A group of Gabonese officers and soldiers appeared on television Wednesday announcing they were “putting an end to the regime” and cancelling the results of a recent election.

Here is a translation from French of the statement, which was read out by one of the officers on Gabon 24 television channel:

“Our beautiful country, Gabon, has always been a haven of peace.

“Today, the country is going through a serious institutional, political, economic and social crisis.

“We are therefore forced to admit that the organisation of the general elections of 26 August 2023 did not meet the conditions for a transparent, credible and inclusive ballot so much hoped for by the people of Gabon.

“Added to this is irresponsible and unpredictable governance, resulting in a continuing deterioration in social cohesion, with the risk of leading the country into chaos.

“Today, 30 August 2023, we — the defence and security forces, gathered as the Committee for the Transition and Restoration of Institutions (CTRI) on behalf of the people of Gabon and as guarantors of the institutions’ protection — have decided to defend peace by putting an end to the current regime.

“To this end, the general elections of 26 August 2023 and the truncated results are cancelled.

“The borders are closed until further notice.

“All the institutions of the Republic are dissolved: the government, the Senate, the National Assembly, the Constitutional Court, the Economic, Social and Environmental Council and the Gabonese Elections Centre.

“We call for calm and serenity from the public, the communities of sister countries settled in Gabon, and the Gabonese diaspora.

“We reaffirm our commitment to respecting Gabon’s commitments to the national and international community.

“People of Gabon, we are finally on the road to happiness.

“May God and the spirits of our ancestors bless Gabon. Honour and loyalty to our homeland.

“Thank you.”

Less than a year after it was appointed, President Bola Tinubu has disbanded the board and management of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) led by Lauretta Onochie.

In its place, he has appointed a new board headed by Chiedu Ebie from Delta State as the chairman.

Former president Muhammadu Buhari nominated the Onochie-led board in November 2022 amid controversy over the role played by the former special assistant on social media to the president.

The changes also affected the managing director of the commission, Samuel Ibukun, who has now been replaced by Dr Samuel Ogbuku from Bayelsa State.

According to a statement issued on Tuesday by Chief Ajuri Ngelale,

Special Adviser to the President (Media & Publicity), other members of the new board approved by the president are Mr. Boma Iyaye (Executive Director, Finance and Admin -Rivers), Mr Victor Antai – Executive Director (Projects, Akwa-Ibom), Ifedayo Abegunde (Executive Director, Corporate Services, Ondo), and Sen Dimaro Denyanbofa (State Representative, Bayelsa).

Also in the new board are Mr Abasi Ndikan Nkono (State Representative, Akwa Ibom), Rt Hon Monday Igbuya, State Representative, Delta), Chief Tony Okocha (State Representative, Rivers),

Hon Patrick Aisowieren (State Representative, Edo), Mr Kyrian Uchegbu (State Representative, Imo),

Victor Kolade Akinjo (State Representative, Ondo) and Chief Dimgba Eruba (State Representative, Abia).

Others are Mr Asu Oku Okang (State Representative, Cross River), Hon Nick Wende (Zonal Representative, North Central), Hon Namdas Abdulrazak, Zonal Representative (North East), and

Sen Dr Ibrahim Abdullahi Gobir (Zonal Representative, North West).

The statement added that President Tinubu expects that the new Board and Management team will ensure a new era of successful administration in the NDDC, in line with his Renewed Hope agenda.

It added: “All of the above listed appointments take immediate effect.”

Apart from Onochie and Ibukun, the former board was made up of 13 others including Charles Ehigie Airhiavbere, director of finance; Charles Ogunmola, director of project; Dimgba Erugba (Abia), Ene Wilcox (Akwa Ibom), Pius Odudu (Edo), Gbenga Odegba (Ondo), Anthony Ekene (Imo) and Onyekachi Dimgba (Rivers).

Others are Mohammed Kabiru Abubakar (Nasarawa), Tallen Mamma (Adamawa) and Sodique Sani

For more than a decade, Professor Udenta O. Udenta and I have walked closely together. This September, he will turn 60 and enter the sixth floor of life. So, I thought it was appropriate to look back on his extraordinary life and great intellectual outputs and contributions as a creative mind and political thinker. Udenta is a well-known, bright, and erudite public intellectual whose written works and other social and cultural contributions are appreciated not just by academic audiences and readers but also by society at large. He is indeed a consummate and profound intellectual of uncommon hue.

Udenta has further cemented and reinforced his place among the sages in the creation of knowledge as a thinker, theorist, and—more importantly—as part of those who have put theory into praxis with his epochal presentation of 21 volumes this September. The 21 works span a wide range of subjects, including politics of course, but also prose, poetry, culture, and literary criticism.

Three of the 21 books with Udenta’s name now on the spine, namely ‘Art, Society, and Identity’, ‘Arts and Social Commitment in African Poetry’, and finally ‘Revolutionary Aesthetics and the African Literary Process’, especially qualify as his magnum opus. These writings present Professor Udenta Udenta as a Marxist scholar, philosopher, and theorist who supports welfarism rather than the strict state control of all resources and means of production as the traditional Marxists advocate.

Udenta, in contrast to most other intellectuals, is largely motivated by praxis and practicality, i.e. knowledge applied to assist society rather than knowledge for its own sake. He has always been preoccupied with the HOW question because of this. Philosophers have “interpreted the world, what remains is changing it” as iconic philosopher Karl Marx would put it. Udenta thinks that the questions of “what” and “why” have been fairly resolved. What is still unclear is HOW society will address the plethora of issues that have previously been discovered and considered.

If one takes a closer look, it is obvious that Nigeria’s issues are all well-known. The nation’s seemingly unsolvable issues have been thoroughly discussed and put in context since colonial times, through the military interregnum, which began with the first military intervention in January 1966, to the variegated civilian governments, and up to the present. However, successive governments have fallen short in their efforts to address the issues that have since been noted. Shockingly, governance failings in Nigeria and all of Africa have been getting worse over time.

Each succeeding government performs worse than the one before it and seems to be led by toxic leaders. Toxic leadership simply refers to a leader who leaves a place worse than when he found it. According to Udenta, the reason for the failure in leadership and nation-building is a lack of understanding of HOW as a result of the incorrect diagnoses and application of the incorrect solutions. Udenta’s views and deeds serve as a link between theory and practice for the reason that he is preoccupied with the HOW question.

His experience mentoring many inspired him to co-found The Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts (TAS), a bimonthly gathering place for intellectuals of all stripes to discuss the state of the nation and global affairs and suggest answers. The monthly Mbari Forum of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), which takes place at the Maman Vatsa Writers Village in Mpape Abuja monthly, was likewise revitalised and given fresh impetus by Udenta.

His library holds up well against a school library in comparison. It’s hard to determine whether Udenta’s first love is his beautiful wife, his adorable kids, or the mountain of books that fuels his encyclopedic mind and knowledge fountains.

Before we eventually met, I had read about, heard from, and observed Professor Udenta in the mainstream media and on social media, like most curious intellectuals. I had met him in person at the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Abuja. Then, the controversy surrounding the Umaru Yar’Adua Presidency was at its height. The amiable President’s deteriorating health and eventual demise prompted the National Assembly to use the avant-garde theory of necessity at that point. It was this second meeting that was more purposeful and lasting and launched our intellectual exchange on a sustained basis.

He then practically screamed alone, challenging the circling vultures to leave Yar’Adua alone. Nobody was certain of the then-president’s true condition at that moment because it was cloaked in secrecy and held in the cabal’s frigid hands. Udenta, who is usually courageous and audacious, confronted the alleged cabal and assisted in preventing what had the potential to snowball into a major national tragedy and cataclysmic catastrophe.

Since then, we have remained steadfast in both good and strange times. He is an easy target in any audience thanks to his seductive language, bombastic eloquence, ability to infuse his writings and speech with ideological clarity, and depth of knowledge.

No matter one’s political views or ideological preferences, it is simple to discover Udenta to be a reliable friend, socially savvy, and intellectual collaborator. Though equally battling to hide the cerebral haughtiness and aloofness that go along with his degree of learning, he is socially astute and humble as well. He enjoys jazz and classical music very much and can give anything to see a live opera.

Udenta arguably has very few equals, making it difficult to classify him with other philosophers and thinkers of the present or the past. He is a distinctive public intellectual since he is more of a hybrid and eclectic thinker who extracts and appropriates the best of ideas.

Contrarily, Prof Udenta rather shuns the austere life of Marxists; he shares Awolowo’s conviction that one cannot practice socialism in rags; he lives comfortably a life reflective of both tradition and post-modernity.

Like another classic African (Kenyan) writer who also inspired him, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, Udenta is an advocate for the total decolonisation of African literature as well as the African person. To live the lives of truly free Africans who can hold their own wherever in the globe, he changed his first name Lawrence to Udenta.

The case study and mirror image of my upcoming book, ‘The Psychology of the African Writer and Public Intellectual’, is Professor Udenta Okwuchukwu Udenta, better known as Udenta O. Udenta. This work was inspired by my distaste for the lives of most African writers, who devote more of their time to neocolonialism’s progress rather than dismantling it. The book makes an effort to define what an African writer and public intellectual should be, providing younger writers and thinkers with some clue on how to avoid becoming the kind of Africans Franz Fanon wrote about in his book: ‘White man, Black skin’. Udenta is directly opposed to that.

Udenta is a fundamentally black thinker who both thinks and lives as a black man. His pursuits of a better Nigeria and his praxis have made him a patriot, statesman, nationalist, pro-democracy activist, and civil society key figure.

I join countless others in wishing the professor a happy 60th birthday. I am honoured to be counted among your acolytes.

Army officers have appeared on national television in Gabon to say they have taken power.

They said they were annulling the results of Saturday’s election, in which President Ali Bongo was declared the winner.

The electoral commission said Mr Bongo had won just under two-thirds of the votes in an election the opposition argued was fraudulent.

His overthrow would end his family’s 53-year hold on power in Gabon.

Twelve soldiers appeared on television on Wednesday, announcing they were cancelling the results of the election and dissolving “all the institutions of the republic”.

They also said the country’s borders had been closed “until further notice”.

One of the soldiers said on TV channel Gabon 24: “We have decided to defend peace by putting an end to the current regime.”

This, he added, was down to “irresponsible, unpredictable governance resulting in a continuing deterioration in social cohesion that risks leading the country into chaos”.

Journalists from the Reuters and AFP news agencies said sounds of loud gunfire could be heard in the country’s capital, Libreville, following the broadcast.

There was no immediate response by the government to the soldiers’ announcement.

As in previous general elections in Gabon, there were serious concerns about the process in Saturday’s vote.

Main opposition candidate Albert Ondo Ossa complained that many polling stations lacked ballot papers bearing his name, while the coalition he represents said the names of some of those who had withdrawn from the presidential race had still been on the ballot sheet.

Campaign group Reporters Without Borders said foreign media had been banned from setting foot in the country to cover the vote.

As polls closed, the government announced a curfew and suspension of internet access for security reasons.

Both of Mr Bongo’s previous wins were disputed as fraudulent by opponents. This time, controversial changes were made to voting papers just weeks before election day.

Mr Bongo came to power when his father Omar died in 2009.

In 2018, he suffered a stroke which sidelined him for almost a year and led to calls for him to step aside.

The following year, a failed coup attempt saw mutinying soldiers sent to prison.

It was an opportune moment in Benin two days ago to reflect again on the lingering issues of the Nigerian federalism. The occasion was a colloquium organised by the Edo state government commemorate the 60th anniversary of the creation of the old Midwest Region, from which the present Edo and Delta states have emerged.

Fitting tributes were richly paid to the memory of the leaders who led the struggle for the creation of the region. These historical figures included the first premier of the region, Sir Denis Osadebay, Oba Eweka II, Oba Akenzua II and the great nationalist, Chief Anthony Enahoro. Consisted with the theme, “60 Years After the Referendum, Which Way Midwest?,”  speakers at the forum looked back into history as they expressed hope for the future.     

The arrival of the Midwest into Nigeria’s federal landscape was remarkable in many respects.

On July 13, 1963 the federal government conducted a referendum to determine the wish of the people of the Midwest on the question of carving the area out of the old Western Region. Western region stretched from Badagry in the present Lagos State to Patani in today’s Delta state. Almost 90% of the people voted in favour of the creation of the new region as the fourth in the Nigerian federation at the time. In the last 60 years, more states have been created by successive military regimes. The four-region structure of 1963 is today a 36-state federation. Yet, the agitation for more states has hardly abated. 

However, as a former governor of Edo state, Professor Oserheimen Osunbor, put it in his goodwill message at the forum, because of its democratic content the story of the creation of the Midwest Region should be read in a fundamentally different way from that of the creation of any other state. The Midwest has been the only geo-political unit created based on the will of the people expressed in a popular referendum. According to Osunbor, just like the colonialists never reckoned with the people in the shaping of Nigeria, the military regimes also created states by decrees. In contrast to the use of force, the Midwest region arose out of political negotiations and mobilisation. Yes, there were manoeuvres in the process!. For instance, the prime minister himself, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, moved the motion for the referendum in the federal parliament. Doubtless, a lot of politics was played in the process as will be shown later in this column. But it was all legitimate. After all, like another scholar puts it, what is federalism if not a perpetual negotiation? The mere fact that two regions have emerged from the one region created 60 years ago is a proof that the political manoeuvres in a federation are unending. Perhaps, more than any other point, it is the democratic origin of the Midwest region that has distinguished it from the states subsequently created.

The standard case for state creation has been that this exercise in political engineering would bring development closer to the people. The chief host of the forum and Edo state governor, Mr. Godwin Obaseki, provided a yardstick to measure how far the dream has been realised. Obaseki aptly put it as follows: “Sixty years after the referendum, we are still bedevilled with numerous socio-economic challenges, which require a reset of the institutions and structures that propped the region up in the past.

“This is why we have undertaken holistic reforms of our institutions in Edo State in the last seven years. We have advanced reforms and innovations in various spheres of the economy that have opened Edo up for investment.

“We must continue to work together to overcome challenges, build on our successes, and sustain collaborations toward building a strong and virile region.”

The theoretical underpinning for the discussions was set by the director-general of the Institute of International Affairs, Professor Eghosa Osaghae focussing on the idea of  “federal solutions’” to the problems of federalism. State creation is a form solution. Other forms of federal solutions include devolution and decentralisation. For some, it could be outright separation. The political scientist paraphrased a famous authority on federalism, Sir Kenneth Clinton Wheare, to say that textbook prescriptions on federalism should only be used as guides because federalism would evolve practically according to the realities of a particular polity. Enthusiasts of the federalist option often call for ‘true federalism.” But as Osaghae reminded the forum, every nation would practise federalism according to its political, historical and cultural peculiarities. The American federalism is not identical to the Indian federalism. Neither is the Australian federalism identical to the Canadian federalism. So, instead of the pursuit of the phantom of a “true federalism,” genuine federalists should be more creative in making the Nigerian federalism workable. In Osaghae’s view, the Nigerian federalism has evolved as a result of the aggregation of federalist principles.  Referring to the 1963 referendum as a “bargaining solution” by a people poised for self-determination, he made a distinction between the “region-centred” and the “nation-centred’ approaches.

Other speakers built on Osaghae’s eloquent formulation. Another keynote speaker, Professor Edward Erhagbe harped on the imperative of “fiscal federalism” and the revision of the legislative list to give more powers to the state. A radical scholar, Professor Godini Darah, unequivocally called for “resource control” as the solution to the fundamental problems of Nigerian federalism. Darah advocated that Nigeria should rather go back to the 1963 Constitution in the same tone as elder stateman, Chief Edwin Clark. Former Nigerian Ambassador to Ethiopia, Mrs Nkoyo Toyo, and former Member of the House of Representatives identified the oppression of the “micro minorities” within a minority group. The contradiction between a minority group and a micro-minority within it is often eclipsed by the bigger contradiction between the minority group and a majority group. This trend is worth pondering because the issues of the Nigerian federalism are not only geographical; the ethnic bases are very pronounced.

Ambassador Godknows Igali, who moderated the colloquium, drew attention of the audience to the “elite consensus’” that was manifest in the politics of the creation of the Midwest region. For him, a pan-Nigerian approach would be indispensable in solving the problems of the Nigerian federalism. He challenged former Edo State governor and now a senator, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, to give an account of how members of the National Assembly from the south-south were forging elite consensus on solving the problems of the region.. Oshiomhole paid compliments to his successor, Obaseki, for appropriately organising the forum to reflect on the journey of the Midwest in 60 years and Edo state in the last 32 years of its birth.  He said senators from different parties representing the three districts of Edo state in the senate are pushing for the rehabilitation of the federal roads in the state. In his first few days in the senate, Oshiomhole moved a motion on the derelict state of the Benin-Auchi road which also links Edo state with Kogi state. Oshiomhole also called for the revitalisation of the concept of regional development bloc for the south-south states of Bayelsa (B), Rivers (R), Akwa Ibom (A), Cross River (C), Edo (E) and Delta (D) – BRACED. According to him, properly organised the BRACED Commission could propel joint development efforts that could make the south-south states a stronger bloc. Well, politicians usually focus more on states as federative units of sorts and less on economic regional blocs. Oshiomhole also made an observation that is worthy pondering by those still demanding creation of more states out of the existing 36: the more the federating units are atomised, the weaker they become relative to the centre. 

The element of the “elite consensus’ suggested by Igali would be crucial in achieving federalism as famously defined by K.C. Wheare: “the method of dividing power so that general and regional governments are each within a sphere coordinate and independent”.

One aspect of the Midwest story which was not emphasised enough at the symposium was that the elite consensus was not easy to forge in the creation of the fourth region. Balewa was enthusiastic to move the motion for the 1963 referendum. But the same prime minister was not eager to support the creation of the Middle Belt region which Joseph Tarka and other leaders of the region fought for gallantly. Leaders of the Middle Belt also wanted to be out of the Northern Region. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe ‘s party, the National Council of Nigerian Citizen (NCNC) was at the centre of the demand for the creation of the Midwest Region and Osadebay, who emerged the region’s premier, was an NCNC leader.  The NCNC was not backing the creation of the Calabar- River-Ogoja  (COR) state out of the Eastern Region. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the first premier of the old western region, was in custody and on trial for treason by the time the Midwest was created. In principle, Awolowo was not opposed to state creation of Midwest or any other region for that matter. As far back as 1947, Awolowo wrote in his book entitled: “Path to Nigerian Freedom” that the “ultimate goal” of the federalist pursuit should be the following: “Each group, however small, is entitled to the same treatment as any other group, however large… Each group must be autonomous in regard to its internal affairs. Each must have its own Regional House of Assembly.”  That was the position of his party, the Action Group (AG). And under Awolowo’s premiership, the Western House of Assembly in 1955 passed a resolution to back the demand for the creation of the  “Benin-Delta,” state. Benin-Delta state was the original name given to what later became the Midwest Region. Before the resolution, Enahoro, who was also a leader of the AG, had called for a conference in Sapele to demand for a Benin-Delta state.

As Oshiomhole said in his unusually brief goodwill message to the colloquium, telling the story of the factor of the Midwest in the evolution of the Nigerian federalism is a deep service to history. It was remarkable that a good number of young people were in the audience listening to the various perspectives brought into the important reflection.

Eminent historian, Professor Jacob Ade-Ajayi, once remarked that proceeding on the path of development without a good knowledge of history is like driving car without a rear-view mirror.  Doubtless, such a journey could be accident -prone. That’s why those policymakers who once removed history from the school curriculum committed an unforgivable error of judgment with their warped concept of education. A historical retrospection is important in discussing issues such as state creation so that all sides of the debate would be sufficiently illuminated.

All told, 60 years after the creation of the Midwest, the agitation for state creation has not ceased in parts of the country including Edo and Delta states. Looking back into history could, therefore, help in finding the federal solutions to geo-political problems of Nigeria.

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) on Tuesday said it has identified its retail station and the individuals involved in the under-dispensing of fuel to customers in Port-Harcourt, Rivers State.

The oil firm said this in a statement posted via its official X platform on Tuesday.

The NNPCL made this known in reaction to a recent video circulating on social media showing NNPC Retail Ltd service agents under-dispensing fuel to customers in Port-Harcourt.

In its reaction on Tuesday, the NNPCL said it had identified the station and the individuals involved and has taken appropriate disciplinary action against the staff.

“Dear valued customers, our attention has been drawn to a recent video circulating on social media depicting NNPC Retail Ltd. service agents apparently under-dispensing fuel to customers.

“While taking these actions very seriously, we would like to inform the general public that we have identified both the station and the individuals involved and have taken appropriate disciplinary action against the staff,” the NNPCL said.

It said measures have already been put in place to prevent future recurrence of such incidents across our retail network.

The company explained that in the spirit of open and transparent communication with its customers towards effective service improvement, it encourages customers always to report any areas needing improvement at its over 900 stations through its social media channels and customer care lines.

“We regret this unfortunate incident and will continue to uphold the high standards and quality of service that are hallmarks of the NNPC Ltd brand,” it said.

[Premium Times]

The Spanish Football Federation is exploring its options over whether it can sack Women’s World Cup-winning Head Coach, Jorge Vilda.

Vilda remains in post despite most of his coaching staff resigning in protest against Federation President Luis Rubiales’ refusal to quit for kissing squad member Jenni Hermoso after their World Cup win on August 20.

Eighty-one Spain players, including all 23 World Cup winners, have also said they would not play for the team again while Rubiales remained in position.

Vilda was spotted applauding Rubiales at the Spanish Federation’s (RFEF) extraordinary general assembly last Friday, when Rubiales repeatedly insisted he would not resign, though Vilda has since criticised his behaviour. 

The RFEF believes all those incidents combined may give them enough of a case to sack Vilda.

Federation regional leaders held an extraordinary general meeting with interim president Pedro Rocha on Monday where they called for a restructuring of the federation to start a new era.

However, a third of the local football association bosses do not want to push Rubiales out of a job so they only went as far as releasing a statement calling on him to resign, which he has so far refused to do.

Rubiales stood by Vilda in September 2022 when 15 national-team players pulled out of the squad, saying that Vilda’s management was affecting their emotional state and health.

Of those 15, only three opted to return to the Spain squad which went on to beat England in the final in Sydney.

Rubiales, 46, has been widely criticised after the incident that followed that match. Hermoso, 33, said the kiss on her lips was not consensual.

Spanish prosecutors have opened a preliminary investigation into whether the incident amounts to a crime of sexual assault, while Rubiales was suspended on Saturday by world football’s governing body FIFA

[EagleOnline]

The Police Service Commission (PSC) has ordered the compulsory retirement of four Deputy Inspectors-General of Police.

The retirement is coming on the heels of the failure of the affected officers to retire voluntarily following the appointment of their colleague, Olukayode Egbetokun, as the Acting Inspector-General of Police.

The PSC, however, approved the appointment of four Assistant Inspectors-General of Police, Ibrahim Ka’oje, Daniel Sokari-Pedro, Ayuba Ekpeji and Usman Nagogo to the rank of DIGs pending ratification by the board of the commission to replace the retired DIGs.

The spokesperson for the commission, Ikechukwu Ani, disclosed this to journalists in Abuja on Monday, noting that the PSC gave the order in the exercise of its statutory powers pursuant to the Third Schedule, Part 1 M, para A&B of the 1999 Constitution, reinforced with Section 6 of the PSC (Establisment) Act 2001, para a, c, d, e, & f.

He explained that the order became imperative because the PSC had expected those DIGs who were seniors in rank prior to Egbetokun’s appointment as IG, to voluntarily retire, adding that such expected application was in consonance with the revered tradition of discipline and regimented culture of the Nigeria Police Force.

Ani said, “In the wake of the appointment of the acting Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun on June 19, 2023 by Mr President, the Commission had expected in consonance with the revered tradition of discipline and regimented culture of the Nigeria Police Force that those DIGS who were seniors in rank prior to his elevation will voluntarily apply for retirement or elect to leave the Force.

“The Commission, having waited for ample time with no such application from any of them, took the decision to compulsorily retire them in order to uphold discipline which is the bedrock of the Force, and to discourage status reversal which is inherently inimical to the exercise of authority by the Inspector General.”

The newly appointed DIGs, who are without pending disciplinary matters and/or without any serious medical conditions and health impairments, according to Ani, were drawn from the same respective geo-political regions of the retired ones.

The four Deputy Inspectors-General of Police affected include Dan-Mallam Mohammed, Moses Jitiboh, Hafiz Inuwa and Adeleke Bode.

[NewsDirect]