for a long time.
He added that the Country’s high population, less expensive labour cost, and English proficiency make it appealing to companies and businesses worldwide.
“It has so much potential, but if our services sector is well harnessed, we can earn more than the $4 .8 billion we earn from our products.
“We are looking at five billion dollars in 2024,” he said.
[DailyPost]
Nigerians Are Killed Constantly With No One To Stop Perpetrators — Obi
Peter Obi, Labour Party’s (LP) presidential candidate in the 2023 general election, on Wednesday in Jos, the Plateau State capital, stressed that Nigerians cannot continue to be killed incessantly without government’s intervention.
Speaking at the Rayfield Government House in Jos while addressing the Plateau State governor, Caleb Mutfwang, the former governor of Anambra State decried the inability of authorities to stop the perpetrators.
Obi’s remarks, which were made on his 62nd birthday, was a reference to recent carnage in parts of the state where about 300 persons were killed, and properties worth millions of naira destroyed by gunmen.
He disclosed that his decision to visit Plateau, and to the internally displaced persons in Mangu Local Government Area, on the occasion of his birthday, was to show support to the people and also commiserate with them over the needless killings in parts of the state.
“I would like to commend the governor for his relentless efforts to see that these killings stop. For us as Nigerians, it is time to be with our people especially in this trying period. Nigerians cannot continue to get killed in their homes unprovoked and we fold our arms. We cannot compensate for a life lost, we can only show support. We must do everything within our means to bring this barbaric killings to an end.
“We must go back to the Plateau we used to know. A Plateau where people from various parts of life come to organise events and enjoy the beauty of Plateau. I call on security agencies to collaborate and bring these perpetrators to justice,” the LP presidential flag bearer added.
This is as he told the people of Plateau of his unwavering support to end the killings, adding that Plateau was known to be the most peaceful state in Nigeria with a beautiful weather and serene environment.
Governor Mutfwang on his part wished the LP presidential candidate a happy birthday and thanked him for his visit to his state, noting that “Mangu has been in the news a lot because it was one of the most peaceful areas of the state.”
He pointed out that “loosing over 300 lives in the space of two months is a national disaster that must stop and so we are determined to fight to the end to ensure Plateau State remains the home of peace and tourism.
“You have changed the political landscape in Nigeria. We share a similar vision of a Nigeria that works where the children of the poor can also be recognised, where every Nigerian can sleep without fear of being killed. We as a government are committed to this task and we promise to do our best.”
Obi moved from the Government House to the paramount traditional ruler of Mangu where he donated 100 bags of rice and N5 million to the victims of Mangu attacks.
[DailyIndependent]
[OPINION] France: The myth of Liberté, Egalité, and Fraternité - Adekeye Adebajo
France often likes to pride itself as the heir of progressive regicidal revolutionaries, as enshrined in its national motto: liberté, égalité, and fraternité (liberty, equality, and fraternity). The recent riots in the country have, however, exposed the profound socio-economic fault-lines and dyed-in-the-wool racism of a country in deep denial. France historically used a perverse mission civilisatrice to engage in three centuries of brutal slavery in the Caribbean and the Americas, followed by a century of an often savage colonialism in Africa which culminated in one million Algerian deaths and a massacre in Madagascar. It has failed to offer a full apology, let alone pay reparations, for these atrocities. The last six decades have also witnessed an obstinate and often abusive neo-colonial political, military, and economic relationship with Africa, that is now fraying at the edges, as the Gallic Emperor’s nakedness is increasingly exposed.
Following the emergence of the video of the execution-style killing of a 17-year old Algerian-Moroccan-French youth, Nahel Merzouk, in broad daylight, by a French policeman at a traffic stop in a Parisian suburb, six nights of rioting erupted across Paris, Marseille, Lyon, Lille, Dijon, Toulouse, and Strasbourg. These attacks resulted in 3,700.arrests; 5,000 burned cars; 11,000 lit fires; 2,000 looted shops; and attacks on police stations, town halls, tax offices, and post offices: all seen as symbols of state oppression. The damages from these attacks reached an estimated €1 billion.
The officer who killed Nahel was charged with homicide. This occurred only because of video evidence of the motorist driving away from the policeman who had pointed a gun to Nahel’s head and threatened to shoot him. Before the video emerged, the French police had publicly lied that Nahel had driven straight at the policeman whom it alleged had acted in self-defence.
Marginalised Maghrebis, Brutalised Blacks
These events once again highlight the pent-up anger of brutalised and marginalised black and brown populations in France’s destitute banlieues (suburbs) which lack basic social services and decent schools, hospitals, and housing, despite half-hearted efforts at urban renewal and failed entrepreneurial projects. Also pertinent is the institutional racism of the French police and constant harassment of Maghrebi and black African youths living in impoverished housing estates. A culture of impunity is widespread among the French police in these communities, fanned by mainstream politicians, led by President Emmanuel Macron.
The anger of the rioters is so raw because black and brown youths know that, like Nahel, they could easily have been the one shot dead by the police. So many African and Maghrebi youths have died at the hands of French police under suspicious circumstances: Lamine Dieng (2007); Hakim Ajimi (2008); Amine Bentoussi (2012); Amadou Koumé (2015); Adama Traoré (2016); and Jean-Paul Benjamin (2022), are just a few in recent years. Nahel’s death was thus not unusual, which helps to contextualize the rage of the rioters. Since 2020, French police have killed 21 people in similar traffic stops as Nahel’s. Most of them have been black and brown citizens who are 20 times more likely to be stopped by police than their white compatriots. The trigger-happy French police are thus seen in these communities as a dangerous source of insecurity and terror, and not as public protectors. They serve the state, not local communities.
The Jupiterean Emperor
Rather than show sympathy and solidarity with the victim of this ghastly killing, France’s self-styled Jupiterean president, Emmanuel Macron, instead publicly embraced police chiefs, noting in a meeting: “We are with you,“ while praising the police’s apparent “professionalism”. Though at first describing Nahel’s shooting as “inexcusable”, Macron soon resorted to his reflexive machoism, deploying 45,000 police to deal with a situation that was being treated like a war against citizens wielding stones and fireworks. The French president has been tone-deaf to demands to call off his “mad dogs” unleashed against angry citizens in poor ghettos. Following the riots, fast-track judges in “kangaroo courts” were encouraged to dish out rapid jail sentences in sham trials in which the most basic tenets of the rule of law did not seem to have been observed. Over 380 people were jailed in the first two days of the riots: one 28-year old man was imprisoned for 10 months for stealing a can of Red Bull from a looted supermarket. This “expedited justice” has been contrasted with the 5-10 years it can take to achieve any prosecution of policemen who have killed unarmed black and brown citizens.
Rather than addressing the root causes of the genuine grievances that have triggered this violence, Macron has instead tried to distract attention away from the real issues. Playing the populist politician, he inanely suggested – similar to American right-wing conservatives who attack Hollywood for being the source of all youth delinquency – that video games and social media among youths had catalyzed these events. Acting like a tin-pot dictator, he then threatened to cut off social media which he accused of spreading hate. He patronizingly put the responsibility on Maghrebi and black parents to keep their children at home, using the dog whistle to reinforce the widely held stereotypical beliefs among the majority, of cultures that lack good morals, in a society that already widely considers brown and black people to be “backward” and not representative of “enlightened” French values.
Racist Politicians, Police, and People
In 2005, French police had chased three Maghrebi and black teenagers walking home after playing football into an electric substation, where two of them – Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré – were electrocuted, triggering three weeks of riots. The breathtakingly insensitive interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy – recently sentenced to three years in prison for corruption and influence-peddling – had implied that the teenagers were thieves, as they were running from the police. He also described rioting Maghrebi and black youths as “scum.”
After the recent riots, French politicians again fell over themselves to put out a tough “law and order” message. Interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, noted that: “It’s the republic that will win, not the rioters”: language, dripping with vulgar jingoism, that was clearly intended as a coded message of a “civilized” republic under threat from foreign “barbarians”. Darmanin later made the extraordinary statement: “police violence doesn’t exist.” The right-wing head of the French Senate, Bruno Retailleau, also condemned second and third generation French migrants’ behavior, in racist terms, as “regression towards their ethnic roots.”
Not to be outdone, two of France’s police unions described rioters as ‘vermin’ and ‘savage hordes’ with whom they were ‘at war’.
The ill-disciplined French police appear to have inherited the colonial policing culture of the savage Algerian war (1954-1962) when torture and wanton murder of innocent civilians was widespread. The highly militarized police – long cited for human rights abuses and discriminatory behavior by the European Court of Human Rights, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Council of Europe, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and a plethora of domestic civil rights organisations – responded characteristically to the rioters with armoured personnel carriers, helicopters, stun grenades, and projectiles. A 2017 law making it easier for the police to use their weapons without necessarily having to justify it on the basis of self-defence, has virtually given the French police a sense it has a licence to kill. The country’s police has also been criticized for using excessive force against gilet jaunes (yellow vest) and anti-pension reform protesters.
Furthermore, it is important to note that 41% of the French population – a staggering 13 million people – voted for the openly racist, anti-immigration far-right Marine Le Pen in last year’s presidential election. An astonishing €1.6 million has been raised to support the murderous policeman’s legal defence fund, compared to the less than €200,000 for the family of his victim. Parts of the mainstream French media are also guilty of criminalizing black and brown people in their reporting. Many supposedly progressive French academics often condone police brutality against foreigners.
Of Leftists and Resisters
In stark contrast to the prejudiced narratives of many Gallic politicians and police, scores of French civic groups and left-wing politicians have demonstrated more understanding and sympathy for the plight of oppressed communities. Almost 100 trade unions, associations, and left-wing parties – including the Greens, and Unbowed France – marched in solidarity to demand police reforms after Nahel’s killing. Civil society groups such as SOS Racisme, the Defender of Rights, Mother’s Front, and Community House for Solidarity Development have gallantly fought for the voices of the marginalised to be heard, and for institutionalized racism within the police to be addressed through concrete reforms such as establishing an independent investigative body and conducting an independent audit of police racism. Their marches, letters, and petitions have, however, often gone unheeded.
Some French politicians have also resisted the populist urge, and spoken out against injustices. Nanterre Mayor, Patrick Jarry, noted the role that the lack of jobs, housing, and schooling play in fueling the rage in marginalised minority suburbs. The leader of Unbowed France, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, also accused the government of being scared of the police, and effectively backing its excesses.
Adieu to the Assimilationist Myth?
The fundamental problem of the French social model is that it insists on the myth of imaginary “universalist” values in which it bans the collecting of any race-based data, while pretending that racism does not exist. This is despite voluminous research showing the ever-widening gulf between down-trodden Maghrebi and black populations, and the rest of society. France insists on a “colour blind” society and derides Anglo-Saxon “multiculturalism,” but has ended up entrenching institutional racism and turning politically invisible and culturally marginalized black and brown minorities into second-class citizens. Its assimilationist policies have clearly proved counter-productive, as many minority communities continue to reject a mainstream culture that many feel have criminalized them and stripped them of their dignity and humanity. These events clearly demonstrate that the French model of citizenship is completely broken.
Professor Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.
[OPINION] Will the poor in Nigeria eventually breathe? - Abimbola Adelakun
In at least 70 recorded cases of police brutality in the United States, the victim cried out three words: I. Can’t. Breathe.
From Eric Garner in 2014 to George Floyd in 2020, people hogtied or put in a chokehold cried out those words but were ignored by officers who thought they were lying or exaggerating their distress. If they could still talk, they were still breathing. Such presumption of how far the police could stretch the thread of life caused many of them to be needlessly snapped. Those words would eventually become the rallying cry of the 2020 global #BlackLivesMatter protests.
That appeal for the breath of life has become another rallying cry. This time, in Nigeria, and against the strangulating economic policies of a government that seems bent on carrying out harsh economic reforms without either mitigation or assurance of how and when the pain will end. For a country where 63 percent of its population is officially classified as “multidimensionally poor,” far too many people are not breathing. All the time they have protested the chokehold, our leaders (and their arrogant spokespersons) took the wails as nothing more than outright lies, exaggeration, or mere expression of partisanship. As long as people can still talk, they cannot possibly be dying.
The cries for breath finally gained enough traction lately. “Let the poor breathe!” has become the contemporary slogan of Nigerians confronting galloping inflation and dwindling purchasing power. Given how virtually everyone is buffeted on all sides by a tottering economy and the concomitant rising unemployment and poverty, government aides cannot pettily chalk down the ongoing angst to “wailers” doing their thing. There is a crisis at hand, that much is clear to even the willfully blind. What is not evident so far is if the government thought through its policies to create well-structured plans to mitigate the hardship. Will the poor eventually breathe or the shock therapy will kill them?
Ironically, “let the poor breathe” was mouthed by Bola Tinubu, the very person whose administration rained down one harsh policy after the other. In an undated video circulating online you see him in his characteristic populist manner, asking the state to “let the poor breathe, don’t strangulate them.” Well, now that he is president and the appeal has become self-directed, we see how far from his mouth his heart is. Populism is cheap until you have to do the actual work of governance. Just like he loudly criticised former president Goodluck Jonathan on the removal of fuel subsidies only to go forward with the policy without either a coherent plan or even an adequate preparation for what would come afterwards, we are left wondering why the man who wanted the poor to breathe is raising the price of oxygen. By now, he has probably learned that governing a small territory like Lagos where the head of every key social and political actors have been forced in-between his thighs is not the same as ruling over the murky and unwieldy terrain called Nigeria. For someone who won the election almost five months ago, he has not even appointed a cabinet.
Let me be clear that some of the policies that have contributed to the hardship under Tinubu are not bad in themselves. Fuel subsidies, for instance, were long overdue for removal. As I have previously noted, asking the government to leave the subsidies and fight corruption instead is merely postponing the inevitable. The problem was the execution: abrupt removal rapidly compounded with taxes, and no clear plan to manage what would follow.
So far, nothing suggests that Tinubu planned for the fallouts of his policies and has the wherewithal—the intellectual and administrative means—to tidy up what he started. First, they promised a cash transfer of N8,000 per household for six months to mitigate the hardship unleashed by fuel subsidy removal, then his aides came out to clarify what everyone got wrong about the proposed intervention, and then finally announced their reversal of their plans. That indecisiveness does not demonstrate a certainty and purposiveness on their part. Like his predecessor who ended up thoroughly confused by the complexity of the Nigerian troubles that he simply gave up, Tinubu too is on his way to demystification.
These days, when you hear “let the poor breathe!” from Nigerians, it could be a genuine appeal for their survival, a sneer at the duplicity of the government whose interest in the poor does not run farther than the next election, or jeers at the folly of ever investing hope of economic and moral renewal in an unempathetic government. Unlike the African American victims of police brutality that were not taken seriously because they could still talk, the Nigerian government actually wants you to shout yourself to death. There is enough about their conduct and attitude to the public that demonstrates that they take some perverse pleasure in hearing Nigerians cry for breath.
In this same country where we are faced with skyrocketing food and energy costs, strangulating national debts servicing, and depreciating infrastructure, our leaders still manage to expropriate the oxygen of the impoverished for themselves. Look around Nigeria. Despite the crisis blowing up and causing genuine anxiety, the politically powerful and privileged are breathing just fine.
The lawmakers, for instance, will get a whopping N110bn to buy themselves SUV and other perks that will make their offices lush enough to make them forget what took them to the FCT in the first place. No matter how loudly we complain that they are draining our blood to pay for these privileges, they are not going to listen. If the poor dies, the poor dies! They did not become lawmakers because they had either an interest in the poor or were enamoured by the rigour that goes into debating laws. There are there because the office pays handsomely well, simple. There is little else to the enterprise of lawmaking in Nigeria than local politicians acquiring political and economic capital. That is why nobody ever sees them debate from any ideological angle eruditely, convincingly, and morally.
They are not alone. Several outgoing leaders who departed their respective offices on May 29 too will not release their chokehold on the nation. In four to eight years when they were in power, they took and took and took and gave nothing back. Interestingly, it is those who the least to show for their mandates that are carting away the most. There is some correlation between being lazy, unimaginative, and brazenly greedy. From Mrs. Aisha Buhari who demanded first ladies should also be officially apportioned retirement benefits, to the likes of former Benue governor Samuel Ortom whose officials carted away public resources, to recently retired service chiefs who will get humongous benefits, Nigerian leaders are a gluttonous lot. When it comes to self-enrichment and self-perpetuation in spaces of power, they can be more efficient than a factory machine. Ask them to transfer those skills to improve the lives of the poor, and they become genuinely confused.
In Nigeria, everyone shouts “let the poor breathe!” because “the poor” is no longer a distinct (and distant) category. Poverty is encroaching into everyone’s reality; each one of us is only a few steps away from being “the poor.” At this rate, it is only a matter of time and to what degree one’s social support networks can hold up. The resonance of demanding for breath for a race across continents is uncanny. From institutional racism to unimaginative government, something must kill the black man. If we are not held in an economic chokehold, we are hogtied by spiritual and social forces, beaten down by the anarchy in our societies until we lie prostrate with the foot of our leaders placed around our necks.